Australia and alcohol: living down the legend
2005; Wiley; Volume: 100; Issue: 7 Linguagem: Inglês
10.1111/j.1360-0443.2005.01155.x
ISSN1360-0443
Autores Tópico(s)Gambling Behavior and Treatments
ResumoAddictionVolume 100, Issue 7 p. 891-896 Free Access Australia and alcohol: living down the legend First published: 14 June 2005 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1360-0443.2005.01155.xCitations: 14AboutSectionsPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat THE COLONIAL PERIOD In an exploration of the emergence of Australian national identity Ward (1978) commented on the drinking capacity of early settlers: To judge from contemporary accounts, no people on the face of the earth ever absorbed more alcohol per head of population (p. 59). This image of the heavy-drinking Australian is now part of Australian myth and has its historical roots in the first days of the colony. Once the convicts from the First Fleet had been landed a special ration of rum was provided to all, which led to a night of drinking and debauchery unparalleled in the history of colonial settlement (Freeland 1966). In the early days of settlement alcohol fulfilled many functions. Both convicts and gaolers were in a harsh environment, far from home, so alcohol, in the form of rum, provided entertainment and escape. Hard currency was scarce, so rum became an alternative form of payment. The officers of the military garrison, the so called ‘Rum Corps’, established control over the commercial life of the colony through their control of the rum trade, so alcohol meant power. The consumption of alcohol in early colonial times was, however, probably not as great as legend and cursory analysis would have it. Powell (1988) considered the raw per capita consumption data to be misleading, because it did not take into account the high proportion of male drinkers in the population. In reality, drinking patterns in colonial Australia did not differ greatly from other countries with an Anglo-Saxon culture and by modern standards, annual consumption per drinker in 1800–04 of 13.1 litres of alcohol was not remarkable (Powell 1988). However, the myth remains a powerful normative influence for contemporary drinkers. Alcohol was certainly consumed in great quantities by some groups in the colonial population, but it probably had its most devastating impact on Aboriginal people. Langton (1993) considered that during the frontier period of Australia's settlement alcohol was used to engage Aboriginal people, to exchange for sexual favours, as payment for labour and to incite fighting as street entertainment. Alcohol was part of the dispossession process and more than 200 years later the stereotype of the ‘drunken Aborigine’ still influences the way Aboriginal people are treated in Australian society. As Australia developed in the early 19th century the focus of drinking became the public house or pub. This was an austere environment that reflected the masculine character and egalitarian aspirations of early Australian society (Room 1988). Powell (1988) reported that in 1837, Sydney, with a population of 23 000, had 224 licensed taverns and numerous illegal sly grog shops. The pub was an important social focus for the working-class man in an era when there were few leisure facilities. However, the male camaraderie they engendered had its dark side in drunkenness, violence, vandalism and general public disorder. Excessive and rapid drinking was encouraged by the practice of ‘the shout’ whereby each man in a group was expected in turn to buy drinks for all. Patronage was encouraged by the provision of cheap or free food (Powell 1988). These practices continued to shape the pattern of Australian drinking well into the latter part of the 20th century. A CHANGING SOCIETY Industrialization and suburbanization became powerful influences in Australia towards the end of the 19th century. These forces emphasized material security and relied heavily on order, authority and conformism. The cultural tide was turning against heavy drinking and in this environment the temperance movement became increasingly influential—to the point where it became the dominant official morality. Room (1988), however, noted that a counter tradition always existed and very effectively caricatured prohibitionists as ‘wowsers’. The Australian poet C. J. Dennis captured the term's derisive intent in his description of a wowser. An ineffably pious person who mistakes the world for a penitentiary and himself for a warder (Stollznow 2003, p. 5). Nobody professing to uphold Australian values would want to be considered a wowser and this image has been an effective deterrent, until quite recently, to speaking against the ready availability of alcohol (Room 1988). During this period per capita alcohol consumption