Al-Azhar: between the government and the Islamists
1998; Middle East Institute; Volume: 52; Issue: 2 Linguagem: Inglês
ISSN
1940-3461
Autores Tópico(s)Socioeconomic Development in MENA
ResumoSince Husni Mubarak assumed presidency in 1981, Egyptian government has transferred significant administrative duties to Al-Azhar in order to demonstrate its Islamic credentials. For its part, ancient Muslim institution of higher learning has used these powers to push its own agenda and lever for an even greater role in decision making. Al-Azhar has emerged as a power in its own right, delicately placed between government and Islamist opposition. As appeal of Islamism increases in Egypt, regime of President Husni Mubarak is energetically seeking to project itself as a religiously legitimate government. As Rif`at Sa`id, a prominent Egyptian intellectual and secularist politician, describes, On one hand they [the Government] are fighting against Islamists, while on other they announce or pretend that they are more Muslim than others.' To acquire an Islamic identity, government has transferred significant administrative duties to Al-Azhar, ancient Muslim institution of higher learning. In receiving so much political capital, Al-Azhar now has sufficient power to act as a third force in space between government and Islamist opposition. This article is concerned with issues of administration and control,2 taking as its starting point historic co-option of Al-Azhar under President Jamal `Abd al-Nasir (1954-70) and its subsequent functioning as a government proxy. focus then moves to relationship between Al-Azhar and government from 1982 to 1996, coinciding with Mubarak's assumption of presidency in 1981, and incumbency of Jad al-Haq `Ali Jad al-Haq as head of Al-Azhar from 1982 until his death in 1996. It is during this period that government transferred important administrative functions to Al-Azhar, which, under Jad al-Haq's leadership, became increasingly willing to pursue its own agenda. contrast between Nasir and Mubarak periods demonstrates significant shift in power relationships that has taken place in past four decades. conclusion speculates on possible future directions arising out of this change in Egyptian political scene. AL-AZHAR AS THE STATE'S CAPTIVE Since 1952, government has mobilized Islamic symbols when required by political circumstances. Like other regimes in Arab world, Egyptian government has required a certain degree of religious legitimacy to buy time until greater structural legitimacy developed.3 Since 1952 Free Officers coup, Arab nationalism has been central rhetorical motif of Egyptian state. At certain sensitive political junctures, however, government has included in its rhetoric a religious motif as well. Some officers, immediately after 1952 coup, took upon themselves timehonored Islamic privilege of rulers of delivering khutba or Friday sermon. During intense struggle with Muslim Brotherhood in 1953 and 1954, Nasir made a pilgrimage to Mecca. In wake of military debacle of 1967, government took refuge in religion. leaders of regime attended a mosque service soon after defeat, and Nasir used a religious message to take some of blame off himself, arguing that, Allah was trying to teach Egypt a lesson, and that, the nation had to accept this testing as its destiny.4 centerpiece of government strategy to mobilize Islamic symbols is ancient Islamic institution of higher learning and jurisprudence, Al-Azhar. As Egyptian intellectual Karim al-Rawi observed, The government needs Al-Azhar to bestow upon it a semblance of Islamic legitimacy.5 A survey of Egyptian government's relationship with Al-Azhar reveals that under Nasir and his successor Anwar al-Sadat (1970-81), Al-Azhar functioned as an organ of state. It was only under Mubarak that its political role changed significantly. government, in its long struggle with Islamist groups, and in particular with Muslim Brotherhood, repeatedly called upon services of Al-Azhar to issue statements justifying campaigns against Islamists, and supporting introduction of legislation that might otherwise have aroused religious opposition. …
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