Artigo Revisado por pares

V irgil's F ourth E clogue and the E leusinian M ysteries 1

2007; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 82; Issue: 1 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1080/00397670802337775

ISSN

1502-7805

Autores

Helène Whittaker,

Tópico(s)

Historical, Religious, and Philosophical Studies

Resumo

Abstract This article argues that Virgil's Fourth Eclogue can in part be understood in light of the influence of the Eleusinian Mysteries on Roman religion. In particular, it argues that the child can be compared with Ploutos and that the return of the Virgo reflects the myth of Persephone. The myths of Demeter at Eleusis are assimilated to the Roman myth of a golden age under the rule of Saturnus. The return of Persephone from the Underworld and the birth of the child signify an end to war. The possible significance of the poem to Augustan propaganda is also discussed. Notes 1. I am grateful to my colleague Timothy Saunders for comments on various versions of this paper. 2. As pointed out by Leach 1974 Leach , E. W. ( 1974 ) Virgil's Eclogues. Landscapes of Experience . Ithaca . [Google Scholar], 218, ultima can signify both first and last. 3. That the depiction of children is meant to represent the continuity and future of the Roman people has been argued with regard to Roman Imperial art by Uzzi 2005 Uzzi , J. D. ( 2005 ) Children in the Visual Arts of Imperial Rome . Cambridge . [Google Scholar]. Gómez Pallarès 2001 Gómez Pallarès, J. 2001. “Sobre Virg., Buc. 4.18-25, puer nascens y la tradición de la écfrasis en Roma”. Emerita, 69: 93–114. [Google Scholar] has proposed that Vergil's description of the Golden Age, including the motif of the child, can be understood as an ecphrasis of an imagined work of art consisting of elements found in visual representations pertaining to the passage of time. A small child accompanies the figure of Tellus on the Gemma Augustea, while the description of the vegetation in the Fourth Eclogue can be seen in relation to the floral imagery which is common in depictions of the Horae. 4. Syme 1939 Syme , R. ( 1939 ) The Roman Revolution . Oxford . 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Harrison (2007, 41) suggests that the identity of the child is deliberately left open and that Virgil had both Octavian and Antonius in mind as possible fathers. For further discussion on the question of the child's identity see: Coleman 1977 Coleman , R. ( 1977 ) Vergil, Eclogues . Cambridge . [Google Scholar], 150–154; Coleiro 1979 Coleiro , E. ( 1979 ) An Introduction to Vergil's Bucolics with a Critical Edition of the Text . Amsterdam . [Google Scholar], 223–235; Benko 1980 Benko , S. ( 1980 ) ‘‘Virgil's Fourth Eclogue in Christian Interpretation’’ , ANRW 2.31 , 1 : 646 – 705 . [Google Scholar], 685–687; Briggs 1981 Briggs, W. W. 1981. A Bibliography of Virgil's Eclogues”. ANRW, 2.31,2: 1270–1357. [Google Scholar], 1313–1316; Perutelli 1995 Perutelli , A. ( 1995 ) “Bucolics” , in : N. Horsfall A Companion to the Study of Virgil . Leiden, New York , pp. 27 – 62 . Köln . [Google Scholar], 60–61. 