fell substantially, which in part was due probably to the temperance movement's success in persuading state colonial governments to limit the availability of alcohol. In the 1880s the NSW and Queensland governments banned the sale of alcohol on Sunday and the minimum age at which alcohol could be purchased was progressively raised in all Australian jurisdictions (Dunstan 1974; Powell 1988). However, the temperance movement in Australia never achieved the social impact of its American counterpart. Even its greatest success, the early closing of hotels during the First World War, came about more because it seemed proper to cut back on leisure activity at a time when Australian men were fighting and dying overseas than because it held the promise of reducing consumption (Grant & Serle 1983). CHANGING PATTERNS OF CONSUMPTION The increasing dominance of suburban culture, combined with powerful legislation to control availability of alcohol, meant that consumption of alcohol continued to decline in the early part of the 20th century. The Great Depression added economic constraint to this mix and by 1932 Australians were drinking less than 2.5 litres of alcohol per person (Room 1988). After the Second World War prosperity returned and alcohol consumption increased dramatically between 1945 and 1950. There was another boost in consumption from the early 1960s to the early 1970s. Total population per capita consumption remained in the range 9.3–9.8 litres of pure alcohol between 1973/74 and 1983/84 and has since gradually declined (World Advertising Research Center Ltd 2004). Beverage preference has also changed since the war. Most alcohol in Australia is still drunk in the form of beer: 5 litres out of total adult per capita consumption of 9 litres in 1995/98 (Catalano et al. 2001). The proportion of alcohol consumed as spirits has risen since the war, but still only accounts for 15–16% of total consumption (Room 1988; Catalano et al. 2001). The big changes have been increased non-fortified wine consumption and the switch from full strength to low alcohol beer. Australians drank 0.9 litres of-non-fortified wine in 1956, which rose to 18.7 litres in 1986 ( Commonwealth Department of Health 1988). Wine, as a proportion of alcohol consumed, has stayed fairly steady since then. In 1977 only two brands of low alcohol beer were sold and they accounted for a miniscule proportion of the market (Room 1988). However, by 1995/96 low alcohol beer accounted for 18% of all beer and 10% of all alcohol sold by volume of alcohol (Catalano et al. 2001). In terms of beverage volume this would represent an even greater proportion of the market. The most recent consumption trend is the emerging popularity of premixed, alcoholic sodas, particularly among young women. A survey of alcohol use by Australian secondary school students indicated that in 2002 this type of beverage was preferred by 47% of 12–17-year-old female drinkers, an increase from 23% in 1999 (White & Hayman 2004). The current trend of declining overall consumption is driven by a complex mix of factors that relate to the changing nature of Australian society and changes to the regulation of alcohol. These factors include greater health awareness, social marketing campaigns, random breath testing, taxation benefits for low alcohol beer, changes in consumer spending patterns and an ageing population (Room 1988; Carroll 2001; Stockwell 2004). The increase in wine consumption is due to more drinking by women and more drinking in integrated social settings, such as during meals, where family members participate (Peele 1997; Room 1988). Favourable changes to the taxation of wine in the early 1970s also played a part (Stockwell 2004). The motivation in the change to low alcohol beer is likely to be a combination of price and concern about staying below the legal driving blood alcohol concentration (BAC) level (Smith 1987). The popularity of alcoholic sodas among young women seems to be driven by a combination of taste and marketing, although research in this area is scant (Australian Divisions of General Practice 2003). WHO's AT GREATEST RISK? In 2001/02, Australia, with total population per capita alcohol consumption of 7.3 litres, was ranked 23rd in the world (World Advertising Research Center Ltd 2004). Not only is this a good ranking, but it represents a steady improvement in Australia's relative position over a number of years. However, this simple statistic glosses over enormous variation in levels and patterns of drinking and the associated range of risk and harm. In 2001 44.2% of alcohol in Australia was consumed in a manner that risked chronic harm. Just over 62% of alcohol consumption risked acute harm (Chikritzhs et al. 2003). Binge drinking or deliberate drinking to intoxication is particularly