Islam and Islamism
2022; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 14; Issue: 1 Linguagem: Inglês
10.1080/21520844.2022.2146396
ISSN2152-0852
Autores Tópico(s)Terrorism, Counterterrorism, and Political Violence
ResumoABSTRACT In his 2012 book Islamism and Islam, Bassam Tibi argues that Islamism, a political ideology, is quite distinct from Islam, which he defines as a religion focused on faith and spirituality. This article analyzes and evaluates the six arguments that Tibi advances for this thesis and finds all of them unconvincing. The main problem with Tibi's case is that it ignores the figure of Muḥammad, whom Islamic sources uniformly portray as someone who fused politics and religion and sought to overthrow a non-Islamic socio-religious order and to replace it with an Islamic one. For mainstream Muslims, Muḥammad is the perfect role model who possessed divinely granted infallibility against sin and error. Due to Muḥammad's example, as enshrined in classical Islamic sources, Islamists have a strong claim to be following orthodox Islamic principles when they embrace an ideology in which religion and politics are tightly intertwined. The article concludes with some tentative suggestions as to how a Muslim reformer like Tibi might develop more promising arguments for a progressive form of Islam.KEYWORDS: AntisemitismIslamIslamismjihādMuslim Brotherhoodsharī'a Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1 Bassam Tibi, Islamism and Islam (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2012), vii.2 For a good survey of the reasons to be skeptical about these sources, see Robert Hoyland, "Writing the Biography of the Prophet Muhammad: Problems and Solutions," History Compass 5 (2007): 1–22, available online at https://www.academia.edu/3303289/Writing_the_Biography_of_Muhammad. See also M.J. Kister, "The Sirah Literature," The Cambridge History of Arabic Literature. Arabic Literature to the End of the Umayyad Period (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 352–6, available online at http://www.kister.huji.ac.il/content/s%C4%ABrah-literature.3 Thus, references to "Muḥammad" in this article should be read as "Muḥammad as Depicted in the Islamic Tradition," i.e., in the narratives of Ibn Isḥāq, Ibn Hishām, al-Wāqidī, and al-Ṭabarī; in the classical Islamic tafsīr, or commentaries on the Qur'ān, e.g., Tafsīr Ibn Kathīr and Tafsīr al-Jalālayn; and in the classical ḥadīth collections, e.g., Ṣaḥīḥ Bukhārī and Ṣaḥīḥ Muslim.4 Tibi is inconsistent in italicizing Arabic terms in his book. To avoid distracting the reader, the present article italicizes all Arabic terms in quotations from Tibi's text.5 See Joseph Schacht, An Introduction to Islamic Law (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1982), 52–6.6 See also Ed Husain, "Bassam Tibi's 40-Year Fight against Islamic Fundamentalism: The Philosopher on His Hopes for a New Arab Enlightenment," The Spectator, Sept. 2020, available online at https://www.spectator.co.uk/article/bassam-tibis-40-year-fight-against-Islamic-fundamentalism.7 See https://www.clearquran.com/068.html, trans. Talal Itani. N.J. Dawood's translation of 68:4 reads, "for yours is a sublime nature," The Koran, trans. N.J. Dawood, revised Kindle ed. (Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin Books, 2013), 390. A.J. Droge translates this verse very differently, while noting that "the usual translation is 'you are of great (moral) character.'" A.J. Droge, The Qur'an: A New Annotated Translation (Bristol, CT: Equinox, 2013; corrected ed. 2015), 396n4 (verse 68:4).8 Seyyed Hossein Nasr writes, "For Muslims, the Prophet is a Mortal