5. Contra Griffin (1986, 27–29) who believes that the poem was written to celebrate C. Asinius Pollio's entrance into office as consul at the beginning of 40 BC. He argues that Virgil's poem should be seen as a dream or a fantasy of a peaceful world rather than as a response to a definite political event. See also Coleiro (1979, 219–221) for a summary of the views those scholars who do not see any connection between the treaty of Brundisium and the poem. 6. Du Quesnay 1976 Du Quesnay , I. M. Le M. ( 1976 ) “Vergil's Fourth Eclogue” , in : P. Hardie Virgil. Critical Assessments of Classical Authors . pp. 283 – 350 . London . [Google Scholar], 322–328; Harrison 2007 Harrison , S. ( 2007 ) Generic Enrichment in Virgil and Horace . Oxford . [Google Scholar], 39; Fordyce 1961 Fordyce , C. J. ( 1961 ) Catullus. A Commentary . Oxford . [Google Scholar], 318, ad loc. 7. The sentence is impossible to translate as, in addition to the fact that the meaning of patriis is ambiguous, patriis virtutibus can be read with pacatum, with reget, or with both at the same time. 8. Nisbet 1978 Nisbet, R. G. M. 1978. “Virgil's Fourth Eclogue. Easterners and Westerners”. BICS, 25: 59–78. [Google Scholar], 62, 66, 71; Wallace-Hadrill 1982 Wallace-Hadrill, A. 1982. “The Golden Age and Sin in Augustan Ideology”. Past and Present, 95: 19–36. [Google Scholar], 11; Gatz 1967 Gatz , B. ( 1967 ) Weltalter, goldene Zeit und sinnverwandte Vorstellungen . Hildesheim . [Google Scholar], 171–172; Coleiro 1979 Coleiro , E. ( 1979 ) An Introduction to Vergil's Bucolics with a Critical Edition of the Text . Amsterdam . [Google Scholar], 235–239. Lactantius in the fourth century was apparently the first to connect the child in the Fourth Eclogue with the birth of Christ and the Jewish tradition of the coming of the Messiah (Institutiones Divinae 7.24). 9. King James Version available at http://quod.lib.umich.edu/k/kjv/index.html. The verse in Isaiah is cited in the Gospel of Matthew (1.23) as a prophecy of the birth of Christ. 10. Any direct connection between the Fourth Eclogue and Isaiah can with almost complete certainty be rejected on the grounds of improbability. The Old Testament had not yet been translated into Latin. Virgil could conceivably have read or browsed through the Septuaginta, but it is hard to see why he would have. 11. Lightfoot 2007 Lightfoot , J. L. ( 2007 ) The Sibylline Oracles. With Introduction, Translation, and Commentary on the First and Second Books . Oxford . [Google Scholar], 235–237; the biblical passages in the oracles are based on the text of the Septuaginta. 12. (Geffcken 1902 Geffcken , J. ( 1902 ) Die Oracula Sibyllina (Die griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller 8) . Leipzig . [Google Scholar], III.788–795, TLG). 13. Gruen 1998 Gruen , E. ( 1998 ) “Jews, Greeks, and Romans in the Third Sibylline Oracle” , in : M. Goodman Jews in a Graeco-Roman World . pp. 15 – 36 . Oxford . [Google Scholar]. 14. Parke 1988 Parke , H. W. 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[Google Scholar], compares the child to child-saviors in myths of Herakles and Dionysus. See also Brisson 1992 Brisson , Jean-Paul ( 1992 ) Rome et l’âge d'or de Catulle à Ovide, vie et mort d'un mythe . Paris . [Google Scholar], 75–107 for the suggestion that the child is Dionysus. In an influential article on the eastern and western elements in the Fourth Eclogue, Nisbet 1978 Nisbet, R. G. M. 1978. “Virgil's Fourth Eclogue. Easterners and Westerners”. BICS, 25: 59–78. [Google Scholar], 62 mentions the occurrence of divine children in Greek myth, but he does not develop the idea and accepts an eastern origin. 18. Coleman 1977 Coleman , R. ( 1977 ) Vergil, Eclogues . Cambridge . [Google Scholar], 133; Clausen 1994 Clausen , W. ( 1994 ) A Commentary on Virgil's Eclogues . Oxford . [Google Scholar], 121. Coleman states that Virgil cannot have found the motif in Greek or Roman sources while Clausen asserts that the idea of a prodigious birth is foreign to the Graeco-Roman tradition. 