Artigo Revisado por pares

Phases and templates in Georgian agreement

2011; Wiley; Volume: 65; Issue: 3 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1111/j.1467-9582.2011.01184.x

ISSN

1467-9582

Autores

Leila Lomashvili, Heidi Harley,

Tópico(s)

Language, Discourse, Communication Strategies

Resumo

Studia LinguisticaVolume 65, Issue 3 p. 233-267 Phases and templates in Georgian agreement Leila Lomashvili, Leila Lomashvili Leila Lomashvili University of Arizona Department of Linguistics PO BOX 210028 Tucson, AZ 85721 lalomash@email.arizona.eduSearch for more papers by this authorHeidi Harley, Heidi Harley Heidi Harley University of Arizona Department of Linguistics PO BOX 210028 Tucson, AZ 85721 hharley@email.arizona.eduSearch for more papers by this author Leila Lomashvili, Leila Lomashvili Leila Lomashvili University of Arizona Department of Linguistics PO BOX 210028 Tucson, AZ 85721 lalomash@email.arizona.eduSearch for more papers by this authorHeidi Harley, Heidi Harley Heidi Harley University of Arizona Department of Linguistics PO BOX 210028 Tucson, AZ 85721 hharley@email.arizona.eduSearch for more papers by this author First published: 23 November 2011 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9582.2011.01184.xCitations: 2Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat Abstract Abstract. This paper proposes a new analysis of person and number agreement in Georgian, which combines the locality-based syntactic account of Béjar (2000) with the discontinuous bleeding mechanism proposed by Noyer (1997). Following Béjar (2000, 2003); Béjar and Rezac (2003), we argue that phi-feature checking and realization is sensitive both to locality and to markedness of features. Contra these previous approaches, however, we propose that the morphological realization of these checking relations is constrained by a morphological template which restricts the number of positions-of-exponence available in the Georgian verb, in the spirit of analyses proposed in Noyer (1997); Carmack (1997); and Hale (2001), and, in a way, by Harris (1981). Our central claim is that the cyclic, phase-dependent nature of Spell-Out interacts with the positions available in the template to produce the complex patterns of blocking observed, without recourse to extrinsic rule-ordering or a presyntactic level of paradigmatic structure (see, e.g. Stewart 2001). This approach easily accounts for the number sensitivity of the first person prefixes, and naturally extends to predict the forms of the inverse paradigm, given certain syntactic assumptions about the location of arguments in the tree structure in the relevant constructions. We also treat the agreement patterns of complex verbs, containing both the verb stem and a dummy auxiliary. We claim that these forms are distinct from the simplex forms in lacking a phase boundary which is present in the simplex forms. Citing Literature Volume65, Issue3December 2011Pages 233-267 RelatedInformation

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