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Heirlooms and marriage payments

2013; Routledge; Volume: 42; Issue: 122 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1080/13639811.2013.860261

1469-8382

Nicolas Césard,

Philippine History and Culture

AbstractDrawing from literature and ethnography, this article attempts to distinguish the origin, social implications and main uses of prestige jars in Borneo. It suggests that to understand these differences in the societies of Borneo requires an understanding of how these objects are acquired and transmitted between families. The article considers the processes by which an object can become, with time, something other than what it had previously been. The term pusaka commonly used to describe these jars does not encompass other significant uses of the jars as it is often used narrowly to refer to heirloom jars, and broadly, to heirloom jars and sacred heirloom jars. These jars are also, and without being pusaka, ordinary jars of varying economic value, given and exchanged especially as marriage payments. The relative lack of coherence in the literature about their usage reflects their various and multiple functions as well as their changing role.Keywords: Borneohunter-gathererspusakajarsmarriageagentivity Notes* This research is based on several field trips carried out between 2002 and 2005. It has benefited from the financial and logistical support of the IRD, the CIFOR, the EHESS, the French Higher Education and Research Ministry and the JSPS. The author would like to thank Bernard Sellato, Kenneth Sillander and two anonymous reviewers for their comments and to Jane MacAvock and Safitri Widagdo for their help with the translation. He takes sole responsibility for any errors or omissions. The article is dedicated to the memory of Ucan Abi.1Using definitions from reference dictionaries, Soebadio (Citation1998: 15) distinguishes three definitions for the term pusaka: (a) something inherited from a deceased person (analogous to inheritance), (b) something that 'comes down' from one's ancestors (analogous to heirloom), and (c) an inheritance of special value to a community (analogous to heritage in the sense of something possessed as a result of one's natural situation or birth). He also gives the term a more mystical or 'Javanese' meaning, that of sacred heirlooms and regalia. On regalia in Southeast Asia, see e.g. Heine-Geldern (Citation1956); Errington (Citation1989). When it appears, I found the use of the term pusaka in the literature on Borneo rather vague and confusing, and not always in accordance with the description of the jars' use. Following Soebadio, I use here the term in its widest sense to describe as pusaka, both sacred and non-sacred heirlooms.2Or described as 'sacred' in the literature. The literature does not mention any local generic term to identify a so-called 'sacred' jar. Joining other scholars past and present, I have found the term 'sacred' to be convenient. I do, however, narrow its use here in the context of Borneo to mean 'sacred heirloom jars'.3Terms used to identify jars (sacred and non-sacred) have changed depending on place and time. The terms guci (or gusi, gusih, guchi, gutshi), tajau, tempayan and blanga (or belanga) have been the subject of specific definitions since at least the early 20th century (Dupoizat Citation2000: 201 quoting Wilkinson Citation1959). The term tempayan appears in the Malay Annals around 1612 (ibid.).4For a history of this trade, see B. Harrisson (Citation1986: 14–20.) From the collections of the Sarawak Museum, Kaboy & Moore (1967) offer a review and a classification of the earthenware of the costal Melanau (Sarawak), one of the first Dayak groups to trade with the outside. According to Kaboy & Moore, Chinese jars have dominated the trade, in competition with Siamese ones during the 13th and 14th centuries, then others from Japan since the early 18th century and from Europe after 1840.5Chinese potters from Guangdong emigrated to west Borneo (Singkawang) at the end of the 19th century, importing their mounting and firing techniques. Potters from the Chaozhou region settled at the beginning of the 20th century in northern Borneo (now Sarawak and Sabah) (Chambert-Loir & Dupoizat Citation2003).6Utilitarian jars were used to store water and exported foodstuff such as rice and salted fish during boat journeys.7For jars as investments, see, e.g. B. Harrisson (Citation1986: 1); Ward (Citation1961: 99); Freeman (Citation1970: 236). As Jensen (Citation1974: 41) mentioned for the Iban, prestige items like valuable jars, are sold only in the event of serious emergency.8Ordinary jars cost between 8 and 200 Dutch guilders, whereas heirloom jars were more expensive, a belanga jar could cost 5,000 guilders (B. Harrisson Citation1986: 18 quoting Veth Citation1854: 263–5).9On the dragon or dog image, see Winzeler (Citation2004: 88).10During the Japanese occupation, some of the jars owned by the Melanau were either exchanged for rice with the Iban who preferred large jars, or gathered by soldiers to be brought back to Japan (cf. Kaboy & Moore 1967: 16, 28).11Barbara Harrisson (Citation1986: 15) about