19. 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The Poems and Fragments (edited with introduction, notes and prose translation). Hildesheim . [Google Scholar], 411). 28. Pausanias 1.8.2; 9.16,2. 29. Vierneisel-Schlörb 1979 Vierneisel-Schlörb , B. ( 1979 ) Klassische Skulpturen des 5. und 4. Jahrhunderts v. Chr. Glyptothek München. Katalog der Skulpturen Band II . München . [Google Scholar], 255–273; La Rocca 1974; Landwehr 1985 Landwehr , C. ( 1985 ) Die antiken Gipsabgüsse aus Baiae. Griechische Bronzestatuen in Abgüssen römischer Zeit . Berlin . [Google Scholar], 103–104; Stafford 2000 Stafford , E. ( 2000 ) Worshipping Virtues. Personification and the Divine in Ancient Greece . Oxford . [Google Scholar], 178–184. The best preserved and most commonly illustrated example is in the Glyptothek in Munich. 30. It could almost be seen as a representation in marble of line 60, Incipe, parve puer, risu cognoscere matrem. That specific works of art are reflected in Virgil's works has been convincingly argued, although most often with respect to the Aeneid (cf. Harrison 2006 Harrison , S. ( 2006 ) “The Epic and the Monuments. Interactions between Virgil's Aeneid and the Augustan Building Programme” , in : M. J. Clarke , B. G. F. Currie and R. O. A. M. Lyne Epic Interactions. Perspectives on Homer, Virgil, and the Epic Tradition Presented to Jasper Griffin by Former Pupils . pp. 159 – 183 . Oxford . [Google Scholar]). The statue of Eirene and Ploutos at Cumae dates to the second half of the first century BC (La Rocca 1974). It must be emphasized that most scholars prefer to date it to the Imperial period. La Rocca suggests that its significance is related to the peace propaganda of Augustus. That the Cumae replica is of Augustan date is seen as probable also by Vierneisel-Schlörb 1979 Vierneisel-Schlörb , B. ( 1979 ) Klassische Skulpturen des 5. und 4. Jahrhunderts v. Chr. Glyptothek München. 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Her transformation into a constellation is not mentioned and she is not called Virgo. 55. Cf. Hardie 1998 Hardie , P. ( 1998 ) Virgil . Oxford . [Google Scholar], 6; Nisbet 1978 Nisbet, R. G. M. 1978. “Virgil's Fourth Eclogue. Easterners and Westerners”. BICS, 25: 59–78. [Google Scholar], 59; the Eclogues elsewhere contain references to Sicily as the home of pastoral poetry (Ecl. 6, 1–2). See Cicero. Verr. 2.4.106–107; Diodoros 5.4.2 on the association between Sicily and the myth of Persephone. 56. Bayet 1951 Bayet, J. 1951. “Les Cerialia, altération d'un culte latin par le mythe grec’’. Revue Belge de Philologie et d'Histoire, 29(5–32): 341–366. [Google Scholar], 342–343; Chirassi Colombo 1981, 411–416; Gesztelyi 1981, 429–435; Scullard 1981 Scullard , H. H. ( 1981 ) Festivals and Ceremonies of the Roman Republic . Ithaca, New York . [Google Scholar], 204; Spaeth 1996 Spaeth , B. S. ( 1996 ) The Roman Goddess Ceres . Austin, Texas . [Google Scholar], 5–6, 34–37, 44–45. According to Varro (De re rustica 7.16) Cererem nihil aliud esse quam terram. The two deities had festivals in common, and statues of Ceres stood within the sanctuary of Tellus in Rome (Dio. Hal. 8.79). 57. See for example Cicero De Natura Deorum 3.52 Iam si est Ceres a gerendo – ita enim dicebas – terra ipsa dea est (et ita habetur; quae enim alia Tellus?). 58. Cf. Du Qesnay 1976 (1999), 330–333; Harrison 2007 Harrison , S. ( 2007 ) Generic Enrichment in Virgil and Horace . Oxford . [Google Scholar], 38. 