common among young Australians. Drinking by many Aboriginal people is also problematic. Although the proportion of Aboriginal people who drink alcohol (62%) is less than the proportion of drinkers in the general population (72%), those who do drink do so in more risky manner. For example, 60% of Aboriginal men and 38% of Aboriginal women reported usually drinking nine or more standard drinks when they drank, compared to 5% of men and 1% of women in the general population (Saggers & Gray 1998). Aboriginal alcohol morbidity and mortality is correspondingly disproportionate. There is considerable regional variation in consumption and harm (Chikritzhs et al. 1999; Catalano et al. 2001). The Northern Territory was the jurisdiction with the highest adult per capita consumption of alcohol in 1995/96, at 13.6 litres and it also had the highest rate of alcohol mortality, at 4.6/10 000 for men and 2.61/10 000 for women. By comparison adult per capita consumption in Victoria during the same period was 7.5 litres and its alcohol mortality rate was 1.14/10 000 for men and 0.24/10 000 for women. There is also a consistent rural/metropolitan difference in both consumption and harm, which is most noticeable in Western Australia. In one particular region of the state Midford et al. (1998) calculated that in 1991/92 the per capita alcohol consumption of male drinkers was 39.45 litres, which equates to approximately 8.5 standard drink a day. THE LEVEL OF HARM In Australia road crashes head the list of acute alcohol caused deaths, followed by suicide. Acute alcohol mortality decreased during the 1990s by approximately one-third. Alcoholic liver cirrhosis heads the list of chronic alcohol caused deaths, followed by cancer. Chronic mortality, already substantially less than acute mortality, halved during the 1990s. Overall, approximately 19 years of life were lost prematurely for every death caused by risky drinking (Chikritzhs et al. 2003). Acute alcohol-caused hospitalizations were caused predominantly by a falls, alcohol abuse/psychosis and assault. Acute alcohol morbidity has actually risen slightly from the early 1990s, but this is most probably an artefact of a change in inclusion criteria. Chronic alcohol-caused hospitalizations were caused predominantly by alcohol dependence, followed by a grouping of chronic medical conditions and alcoholic liver cirrhosis. Chronic alcohol morbidity has changed very little since the early 1990s. On average 67 275 people are being hospitalized in Australia every year because of risky alcohol consumption (Chikritzhs et al. 2003). Collins & Lapsley (2002) estimated that in 1998/99 the social cost of alcohol abuse in Australia was approximately A$7.5 billion. Reduced work-place production was the greatest tangible cost at A$1.95 billion, followed by road accidents and crime. Health-care costs were relatively minor at A$225 million. HOW BEST TO RESPOND? Babor et al. (2003) indicated that the differences between countries in per capita consumption, patterns of drinking and alcohol-related problems mean that national policies and programmes should be tailored to fit the needs of each society. In these terms there is clearly a comprehensive body of Australian data to guide the development of a national approach. However, Australia's relationship with alcohol is more than the sum of its most recent year's statistics. History and culture give Australia its unique identity in the world and these factors also shape the way alcohol is used, the consequences of its use and what is most likely to reduce the resultant problems. Accordingly, social engineering approaches that aim to transform what appear to be less healthful to more healthful levels and forms of consumption have to attend to the cultural forces that support existing patterns of consumption (Peele 1997). Babor and colleagues have identified the following strategies that are currently used to reduce alcohol use and harm in the community: • Pricing and taxation • Regulating the physical availability of alcohol • Modifying the drinking context • Drink driving countermeasures • Regulating alcohol promotion • Education and persuasion strategies • Treatment and early intervention Interventions from each of these categories are currently employed across all jurisdictions within Australia. A comprehensive review by Loxley et al. (2004) has identified those measures that are most effective. Pricing and taxation The current alcohol tax system reflects the actual alcohol content of beer and spirits and this seems a factor in reducing consumption and harm by encouraging consumption of low alcohol beverages (Loxley et al. 2004; Stockwell 2004). However, wine is taxed on the basis of its value, which allows bulk wine to be sold very cheaply. The availability of this form of cheap