The Hunter in the Mande Imagination
2008; Indiana University Press; Volume: 10; Issue: 1 Linguagem: Inglês
10.2979/mnd.2008.a873458
ISSN2379-5506
Autores Tópico(s)African Studies and Geopolitics
ResumoThe Hunter in the Mande Imagination Brahima Camara Hunters'.thesignificantpoliticalorganizationsroleentitiesintheestablishmentoverthatthehavespacecomeandoftheintothemanagementMandenbeinginhaveofWestavarietyplayedAfrica.ofa significantroleintheestablishmentandthemanagementofavarietyof .thepoliticalentitiesthathavecomeintobeinginWestAfrica. Colonizationandthenthecreationofindependentstates,inthe1960s,putanend tothepolitical-militaryroleoftheseassociationsorbrotherhoods,which progressivelyhavecometobedefinedbytheirroleasrepositoriesofcultural traditions. AfterthefallofthedictatorMoussaTraoréin1991andtheexplosionof multi-partyism,thehunters'brotherhoodwasabletoreestablishanimagethat demandedrespectandadmiration.Becauseoftheirenergyandtheirdeep-rooted culturalsignficance,theyhavefoundthemselvesaroleintheinstitutional architectureasastructureoffinalappeal.Forexample,whenthetonboloma(a villageagegroupresponsibleforpolicing)isunabletodealwithsomescourgeor toenforceadecisionmadebythevillagecouncil,thehunters'associationiscalled in.TheState,aswell,seeksthesupportofhunterstofurtherlocalpoliciesaimedat securityandgoodcitizenship. AswasseenduringaworkshopheldinJanuary2009(Panella2010),andfrom ourownobservationsindailylife,thehunters'associationbecomesthefinal 'traditional'recourseforsettlingsocialafairs.Thus,inthegold-fieldsofKola (Bougounidistrict,Mali),peoplecallonhuntersbeforeinvolvingthelocal judiciary.ThreepoliceforcesaretobefoundinKola:thetonboloma,thehunters' association,andthegendarmes.Thistriplepresence,particularlywiththe hunters'association,isevidenceofatacitagreementbetweenthehuntersandthe authoritiesdueinpartaninsufficiencyinnumbersofthepolice,andalsotothe negativeimageofthepoliceamonglocalpopulations.Thisobservationofboth theabsence(orincapacity?)oftheauthoritiesaswellasthedistrustshownto thembythelocalpeopleisenoughtojustify,intheeyesofMalians,thepresence ofthetwotraditionalstructuresthatfitintothevillages'socialorganization:the huntersandthetonboloma.Bothofthemparticipateinalogicofthesocial resolutionofconflicts,thehunterscomingintoplayonlywhenthetonbolomais unsuccessful.Consequently,theirsanctionscanbemoresevere.Justasinthe goldfieldsofKola,acrossthecountrysidehunterscontinuetoplayadailyrolein villagesecurity.Thisfunctionisallthemorenecessarybecausesincethefallof MoussaTraoré'srégime,Maliansarefacinganincreaseinbanditrythroughout theirland.Giventhisproblemandtheinadequacyoflocalpoliceforces,the hunters'brotherhoodsconstituteaparallelpoliceforce,workingas'village police'(seeKonate2001). MandeStudies10(2008)pp.121-132 1 22 Brahima Camara The goal of this article, however, i ethnographic approach to the 'cohabitat control. The article aims rather at ho imagination of Mande peoples, in preparati present-day hunters in the gold mines as the practices of gold-miners (cf. Jansen 20 Hunters in the Past and Today: T he Classic Vision The social organization of the hunters' associations did not necessarily intersect with the administrative organization of the villages: the lu (compound, or basic family unit), the gwa (kitchen, a unit comprised of several luw whose members share meals), the kafo (a group of several villages linked by marriage and sharing a common history and territory), the jamana (an entity which unites several kafow). Such an organization was devised less for preparing hunting expeditions than for enabling rapid military actions, on a small or a large scale. There was a correlation between the hunter and the military and political chieftaincy. This correlation can be read through the titles of the kings ( mansaw ) of the pre-colonial period who were called, besides their royal titles, by the name ' sinbon* (master hunter), a title from the hunters' associations.1 The hunters, however, did not engage in war only to benefit some political power. They also provided protection to the village and its chattels against hostile forces, the raids of slave-takers and the attacks of wild beasts. The great hunters' bard, Baala Jinba Jakite, expresses the notion of the protective hunter with a phrase found often in the hunters' epics: Donso tè madiya fo kojuku Ion ('The hunter is only welcome on troubled days.' cf. Camara 1998). The people of the Mande claim that in that period of history marked by the slave-trade, and thus before the French colonization, it was the role of the hunters' associations to watch over the safety of the people of their villages. It is in reference to this period of great insecurity that Baala Jinba, in his account of 'Bilakoro Mari,' makes the following statement about hunters: N'i sikida donso kun, jòny a juru t' i la If you marry a hunter, you have no fear of becoming a slave N'i sikida donso kun, jòny a juru t' i fa la If you marry a hunter, your father has no fear of becoming a slave N'i sikida donso kun, jòny a juru ť i ba la If you marry a hunter, your mother has no fear of becoming a slave N'i sikida donso kun, jòny a juru t' i bèdèmòkò si la If you marry a hunter, none of your kin has fear of becoming a slave The hunters thus could protect people against the slave-raiders. This notion can also be found in all the versions of the Manden Epic, also known as the Sunjata Fasa.2 Hunters did not, however, abandon completely the first purpose of The Hunter in the Mande Imagination 123 hunting, which is to supply the community with meat. The v told by the great hunters' bards show us the hunter heroes in working beasts for the sole aim of buttressing their p community.3 The typical example of these heroes is embodied by M hunters' mythology as presented by Baala Jinba Jakite, stands hunters' organizations around the cult of their tutelary Kòntòròn. His story runs as follows: to satisfy his mother, had been offended by her co-wife because of the powdered rubbed on their fingers to help...
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