59. Livius 4.25.3; Dion.Hal. 6.17.2–4. Peterson 1919 Peterson , R. M. ( 1919 ) The Cults of Campania . Rome . [Google Scholar], 24–26; Pugliese Caratelli 1976, 326–327, 344; Gagé 1955, 38–53; Amalfitano et al. 1990 Amalfitano , P. , G. Camodeca and M. Medri ( 1990 ) I Campi Flegrei. Un itinerario archeologico . Venezia . [Google Scholar], 279; De Cazanove 1990, 383–384; Caputo et al. 1996 Caputo , P. , R. Morichi R. Paone and P. Rispoli ( 1996 ) Cuma e il suo parco archeologico. 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Un territorio e le sue testimonianze . Roma . [Google Scholar], 83. In view of the fact that the role of Apollo in the Fourth Eclogue is often seen as a reference to the patron god of Octavian, it is worth emphasizing that before the establishment of his cult on the Palatine after Actium, the Roman Apollo was primarily a god of healing; cf. Liebeschutz 1979 Liebeschutz , J. H. W. G. ( 1979 ) Change and Continuity in Roman Religion . Oxford . [Google Scholar], 83; Beard, North, and Price 1998 Beard , M. , J. North and S. Price ( 1998 ) Religions of Rome. Volume I. A History . Cambridge . [Google Scholar], 199. 66. Cf. Johnston 1980 Johnston , P. ( 1980 ) Virgil's Agricultural Golden Age. A Study of the Georgics . Leiden . [Google Scholar], 62–89; Schiebe 1997 Schiebe , M. W. ( 1997 ) Vergil und die Tradition von den römischen Urkönigen . Stuttgart . [Google Scholar]. The restoration of the Temple of Saturnus on the Forum in 43 BC must constitute part of the historical background to the return of the Saturnian Age in the Fourth Eclogue. The repair of the temple to one of Italy's oldest gods in one of Rome's darkest hours, could in retrospect be seen as a material prediction of the age of peace and prosperity that the the treaty of Brundisium actualized. 67. Gatz 1967 Gatz , B. ( 1967 ) Weltalter, goldene Zeit und sinnverwandte Vorstellungen . Hildesheim . [Google Scholar], 90; Coleman 1977 Coleman , R. ( 1977 ) Vergil, Eclogues . Cambridge . [Google Scholar], 132; Clausen 1994 Clausen , W. ( 1994 ) A Commentary on Virgil's Eclogues . Oxford . [Google Scholar], 121; Wallace-Hadrill 1982 Wallace-Hadrill, A. 1982. “The Golden Age and Sin in Augustan Ideology”. Past and Present, 95: 19–36. [Google Scholar], 20–21. The question of whether Hesiod conceived of the possibility that the Golden Age might return is, however, actually somewhat unclear, since he does seem to envision an end to the Iron Age, into which he is so unlucky to have been born (174–175). 68. Nisbet 1978 Nisbet, R. G. M. 1978. “Virgil's Fourth Eclogue. Easterners and Westerners”. BICS, 25: 59–78. [Google Scholar], 63. See Wallace-Hadrill 1982 Wallace-Hadrill, A. 1982. “The Golden Age and Sin in Augustan Ideology”. Past and Present, 95: 19–36. [Google Scholar], 25–27 for a discussion of scelus as civil war in Roman literature, primarily with reference to Horace. 69. The Greek word for iron σιδρoς can also be used to denote a weapon, but the conceptual link between warfare and iron would seem less obvious in Greek than it is in Latin. 70. In the Aeneid (8.324–327) the golden age under the rule of Saturnus is decribed as a time of peace. 71. O fortunatus nimium, sua si bona norint/agricolas! Quibus ipsa, procul discordibus armis/ fundit humo facilem victum iustissima Tellus (458–460). a. aureus hanc vitam in terris Saturnus agebat; / necdum etiam audierant inflari classica, necdum / imposi

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