alcohol stems from past measures to support the Australian wine industry, but the present-day consequence for many communities is a much higher level of alcohol-related harm (Stockwell et al. 1998). Accordingly, there is a strong, but politically unpopular, harm reduction argument for an across the board tiered volumetric-based excise system based on alcohol content (Alcohol & Other Drugs Council of Australia 2003). Regulating the physical availability of alcohol National competition policy is exerting pressure to liberalize current restrictions on the sale of alcohol, despite ample evidence that increasing availability will lead to increased consumption and harm. The potential for improving public health and safety through liquor licensing regulations has not yet been fully realized and this issue will be at the forefront of alcohol policy development over the next few years as a number of state jurisdictions review their liquor licensing legislation (Alcohol & Other Drugs Council of Australia 2004). An important consideration is the extent to which individual communities should be able to regulate the sale of alcohol to reduce local-level harm. This is particularly salient for communities with a substantial Aboriginal population, struggling with the consequences of large-scale heavy drinking. Here restrictions in the form of reduced hours of sale and bans on 4-litre wine casks have been effective in reducing consumption and harm (Loxley et al. 2004). Modifying the drinking context Alcohol accords are a distinctly Australian phenomenon and involve negotiated agreement between the licensees, police, councils and other stakeholders in a community to adhere to certain standards of service and promotion. There is evidence that local community accords on responsible serving practice can reduce violence and drink driving, but this occurs only when there is accompanying formal enforcement and the effect diminishes over time (Homel, McIllwain & Carvolth 2001; Loxley et al. 2004). Responsible serving practice is a more circumscribed approach to modifying the drinking environment and usually involves changing the layout of bars to reduce problems associated with crowding and access to service; training of bar staff to identify intoxication and refuse service if necessary and providing food and non- or low-alcohol drinks. Again, these programmes tend to be most effective when supported by management and accompanied by credible and visible enforcement (Loxley et al. 2004). Drink driving countermeasures Australia has been at the forefront of random breath testing (RBT), using a model of highly visible, non-selective testing, accompanied by regular media campaigns to create the perception that detection of transgression is highly likely (Loxley et al. 2004). This has been successful in reducing drinking-driving and the associated crashes, injuries and deaths (Homel 1988). However, resource limitations mean that the model has tended to be better implemented in metropolitan areas. Saturation media coverage is more difficult and costly in rural areas and a high level of RBT is difficult to maintain. There is, however, a strong argument for finding ways to better tailor RBT campaigns to rural conditions, because alcohol consumption is greater here (Catalano et al. 2001). There is also greater reliance on private transport and longer distances are travelled. Regulating alcohol promotion In Australia, alcohol is marketed by an integrated mix of television, radio, internet and print advertisements, point-of-sale promotions and brand linkage to sporting events. Marketing is self-regulated according to an industry code and is not supposed to detract from moderate, responsible consumption in adults, nor to employ strategies with strong appeal to children (Loxley et al. 2004). This self-regulatory system for alcohol advertising has been called into question by Jones & Donovan (2002). They found that both expert and-non-expert, independent reviewers were much more willing to judge advertisements, about which complaints had been made, as breaching the industry's code than was the Advertising Standards Board. A review of this system of self-regulation is currently under way and provides an opportunity to address the way alcohol is promoted so as to safeguard public benefit, increase transparency of decision making and enhance compliance mechanisms (National Committee for the Review of Alcohol Advertising 2003). Education and persuasion strategies Findings from the School Health and Alcohol Harm Reduction Project (SHAHRP) indicate a reduction in both consumption and harm can be achieved by a coherent school programme that is based on established principles of effective practice (McBride et al. 2004). However, the course of future development of alcohol education in