Man, but also God's most Perfect Creature," The Heart of Islam (San Francisco: HarperSanFrancisco, 2004), 28, 36. Akbar Ahmed writes: "for Muslims [Muḥammad] is simply insan-i-kamil, the perfect person," Islam Today: A Short Introduction to the Muslim World (New York: I.B. Tauris Publishers, 1999), 13, 25.9 "Islam Question and Answer," www.islam-qa.com, question #88099, available online at https://islamqa.info/en/answers/88099/he-tells-her-to-shake-hands-with-men-and-threatens-to-divorce-her-if-she-does-not-do-it.10 W. Madelung, "Iṣma," Encyclopedia of Islam, Vol. 4 (Leiden: Brill, 1954), 182–4, and Marianna Klar, "'ISM/'ISMA," in Oliver Leamington ed., The Qur'an: An Encyclopedia (New York: Taylor & Francis, 2006), 318–21.11 Alfred Guillaume, trans., The Life of Muhammad: A Translation of Ibn Ishaq's Sirat Rasul Allah (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1955), 628–9; see also 72, 345, 347. The Qur'ān itself suggests that Muḥammad had an extremely exalted sense of his own importance, e.g., verse 33:56. On the meaning of this verse, see Tilman Nagel, Muhammad's Mission: Religion, Politics, and Power at the Birth of Islam, trans. Joseph S. Spoerl (Boston: DeGruyter Oldenbourg, 2020), 121, 207–8, 299, 304.12 Ahmad ibn Naqib al-Misri, Reliance of the Traveller: A Classic Manual of Islamic Sacred Law, Nuh Ha Mim Keller ed. and trans., revised ed. (Beltsville, MD: Amana Publications, 1994), 700.13 Sahih Bukhari, trans. M. Muhsin Khan, Vol. 9, Book 89, No. 251, available online at https://www.sahih-bukhari.com/.14 Guillaume, The Life of Muhammad, 651.15 Annemarie Schimmel, And Muhammad Is His Messenger: The Veneration of the Prophet in Islamic Piety (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1985), 25.16 Quoted in Ibid., 31.17 Tilman Nagel, Muhammad's Mission, 273; cf. also 59, 65, 66, 68, 76, 78, 90, 91, 93, 98, 108–9, 111, 116, 117, 122, 131, 136–47, 150, 160.18 Guillaume, The Life of Muhammad, 48.19 Ibid., 52.20 Ibid., 53.21 Ibid., 53.22 Ibid., 55–7. Cf. Nagel, Muhammad's Mission, 25ff.23 Guillaume, The Life of Muhammad, 87. Cf. Uri Rubin, "The Ka'ba: Aspects of Its Ritual Functions and Position in Pre-Islamic and Early Islamic Times," Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 8 (1986): 97–131, available online at https://www.academia.edu/6119022/_The_Kaba_Aspects_of_its_Ritual_Functions_.24 Guillaume, The Life of Muhammad, 99–100. For more on the term "ḥanīf" see Nagel, Muhammad's Mission, 45–6.25 Nagel, Muhammad's Mission, 53–6.26 Uri Rubin, "Hanifiyya and Ka'ba: An Inquiry into the Arabian Pre-Islamic Background of Din Ibrahim," Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 13 (1990): 85–112; see 99–103 on Zayd's influence on Muḥammad, available online at https://www.academia.edu/6065751/_Hanifiyya_and_Kaba_An_Inquiry_into_the_Arabian_Pre-Islamic_Background_of_Din_Ibrahim_. See also M.J. Kister, "'A Bag of Meat:' A Study of an early Hadith," Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 33 (1970): 267–75, available online at http://www.kister.huji.ac.il/sites/default/files/Bag_Of_Meat_0.pdf; and Alfred Guillaume, "New Light on the Life of Muhammad," Journal of Semitic Studies, Monograph No. 1 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1960), 7, 26–8.27 Moses here is representing Muḥammad.28 Nagel, Muhammad's Mission, 64–8, 76, 232–3.29 Ibid., 108.30 For detailed arguments, see Joseph S. Spoerl, "The Aim of Warfare in al-Waqidi's Kitab al-Maghazi," Journal of the Middle East and Africa 11, no. 3 (2020): 1–16, DOI: 10.1080/21520844.2020.1764790; Joseph S. Spoerl, "Islam and War: Tradition vs. Modernity," Comparative Islamic Studies 4:1–2 (2008): 181–212, available online at https://www.academia.edu/11975745/_Islam_and_War_Tradition_versus_Modernity_Comparative_Islamic_Studies_Volume_4_Nos._1-2_2008_181-212; and Joseph S. Spoerl, "Tolerance and Coercion in the Sira of Ibn Ishaq," The Levantine Review, 4:1 (2015): 43–66, available online at http://ejournals.bc.edu/ojs/index.php/levantine/article/view/8719.31 Qur'ān 9:5 and 9:29 (as traditionally interpreted). See Nagel, Muhammad's Mission, 145.32 Ibid., 150–2. Cf. W. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad, Prophet and Statesman (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1961), 151–9.33 Nagel, Muhammad's Mission, 32, 60, 74, 92, 136, 142, 143, 145, 146, 163, 165, 231.34 Ibid., 93, 141, 151, 152.35 Ibid., xii, 110, 117, 118, 120, 135.36 Qur'ān, 4:7–12.37 Pre-Islamic Arabs had waged war mainly to exact vengeance in tribal vendettas or to acquire goods by raiding other tribes. The Muḥammad of the early Islamic narratives introduced the new concept of ideological warfare, or jihād, as in e.g., Qur'ān 9:5 and 9:29. See Nagel, Muhammad's Mission, 107–9, 133–47; and Richard A. Gabriel, Muhammad: Islam's First Great General (Norman, OK: The University of Oklahoma Press, 2007; Kindle ed. 2011), Ch. 3. Another secondary source is Ayman S. Ibrahim, The Stated Motivations for the Early Islamic Expansion, 622-641 (New York: Peter Lang, 2018), 4–5, who declares Indeed, Muhammad added a religious element to the tribal concept of raiding: "When the Muslims won, it was Allah who gave the victory; when they lost, it was a lesson of obedience to Allah and his apostle." … the Arab incursions and caravan raids quickly transformed into fighting in Allah's path. Those who died in the battles were martyrs admitted into paradise. This religious element gave cohesion to those believers associated with the umma of Muhammad.38 Nagel, Muhammad's Mission, 89–90, 93, 104–5, 122, 143, 148–50.39 Ibid., 89–91, 110–2, 137–9, 145.40 Qur'ān 9:37. See Nagel, Muhammad's Mission, 14, 143, 149.41 Nagel, Muhammad's Mission, 137.42 Ibid.43 Rizwi Faizer, ed., The Life of Muḥammad: Al-Wāqidī's Kitāb al-Maghāzī, trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail, and AbdulKader Tayob (New York: Taylor and Francis, 2011), 544. See also Sahih Bukhari, Vol. 4, Book 52, No. 196, available online at https://www.sahih-bukhari.com/Pages/Bukhari_4_52.php; Ahmad ibn Naqib al-Misri, Reliance of the Traveller: A Classic Manual of Islamic Sacred Law, Nuh Ha Mim Keller ed. and trans., revised ed. (Beltsville, MD: Amana Publications, 1994), 599; and Efraim Karsh, Islamic Imperialism: A History (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2006), 1.44 Faizer, The Life of Muḥammad, 342, 353; and Guillaume, The Life of Muhammad, 523, 525, 689.45 Nagel, Muhammad's Mission, 14.46 Uri Rubin, "Qur'an and Poetry: More Data concerning the Qur'anic Jizya Verse ('An Yadin)," Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 31 (2006): 139–46 at 144, available online at http://www.urirubin.com/yahoo_site_admin/assets/docs/Rubin-an_yadin.86222444.pdf; and M.J. Kister, "'An Yadin" (Qur'an IX/29): An Attempt at Interpretation," Arabica 11 (1964): 272–8, available online at http://www.kister.huji.ac.il/content/%CA%BF-yadin-qur%C4%81n-ix29-attempt-interpretation.47 Schacht, An Introduction to Islamic Law, 131.48 Yohanan Friedmann, "'Islam is Superior … '," The Jerusalem Quarterly 11 (1979): 39.49 Quoted in Bernard Lewis, The Jews of Islam (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984), 14–5.50 Qur'ān 2:59, 2:75, 2:79, 2:89, 2:101, 2:140, 2:146, 2:159–160, 2:174, 2:211, 3:70–72, 3:78. See also Alfred Guillaume, The Life of Muhammad, 247ff., for Ibn Ishāq's interpretation of Sura 2.51 W. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad: Prophet and Statesman (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1961), 114, 130, 191–193; and Joseph S. Spoerl, "Muhammad and the Jews according to Ibn Ishaq," The Levantine Review 2:1 (2013): 84–103, available online at https://www.academia.edu/12425107/_Muhammad_and_the_Jews_According_to_Ibn_Ishaq_The_Levantine_Review_Volume_2_No.1_2013_pp._84-103.52 Tafsir Ibn Kathir, abridged and translated by Shaykh Safiur-Rahman al-Mubarakpuri et al., second edition (Riyadh: Darrussalam, 2003), Vol. 4, 178 (verse 7:157).53 Guillaume, The Life of Muhammad, 240–1.54 Majid Khadduri writes that the Covenant of Umar "Was Regarded by all i.e. by Ijma' [consensus of the Scholars]) as the Definitive Law Governing the Relations of the Dhimmis with Islam." Majid Khadduri, War and Peace in the Law of Islam (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1955), 193–5. On the treatment of Jews and Christians under Muslim rule, see A.S. Tritton, The Caliphs and Their Non-Muslim Subjects: A Critical Study of the Covenant of Umar (London: Frank Cass, 1930; repr. 1970); Bat Ye'or, The Dhimmi: Jews and Christians Under Islam, trans. David Maisel et al. (Rutherford, NJ: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1985); S.D. Goitein, "Evidence on the Muslim Poll Tax from Non-Muslim Sources: A Geniza Study," Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 6, no. 3 (1963): 278–95; and Norman A. Stillman, The Jews of Arab Lands: A History and Source Book (Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1979).55 Tafsir Ibn Kathir, abridged and translated by Shaykh Safiur-Rahman al-Mubarakpuri et al., second edition (Riyadh: Darrussalam, 2003), Vol. 4, 404–13 (verses 9:29–35).56 Jalalu'din al-Mahalli and Jalalu'din As-Suyuti, Tafsir Al-Jalalayn, trans. Aisha Bewley (London: Dar al-Taqwa, 2007), 404–5 (verse 9:29).57 Schacht, An Introduction to Islamic Law, 1.58 Bernard Lewis, The Political Language of Islam (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1988), 28.59 Ibid., 31.60 Ella Landau Tasseron, "'Non-Combatants' in Muslim Legal Thought," Hudson Institute, Center on Islam, Democracy, and the Future of the Muslim World: Research Monographs on the Muslim World, Series No. 1, Paper No. 3, Dec. 2006, available online at http://www.currenttrends.org/docLib/20061226_NoncombatantsFinal.pdf. Cf. Joseph S. Spoerl, "Jihad and Just War," The Levantine Review 2, no. 2 (2013): 159–97, available online at http://ejournals.bc.edu/ojs/index.php/levantine/article/view/5362.61 James Turner Johnson, The Holy War Idea in Western and Islamic Traditions (University Park, PA: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1997), 154–5. See also "Ghazi" in Gerhard Böwering ed., The Princeton Encyclopedia of Islamic Political Thought (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2013).62 al-Misri, Reliance of the Traveller: A Classic Manual of Islamic Sacred Law, 602 (o9.6). And of course, even if the leadership of a caliph were necessary for the legitimacy of a jihād (for Sunnis), the Islamic State group has found a solution: declare your own leader to be a caliph.63 David Cook, Understanding Jihad (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005), 164 (the wording is unchanged in the second edition, 2015, 180).64 Hasan al-Banna, Five Tracts of Hasan Al-Banna: A Selection from the Majmu at Rasail al-Imam al-Shahid Hasan al-Banna, trans. and annotated by Charles Wendell (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978), 