the Ngaju of Central Kalimantan.12The Kelabit (Sarawak), for instance, exchanged cattle and jars in specific places and during prestige feasts (see Rousseau Citation1990: 160; Talla Citation1979: 92).13Those who wanted to obtain a prestige jar but could not afford it (B. Harrisson Citation1986: 17), and those who had to borrow them in order to pay fines in jars (Sillander Citation2004: 268 [Bentian]), sometimes became debt slaves.14With the exception perhaps of the Kayan of Central Borneo (cf. Rousseau Citation1973: 157).15For the Bidayuh, although the replacement object may be of a similar nature, its newness does give it the same value: a jar of recent production was less expensive than an older jar (Geddes Citation1954: 86).16If the same object can be found, others can be added to the list depending on ethnic groups: various charms (stones, animal parts, etc.) which protect their owner from injuries, poisoning and illness (cf. Rousseau Citation1973: 113 [Kayan]), but also ancestral possessions, such as orchards, rice grains for planting, etc. (cf. Freeman Citation1970 [Iban]).17To be allowed to take a picture of a sacred jar kept inside a house, Lumholtz (Citation1991) had to pay its owner for a sacrificial chicken.18For the price of the Iban's very valuable and sacred jars of gusi, rusa and naga type, see Roth (Citation1896: 284, 286). For prices of similar jars in Dutch Borneo, see Roth (Citation1896: 288). On very valuable jars (tajau) exchanged by the Iban for similar ones as tokens of amity with other groups, see Roth (Citation1896: 284).19The Dusun (here, a group related to the Ngaju) of the Ulu Sungai Utara, South Kalimantan, for instance, distinguished the souls of humans from those of living things (jiwa) and those of inanimate objects (ganan) such as gusi jars (Kertodipoero Citation1963). The Abai Berusu of East Kalimantan use the same term (lingu) to refer to the in-dwelling spirits of both inanimate objects (jars, trees, etc.) and animate objects such as animals and plants (Appell & Appell Citation1993: 64).20According to Dupoizat (Citation2000), there is no jar older than the Chinese jar known in northern Borneo as Dusun produced since the 9th century, whose presence is attested as far as the Persian Gulf (cf. T. Harrisson Citation1965; Pierre-Yves Manguin, pers. com).21According to Roth (Citation1896: 286), the Sultan of Brunei was the owner of a gusi jar, which was even able to speak.22The best jars were worth a man's life (T. Harrisson Citation1965: 72 [Dusun-Kadazan, Northern Borneo]); Chin Citation1977: 68 [Kelabit]).23On dragon jars, see B. Harrisson (Citation1986: 28).24Evans (Citation1953: 152) gave the example of a jar used in a treaty between the Kahung villagers (Dusun) and the spirits of the smallpox. For the Kayan, see Rousseau (Citation1973: 113).25There are many examples. A pusaka jar could mark kinship ties between Kenyah aristocratic families (Whittier Citation1973: 160, 202, 228–9). For the Dusun of North Borneo, they could be the emblems of a lineage (White Citation1955: 307–9), see the story of the Apui-apui jar (Evans Citation1953: 465–7). Or for the Bidayuh of Serian (Sarawak), the story of the Tajau Ringkung jar full of gold (Nyandoh Citation1955).26Among the Undup Dayak (Iban), to make a newly purchased jar 'lucky' [benevolent], men invoked a blessing and some chicken blood was smeared on the jar (Roth Citation1896: 285–6).27See also the Iban story of Pulang Gana, in which the hero meets a dead tree supported by a tajau jar (Jensen Citation1974: 83). Jars are often used in fertility rituals. For the Iban and the minta panas ritual, see Jensen (Citation1974: 173–4). The Melanau, in particular, gave them healing properties – a piece of the upper part could be removed and ground down as medicine (Kaboy & Moore 1967: 23–4; note 46 below).28Examples of jars which were first wild boar, snake or fish (cf. Kaboy & Moore 1967). According to B. Harrisson (Citation1986: 24), the name rusa (deer) was related to a certain category of old jars found accidentally after escaping from the enclosure in which they were kept captive. Stories of jars turning into animals to escape are also common (cf. Winzeler Citation2004: 91).29For the Dusun (Rutter Citation1922: 304), if a close kin of the deceased has a persistent illness, he will conclude that the jar which contains his relative's remains is not at ease, and will move it.30Evans (Citation1912: 382) mentioned an annual ritual among the Dusun Tuaran (northern Borneo) during which an old woman gave an offering of food to a gusi jar (probably a Dusun jar) to prevent its spirit from being upset.31Beads and cloths can serve as energy or spirit containers, such as the Iban pua and the bundle of isang leaves used in the past for wrapping human heads (Sellato Citation1989: 45).32An observation made by several authors. Through time, the Melanau have kept only their most important jars (Kaboy & Moore 1967: 10). Among the Dusun A Kadamaian (northern Borneo), the custom of jar burials was no longer practised because of the lack of large jars (Evans Citation1953: 128). Several groups, Punan Tubu included, continue to assess fines in terms of