Australia is not well charted. The momentum built up in the 1990s, through a series of national initiatives, is being lost, because very little new research or programme development is being undertaken. Public education campaigns have also been conducted through the mass media and here there has been some success in terms of increased awareness of the campaign message and desired behaviour change (Elder et al. 2004; Loxley 2004). During the period of one particular drink driving advertising campaign there was a reduction in crashes, deemed most likely to involve alcohol (Cameron & Newstead 1996). Treatment and early intervention The provision of treatment services for people experiencing problems from alcohol use is an integral part of Australia's National Drug Strategy (Ministerial Council on Drug Strategy 2004). Service delivery is primarily the responsibility of state and territory jurisdictions, with both government and non-government agencies offering a range of programmes. A number of reviews indicate that certain treatments are not only effective, but also reduce health care and other costs (Brown 2001; Shand et al. 2003a). Detailed guidelines as to effective treatment have been produced in order to provide up-to-date, evidence-based information to clinicians on treatment options (Shand et al. 2003b) However, brief intervention is identified consistently as the most cost-effective form of treatment, because of its low cost and broad applicability (Heather 2001; Shand et al. 2003a). As service provision is falling short of demand in Australia, there is a good case for examining the benefits of undertaking screening and brief intervention more broadly. This not only offers the potential to provide more treatment, but it is also particularly effective in treating early stage, problem drinking, thus obviating the need for later more intense treatment (Roche & Freeman 2004). Such programmes could be undertaken in non-traditional settings such as the work-place, could target high-risk populations such as young males or focus on high consumption locations such as remote, rural communities. CONCLUSION The international league tables indicate that Australia is generally doing well in the way it deals with alcohol. This suggests that the mix of strategies currently in place is working and that incremental change is the most assured route to further improvement. The warning from Peele (1997) about cultural inertia as a barrier to change is particularly salient here. Drinking forms part of the romantic Australian legend and there is a good precedent in Australian history to suggest that a radical alcohol reform agenda can provoke community backlash—beware the ‘wowser’ label. This does not mean the automatic discounting of more vigorous approaches. Random breath testing provides an example of successful social engineering. Public acceptance of this measure has been very high, but introduction was accompanied by media education campaigns that highlighted both the gravity of the problem and the effectiveness of the response (Span 1995). Accordingly, radical interventions should be considered for pervasive problems, such as community dysfunction high-risk groups, such as young people; and disadvantaged groups, such as Aboriginal people. In these instances need is greater and more immediate. Intrusiveness does, however, need to be balanced against effect and the level of support from within the targeted group. During the 1980s and 1990s the problems created by alcohol did not receive the same amount of attention as those associated with illicit drug use, but the climate seems to be changing. In 2001 over-collection of a new goods and services tax on beer served in licensed premises led to the establishment of a national alcohol funding programme, the Alcohol Education and Rehabilitation Foundation. This organization has the task of returning A$115 million of the extra tax to the community over 4 years through local prevention and rehabilitation projects (Crosbie 2002). Also in 2001, a separate National Alcohol Strategy was published that sets out a broad coordinated approach to the reduction of alcohol related harm. This was followed a year later by a National Alcohol Research Agenda, which was developed by a lengthy, iterative process of consultation and refinement (Ministerial Council on Drug Strategy 2001; Commonwealth of Australia 2002). While these documents provide the basis for a coherent and legitimate national approach to alcohol there has been poor follow-through on implementation. The National Alcohol Strategy is now due for review and this provides an excellent opportunity to not only re-examine priorities, but to also set out a mechanism and timetable for action. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank Tanya Chikritzhs for her insightful comments on an earlier version of this paper. RICHARD MIDFORDNational Drug Research Institute Curtin University GPO Box U1987 Perth WA 6845 Australia E-mail: r.midford@curtin.edu.au References Alcohol and Other Drugs Council of Australia (2003) Alcohol Taxation . Submission to the NSW Alcohol Summit.Canberra: ADCA. Google Scholar Alcohol and Other Drugs Council of Australia (2004) Submission to the Productivity Commission Inquiry into National Competition Policy Arrangements. Woden: ADCA. Google Scholar Australian Divisions of General Practice (2003) Ready to Drink? Alcopops and Youth Binge Drinking. Available at: http://www.adgp.com.au/client_images/10659.doc[accessed 5 October 2004]. Google Scholar Babor, T. F., Caetano, R., Casswell, S., Edwards, G., Giesbrecht, N., Graham, K. et al. (2003) Alcohol: No Ordinary Commodity Research and Public Policy. Oxford: Oxford University Press.. Google Scholar Brown, J. M. (2001) The effectiveness of treatment. In: N. Heather, T. J. Peters & T. Stockwell, eds. International Handbook of Alcohol Dependence and Problems, pp. 498– 508. Chichester: John Wiley and Sons. Google Scholar Cameron, M. & Newstead, S. (1996) Mass media publicity supporting police enforcement and its economic value. Paper presented at the Public Health Association of Australia's 28th Annual Conference, September, 1996. Available at: http://www.monash.edu.au/muarc/reports/papers/media.html[accessed 5 October 2004]. Google Scholar Carroll, T. (2001) The role of social marketing in preventing harm associated with teenage drinking. The Second International Conference on Drugs and Young People, Melbourne, April, 2001. Available at: http://www.adf.org.au/cyds/2dyp/carroll.pdf[accessed 5 October 2004]. Google Scholar Catalano, P., Chikritzhs, T., Stockwell, T., Webb, M., Rohlin, C. J. & Dietze, P. (2001) Trends in Per Capita Alcohol Consumption in Australia, 1990/91–1998/9. National Alcohol Indicators Project Bulletin no. 4. Perth: National Drug Research Institute, Curtin University of Technology. Google Scholar Chikritzhs, T., Catalano, P., Stockwell, T., Donath, S., Ngo, H., Young, D. et al. (2003) Australian Alcohol Indicators, 1990–2001 Patterns of Alcohol Use and Related Harms for Australian States and Territories. Perth: National Drug Research Institute Curtin University of Technology. Google Scholar Chikritzhs, T., Jonas, H., Heale, P., Dietze, P., Hanlin, K. & Stockwell, T. (1999) Alcohol-Caused Deaths and Hospitalisations in Australia, 1990–97. National Alcohol Indicators Project Bulletin no. 1. Perth: National Drug Research Institute, Curtin University of Technology. Web of Science®Google Scholar Collins, D. J. & Lapsley, H. M. (2002) Counting the Costs: Estimates of the Social Costs of Drug Abuse in Australia in 1998–9. National Drug Strategy Monograph Series no. 49. Canberra: Commonwealth of Australia. Google Scholar Commonwealth Department of Health (1988) Alcohol in Australia: A Summary of Related Statistics. Canberra: Author. Google Scholar Commonwealth of Australia (2002) National Alcohol Research Agenda, Canberra: Author. Google Scholar Crosbie, D. (2002) News and views. Drug and Alcohol Review, 21, 193– 195. Wiley Online LibraryPubMedWeb of Science®Google Scholar Dunstan, K. (1974) Wowsers: Being an Account of the Prudery Exhibited by Certain Outstanding Men and Women in Such Matters as Drinking, Smoking, Prostitution, Censorship and Gambling. Melbourne: Cassell Australia. Google Scholar Elder, R. W., Shults, R. A., Sleet, D. A., Nichols, J. L., Thompson, R. S. & Rajab, W. (2004) Effectiveness of mass media campaigns for reducing drinking and driving and alcohol-involved crashes. American Journal of Preventative Medicine, 27, 57– 65. CrossrefPubMedWeb of Science®Google Scholar Freeland, J. M. (1966) The Australian Publications. London: Melbourne University Press. Google Scholar Grant, D. & Serle, G. (1983) The Melbourne Scene 1803–1956. Sydney: Hale & Iremonger. Google Scholar Heather, N. (2001) Brief interventions. In: N. Heather, T. J. Peters & T. Stockwell, eds. International Handbook of Alcohol Dependence and Problems, pp. 605– 626. Chichester: John Wiley and Sons. Google Scholar Homel, R. (1988) Policing and Punishing the Drinking Driver. A Study of General and Specific Deterrence. New York: Springer-Verlag. CrossrefGoogle Scholar Homel, R., McIlwain, G. & Carvolth, R. (2001) Creating safer drinking environments. In: N. Heather, T. J. Peters & T. Stockwell, eds. International Handbook of Alcohol Dependence and Problems, pp. 721– 740. Chichester: John Wiley and Sons. Google Scholar Jones, S. C. & Donovan, R. J. (2002) Self-regulation of alcohol advertising: is it working for Australia? Journal of Public Affairs, 2, 153– 165. Wiley Online LibraryWeb of Science®Google Scholar Langton, M. (1993) Rum, seduction