3. Gudrun Krämer observes: "Contrary to widespread perceptions of Islamic scholars and Islamic activists as being locked in perpetual conflict, the Muslim Brothers attracted a significant following among religious scholars (and not just the lower echelons) … ." Gudrun Krämer, Hasan al-Banna (Oxford: Oneworld Publications, 2010), 41.65 See Joseph S. Spoerl, "Hamas, Islam, and Israel," Journal of Conflict Studies 26, no. 1 (2006): 3–15, available online at https://www.academia.edu/14689462/_Hamas_Islam_and_Israel_Journal_of_Conflict_Studies_Vol._26_No._1_Summer_2006_pp._3-15; and Joseph S. Spoerl, "Hamas: Its Past, Present, and Future," in Thomas E. Copeland et alia eds., Drawing a Line in the Sea: The 2010 Gaza Flotilla Incident and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2011), 69–85, https://www.academia.edu/12370315/_Hamas_Its_Past_Present_and_Future_in_Thomas_Copeland_et_al._eds._Drawing_A_Line_In_the_Sea_The_2010_Gaza_Flotilla_Incident_and_the_Israeli-Palestinian_Conflict_Lexington_Books_Lanham_MD_2011_pp._69-85.66 Daniel Lav, Radical Islam and the Revival of Medieval Theology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 2. Lav is quoting from Ira M. Lapidus, "Islamic Revival and Modernity: The Contemporary and the Historical Paradigms," Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 40, no. 4 (1997): 444–60 at 447–8.67 Lav, Radical Islam and the Revival of Medieval Theology, 2–3.68 E.g., Bassam Tibi, "War and Peace in Islam," in Terry Nardin ed., The Ethics of War and Peace: Religious and Secular Perspectives (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1996), 128–145.69 Tibi, "War and Peace in Islam," 131.70 Majid Khadduri, War and Peace in the Law of Islam (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1955), 44–5.71 Yohanan Friedmann, "'Islam is superior … '," The Jerusalem Quarterly 11 (1979), 36–42.72 Hasan al-Banna, Five Tracts of Hasan al-Banna: A Selection from the Majmu at Rasail al-Imam al-Shahid Hasan al-Banna, trans. and annotated by Charles Wendell (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978), 71–2.73 W, Montgomery Watt, Muhammad: Prophet and Statesman (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1961), 215–9.74 For many examples of this dating back to Muḥammad himself and his companions, see Nagel, Muhammad's Mission, 173–83.75 Emmanuel Sivan, Radical Islam: Medieval Theology and Modern Politics, enlarged edition (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1985), 93.76 Al-Banna, Five Tracts, 6.77 Ira Lapidus has argued that Islamic history in fact encompasses a variety of models of the relationship between religion and state: Ira Lapidus, "State and Religion in Islamic Societies," Past and Present 151, no. 1 (1996): 3–27. Nonetheless, even Lapidus admits that Islamic history began with the model of Muḥammad, in whom religious and political authority were unified. And even in the models that most separated sacred from secular authority – e.g., those of the Ottomans and Safavids – Lapidus acknowledges that the political authorities enforced a "state-dominated version of Islam," which hardly resembles a secular state.78 Majid Fakhry, A History of Islamic Philosophy, third ed. (New York: Columbia University Press, 2004), 218. Cf. Ahmad ibn Naqib al-Misri, Reliance of the Traveller, 2–3; Richard M. Frank, "Moral Obligation in Classical Muslim Theology," Journal of Religious Ethics 11 (1983): 204–23; and Patricia Crone, God's Rule: Government and Islam (New York: Columbia University Press, 2004), 264.79 As one ʾAshʿarī thinker puts it, "The Ethical valuations (ahkam) of Actions are Grounded Neither in the