jars, but pay equivalent in goods or money.33Note that heirlooms and pusaka in particular must often adapt to two inheritance systems. This is the case of the Melanau who use both customary and Islamic law (see Morris Citation1953).34For the Bisaya (Sarawak), see Peranio (Citation1972).35Among the Kenyah Lepo' Tau (East Kalimantan), heirlooms are divided among the children of the couple (Whittier Citation1973: 62). For the Kenyah Bahau (East Borneo), only the elders make use of them (cf. Nieuwenhuis 1904-1907: 89). Among the Rungus Dusun, the eldest son and the eldest daughter inherit the properties of their father and of their mother respectively (Appell Citation1972: 18). The same applies to the Kelabit Murut (Talla Citation1979) and the Iban (Hose & McDougall 1912: 84). If a father dies without naming an heir, a valuable jar could however be given to the eldest child, provided he or she sells it and shares its price with his or her younger siblings (Ward Citation1961: 99 [Iban]). Among the Tagal Murut of Sabah, an offspring, who is usually the eldest son, is the custodian of heirlooms, but has to co-ordinate with his brothers and sisters regarding their use (cf. Harris Citation1990: 48).36For the Kelabit, personal achievements influence rank (Talla Citation1979: 77). Among the Rungus Dusun, the accumulation of objects provides evidence of the abilities and qualities of the male founder of the descent group in farming activities and exchanges (cf. Appell Citation1972).37For the Kayan, see Rousseau Citation1973: 41, for the Kelabit, see Talla Citation1979: 80. Other pusaka, such as beads, can also be passed through the female line.38Ngaju and Kayan slaves, for instance, could possess ordinary value goods and talismans, but Ngaju slaves could not join the upper group without buying a sacred jar (Schärer Citation1963: 50 [Ngaju]). See also Talla (Citation1979: 79 [Kelabit]).39For the Idahan Murut (North Borneo), see Woolley (Citation1953: 1–2, 15).40For instance, to retrieve body fluids, the Maanyan use a jar during the first funeral of important local figures (cf. Lebar Citation1972: 191). The day after death, the Murut (North Borneo) place the body of the deceased in a large jar the neck of which is sealed with dammar resin. After several months or even years, the jar is opened and disposed, the bones are cleaned and placed in a new jar (cf. Pollard Citation1933: 154). For a description of jars used in funerals, see Winzeler Citation2004: 40–42).41Common people use jars of lesser value. When a jar is of high value, all the owners can be buried in it (cf. Appell Citation1983: 40 [Idahan Murut and Tengalan of East Kalimantan]).42For the Dusun and the Murut in general, see Rutter Citation1922: 304.43For various examples, see Talla (Citation1979: 254 [Kelabit]), Knappert Citation1905: 624 and Sillander Citation2004: 275 [Bentian], Pollard Citation1933: 154 [Murut], Ward Citation1961: 89, 100 [Iban]. As a grave item, a jar is often 'killed', that is broken, (Sellato Citation1989: 45), before being put in the coffin. With its high value, a jar is worth as much as a slave. It is also a well known substitute for a head or a human sacrifice (Sellato ibid.).44Such as a sword, a cooking pot, clothes, etc. These are buried objects that the spirit of the deceased will use in the other world. For the Kejaman in Sarawak, see Thomas (Citation1971: 316).45For the Dusun, see Evans (Citation1953: 132), for the Bidayuh, see Geddes (Citation1954). Also for the Abai Tebilun and Punan Tubu of East Kalimantan (pers. obs.).46An extraordinary jar can also be used by its owner to dispense water to the people who come to consult it as an oracle. B. Harrisson (Citation1986: 19) gave the example of two gusi jars, one owned by an Iban chief (Pringle Citation1970: 170), the other by the Sultan of Brunei (St John Citation1986: 301; Roth Citation1896: 286) and used by him to bestow fertility on his subjects (cf. Sellato Citation1989: 45).47Among the Kayan, for instance, the out-marrying person brought his (or her) share of the family inheritance (including the daven pesaka) when he leaves home. He (or she) has then no more rights on the property of his kin group (cf. Rousseau Citation1973: 41).48Part of the inheritance can be given on marriage. This was (or is) the case of the Iban who did not make use of marriage payments but received a part of the inheritance during the marriage (Richards Citation1963: 184) and acquired a full inheritance with their new kin group (cf. Freeman Citation1970: 68-69).49Some groups do not give jars as payments, either because they do not have jars, or because they, the Kayan for example, prefer to give other goods such as gongs (cf. Rousseau Citation1973: 52, 60). This was also – and may still be – the case of the Iban, Kenyah, Taman and Ot Danum (Central Kalimantan), in particular.50For the Malays and the Melanau of Sarawak, daughters were a blessing to their parents. Unlike sons who look to their parents to help them with the marriage payments (brian) and leave their home to live in the house of their father-in-law and work for him (Roth Citation1896: 125), parents of daughters obtained many objects (here gongs) at the same time that they had a number of young men coming to live in their house and work for them (ibid.).51For the Taman, see Bernstein (Citation1997: 23).52Among the Iban, fines could be given either by the man or the woman's family when the alliance is broken (Roth Citation1896:112). Roth gives several examples of standardised fines in jars. Jars being not always available, the Iban knew their value relative to each other and also in relation to plates and cash. For adultery, the lover has to pay the husband a fine of a tajau jar, a large jar equal to twelve small jars, valued at twelve rupees (Roth Citation1896: 112, 127).53Among the Punan Tubu, depending on several factors such as the number of alliances contracted, family relationships, and the distance between the groups, their size and geographical remoteness, an ordinary jar can be exchanged between family heads once or twice a year, and if it is not already sold or broken, return to its previous owner several times.54Rousseau (Citation1973: 60) is categorical: 'the bride price is only a tool to assert the residency rule'.55For the Berusu, the use of the term 'jar' does not necessarily refer to the nature of the payment. By 'jar', they refer to other items, such as gongs, canons, bracelets, as well as jars (Appell Citation1985: 189)56Among the Melanau, traditionally jars, today money or land (cf. Morris Citation1953). Within a stratified group like the Maloh of West Kalimantan, a result of the growing use of money in marriage payments is a reduction in rank differences (King Citation1988: 245).57To compensate for the groom's payments, it is often agreed that the preparations for the union and the feast accompanying it are paid for by the bride's family. For the Ot Danum, see e.g. Avé (Citation1972: 193).58On the Maanyan, see Hudson (Citation1967).59The criteria vary depending on social groups. For example, if payments given by the Berusu were to follow those received by a wife's mother, they would not take into account the bride's beauty and wealth of her parents unlike the Rungus Dusun (Appell Citation1985: 189).60By giving objects or provisions for the wedding feast. The return payments can be made directly by the father or on demand by a kin (cf. Appell Citation1983).61Harris (Citation1990: 55) gives the example of a bride price of two very expensive jars. Given after the bride settled in, the second one was compensated for, either by a war sword or by a water buffalo.62Sitsen (Citation1932: 153) gives two examples for the Lun Dayeh of the Upper Kerayan: a polychrome jar exchanged for a pig and a porcelain jar in exchange for a water buffalo. Along the Tengalan [Tinggalan], counter-payments were equivalent to payments; their non-payment led to the loss of the parents' rights over their daughter (Sitsen Citation1932: 154).63Rutter (Citation1922: 212) describes among the Murut a payment halfway between 'bride price' and 'dowry' (sic) and represented a half or a third of the amount of the 'bride price', i.e. a jar or two.64For a more detailed description, see Césard (Citation2007).65Other imported goods are exchanged between families. Jars, however, have been an item since the beginning of the trade in forest products unlike glass beads, for instance, which are more recent. There are a wider range of jars compared for example to gongs which are only known by the Punan Tubu in three sizes.66A valuable jar with an unknown history or of its last owner may be dangerous. It may be discovered in the forest and considered to belong to its former owner, for whom it was used as a jar of remains. Its ghost (roh) can manifest itself and sometimes harm its new owner. Less frequently, this is also the case of jars owned by harmful spirits (otu') which remind the Punan Tubu of the period of epidemics (layu).67If families recognise that these jars may have been traded a long time ago, they avoid selling them once they own them.68A visitor to a Punan house from one year to another, is unlikely to find an item seen previously, with the exception of kelu' jars.69A request is rarely rejected. The only way to refuse without putting one party or the other in an awkward position is to hide the desired object.70See Chin (Citation1988) about the Sarawak Museum collection and Valdes et al. (Citation1992) for the Philippines.71Gell (Citation1992: 144–5) mentioned that 'gifts' such as sacred jars, as opposed to 'commodities' like ordinary jars could be alienable for the recipient who gains access and the power to donate, whereas the donor loses both. In the case of a sacred jar, I show here that the new owner's intention takes into account the history of the jar.Additional informationAuthor biographyNicolas Césard is a social anthropologist and research associate at the Centre Asie du Sud-Est (CNRS-EHESS) and at the Laboratoire d'Ecoanthropologie et ethnobiologie (CNRS-MNHN), France. He is currently a Visiting Fellow of the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science at the Graduate School of Asian and African Area Studies (ASAFAS), Kyoto University, Japan. He has been carrying out research in Indonesia and among the Punan Tubu since 2000.