and death: ‘Aboriginality’ and alcohol. Oceania, 63, 195– 206. Wiley Online LibraryWeb of Science®Google Scholar Loxley, W., Toumbourou, J. W., Stockwell, T., Haines, B., Scott, K., Godfrey, C. et al. (2004) The Prevention of Substance Use, Risk and Harm in Australia: a Review of the Evidence. Canberra: Australian Government Department of Health and Ageing. Google Scholar McBride, N., Farringdon, F., Midford, R., Meuleners, L. & Phillips, M. (2004) Harm minimization in school drug education: final results of the School Health and Alcohol Harm Reduction Project (SHAHRP). Addiction, 99, 278– 291. Wiley Online LibraryCASPubMedWeb of Science®Google Scholar Midford, R., Stockwell, T., Daly, A., Phillips, M., Masters, L., Gahegan, M. et al. (1998) Alcohol consumption and injury in Western Australia: a spatial correlation analysis using geographic information systems. Australian and New Zealand Journal of Public Health, 22, 80– 85. Wiley Online LibraryCASPubMedWeb of Science®Google Scholar Ministerial Council on Drug Strategy (2001) Alcohol in Australia: Issues and Strategies. Canberra: Commonwealth of Australia. Google Scholar Ministerial Council on Drug Strategy (2004) The National Drug Strategy Australia's Integrated Framework 2004–09. Canberra: Commonwealth of Australia. Google Scholar National Committee for the Review of Alcohol Advertising (2003) Review of the Self-Regulatory System for Alcohol Advertising. Report to the Ministerial Council on Drug Strategy.Victoria: Department of Human Resources. Available at: http://www.dhs.vic.gov.au/phd/publications/downloads/ncraareport.pdf[accessed 5 October 2004]. Google Scholar Peele, S. (1997) Utilizing culture and behaviour in epidemiological models of alcohol consumption and consequences for western nations. Alcohol and Alcoholism, 32, 51– 64. CrossrefCASPubMedWeb of Science®Google Scholar Powell, K. C. (1988) Drinking and Alcohol in Colonial Australia 1788–1901 for the Eastern Colonies. Canberra: Australian Government Publishing Service. Google Scholar Roche, A. & Freeman, T. (2004) Brief interventions: good in theory but weak in practice. Drug and Alcohol Review, 23, 11– 18. Wiley Online LibraryPubMedWeb of Science®Google Scholar Room, R. (1988) The dialectic of drinking in Australian life: from the rum corps to the wine column. Australian Drug and Alcohol Review, 7, 413– 437. Wiley Online LibraryGoogle Scholar Saggers, S. & Gray, D. (1998) Dealing with Alcohol: Indigenous Usage in Australia, New Zealand and Canada. Melbourne: Cambridge Press. Google Scholar Shand, F., Gates, J., Fawcett, J. & Mattick, R. (2003a) The Treatment of Alcohol Problems A Review of the Evidence. Canberra: Commonwealth of Australia. Google Scholar Shand, F., Gates, J., Fawcett, J. & Mattick, R. (2003b) Guidelines for the Treatment of Alcohol Problems. Canberra: Commonwealth of Australia. Google Scholar Smith, D. I. (1987) Should maximum alcohol content beer sold in Western Australia be restricted? Australian Drug and Alcohol Review, 6, 93– 104. Wiley Online LibraryWeb of Science®Google Scholar Span. D. (1995) Research on knowledge, attitudes and reported behaviour on drink-driving in New South Wales. Proceedings of the 13th International Conference on Alcohol, Drugs and Traffic Safety, Adelaide, 13–18 August 1995. Adelaide: International Council of Alcohol, Drugs and Traffic Safety. Available at: http://casr.adelaide.edu.au/T95/proceed.html[accessed 5 October 2004]. Web of Science®Google Scholar Stockwell, T. (2004) Australian alcohol policy and the public interest: a brief report card. Drug and Alcohol Review, 23, 377– 379. Wiley Online LibraryPubMedWeb of Science®Google Scholar Stockwell, T., Masters, L., Phillips, M., Gahegan, M., Daly, A., Midford, R. et al. (1998) Consumption of different alcoholic beverages as predictors of local rates of night-time assault and acute alcohol-related morbidity. Australian and New Zealand Journal of Public Health, 22, 237– 242. Wiley Online LibraryCASPubMedWeb of Science®Google Scholar Stollznow, K. (2003) Whinger! Wowser! Wanker! Aussie English: deprecatory language and the Australian ethos. Proceedings of the 2003 Conference of the Australian Linguistic Society. The University of Newcastle, 26–28 September 2003. Available at: http://www.newcastle.edu.au/school/lang-media/news/als2003/proceedings.html[accessed 5 October 2004]. Google Scholar Ward, R. (1978) The Australian Legend. Melbourne: Oxford University Press. Google Scholar White, V. & Hayman, J. (2004) Australian Secondary Students’ Use of Alcohol in 2002. Victoria: The Cancer Council. Google Scholar World Advertising Research Center Ltd (2004) World Drink Trends: 2004. Henley on Thames: Ware. Google Scholar Citing Literature Volume100, Issue7July 2005Pages 891-896 ReferencesRelatedInformation
Referência(s)