Acts Themselves nor in their Properties; They are Grounded Simply in what God Says." Frank, "Moral Obligation in Classical Muslim Theology," 207. Frank quotes another ʾAshʿarī scholar who writes, "he who does not validly know the law does not validly know that a bad action is bad" (208). See also Eric Ormsby, Ghazali: The Revival of Islam (Oxford: Oneworld Publications, 2008), 14–5.80 "The position of the Asharis … is that the mind is unable to know the rule of Allah about the acts of those morally responsible except by means of His messengers and inspired books. For minds are in obvious disagreement about acts. Some minds find certain acts good, others find them bad … . [Consequently,] The good is not what reason considers good, nor the bad what reason considers bad. The measure of good and bad … is the Sacred Law, not reason." Ahmad ibn Naqib al-Misri, Reliance of the Traveller, 2–3 (a1.3–4). "The Mutazilite thesis, that what is good and bad, obligatory and wholly wrong, is known intuitively, is denied on the basis of the observed fact that there is no universal agreement among prudent and intelligent men regarding these values." Frank, "Moral Obligation in Classical Muslim Theology," 208.81 Ahmad ibn Naqib al-Misri, Reliance of the Traveller, 1030. See also the radical, skeptical rejection of philosophy and Islamic rationalism in Ibn Khaldun, The Muqaddimah: An Introduction to History, trans. Franz Rosenthal, abridged and edited by N. J. Dawood (Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2015), 348–54, 398–405, and the discussion in Edward Grant, The Foundations of Modern Science in the Middle Ages (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 176–86.82 See Immanuel Kant, Religion within the Bounds of Reason Alone, trans. Werner Pluhar (Cambridge and Indianapolis: Hacket Publishing Co, 2009).83 On the antirationalist and fideistic tendencies of mainstream Islam, see Nagel, Muhammad's Mission, 171–95. For the rationalism of medieval Western Christianity, and its (much less severe) limits, see Edward Grant, God and Reason in the Middle Ages (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001).84 See Fakhry, A History of Islamic Philosophy, third ed., 67–95; and Kevin Staley, "Al-Kindi on Creation: Aristotle's Challenge to Islam," Journal of the History of Ideas 50, no. 3 (1989): 355–70.85 Guillaume, The Life of Muhammad, 256. For a detailed discussion, see Joseph S. Spoerl, "Tolerance and Coercion in the Sira of Ibn Ishaq," The Levantine Review 4, no. 1 (2015): 43–66, available online at https://www.academia.edu/12425114/_Tolerance_and_Coercion_in_the_Sira_of_Ibn_Ishaq_The_Levantine_Review_Volume_4_No._1_Spring_2015_pp._43-66.86 Spoerl, "The Aim of Warfare in al-Waqidi's Kitab al-Maghazi," 1–16. For examples of religious compulsion in al-Wāqidī, see Faizer, The Life of Muhammad, 96, 99, 154, 168, 183, 199, 275–6, 316, 321, 349, 358, 403, 467, 473–4, 477–8, 481, 484, 511, 529, 548. Cf. The History of al-Tabari, Vol. IX, The Last Years of the Prophet, trans. Ismail K. Poonawala (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 82ff.87 Tafsir Ibn Kathir, abridged and translated by Shaykh Safiur-Rahman al-Mubarakpuri et al., second edition (Riyadh: Darrussalam, 2003), Vol. 2, 30 (verse 2:256).88 Tafsir al-Jalalayn, Bewley trans., 97 (verse 2:256).89 Yohanan Friedmann, Tolerance and Coercion in Islam: Interfaith Relations in the Muslim Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 94. Cf. Rudi Paret, "Sure 2, 256: Lā Ikrāha fi d-Dīni. Toleranz oder Resignation?" Der Islam 45 (1969): 299–300.90 Friedmann, Tolerance and Coercion in Islam, 94–5.91 Ibid., 97–8.92 Ibid., 102. Cf. David S. Powers, "The Exegetical Genre nasikh al-Qur'an wa mansukhuhu," in Andrew Rippin ed., Approaches to the History of the Interpretation of the Qur'an (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988), 117–38.93 Friedmann, Tolerance and Coercion, 103–4.94 Ibid., 7–8, 121–59.95 Guillaume, The Life of Muhammad, 165.96 Ibid., 165–7. Cf. The History of al-Tabari, Vol. VI, Muhammad at Mecca, trans. W. Montgomery Watt and M.V. McDonald (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1988), 146–7.97 Friedmann, Tolerance and Coercion in Islam, 88.98 On verse 9:5, see: Tafsir al-Jalalayn, Bewley trans., 398 (verse 9:5); Tafsir Ibn Kathir, al-Mubarakpuri trans., Vol. 4, 375–7 (verse 9:5); Nagel, Muhammad's Mission, 141–3; Uri Rubin, "Barā'a: A Study of Some Quranic Passages," Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 5 (1984): 13–32, available online at http://www.urirubin.com/yahoo_site_admin/assets/docs/Baraa-reduced.10621529.pdf; Reuven Firestone, Jihad: The Origins of Holy War in Islam (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), 88–9; F.E. Peters, Muhammad and the Origins of Islam (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 244; and David Cook, Understanding Jihad, second ed. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2015), 9–10.99 Guillaume, Life of Muhammad, 552, 565, 615–7.100 Faizer, The Life of Muhammad, 409–11, 428–9, 452, 473–6.101 The History of al-Tabari, Vol. VIII, The Victory of Islam, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1997), 187–8.102 Daniel Pipes, "Islam vs. Islamism," National Review, May 14, 2013, available online at https://www.nationalreview.com/2013/05/islam-vs-islamism-daniel-pipes/.103 Al-Banna, Five Tracts, 36; cf. 75.104 Cf. F.E. Peters, "The Quest of the Historical Muhammad," International Journal of Middle East Studies 23/3 (1991), 291–315; Fred Donner, Muhammad and the Believers: At the Origins of Islam (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2010), 39–56. Here it is essential to avoid the fallacy of affirming the unreliability of the early sources and then constructing alternative portraits of Muḥammad based on selective use of those same sources plus a heavy dose of wishful thinking, as in Juan Cole, Muhammad: Prophet of Peace amid the Clash of Empires (New York: Nation Books, 2018). For a cogent critique of Cole's book, see Ayman S. Ibrahim's review in the Review of Qur'anic Research 5, 2 (2019), available online at https://www.academia.edu/38668059/Review_of_Muhammad_Prophet_of_Peace_Amid_the_Clash_of_Empires_by_Juan_Cole as well as the review by Diego Sarrio Cucarella in Islamochristiana 45 (2019): 433–9, available online at https://www.academia.edu/40185195/Review_of_Juan_COLE_2018_Muhammad_Prophet_of_Peace_Amid_the_Clash_of_Empires.105 See Qur'ān 3:144 and Guillaume, Life of Muhammad, 683.106 On the early openness of Muslims to the learning of ancient Greece, see Fakhry, A History of Islamic Philosophy, third ed., 1–37.107 On the wide diversity of belief and practice among Muslims, see Ali A. Rizvi, The Atheist Muslim (New York: St. Martin's Press, 2016).Additional informationNotes on contributorsJoseph S. SpoerlJoseph S. Spoerl is a Professor of Philosophy at Saint Anselm College, where he has taught since 1990. He holds B.A. and M.A. degrees from Boston University and M.A. and Ph.D. degrees from the University of Toronto. He has published articles on a variety of topics in philosophy as well as on Islamic history, Islamist ideologies, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and antisemitism.
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