Portal de Periódicos da CAPES

URBAN RENEWAL IN FRANCE

2007; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 20; Issue: 2 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1080/13511610701502222

1469-8412

Claire Lévy‐Vroelant,

Social Sciences and Governance

Abstract The aim of this article is to deliver a sociological analysis on what is going on in the so called 'sensitive neighbourhoods'. From at least the last three decades, different policies have tried to improve 'social cohesion' which is considered not to be produced 'naturally' anymore. As the policies are mainly targeting territorial actions on the housing market structures, we will begin trying to delineate the French housing 'crisis'. In the second part, we will summarize the urban development policies implemented over time. In the third part we will give an analysis about the stakes social housing sector has to face. Finally, we will discuss how social difficulties can be solved with spatial actions – or not - through resident satisfaction levels. One of the main conclusion is that stakeholders should invest more in dealing with the people already living in the neighbourhoods. Moreover, an excessive faith in the virtues of social mix and local intervention could lead to an aggravation of social exclusion. Notes 1. This is often associated with the wish of families to have access to better schooling for their children. Competition and inequality among secondary and high schools is extreme in France despite the principle of 'republican equality'. In the meantime it is also not possible in this connection to clearly separate cause from effect as the two are bound together viciously. 2. This field has been extensively research from the social science perspective. See, among others, Beaud and Pialoux (2003 Beaud , S. & Pialoux , M. (2003) , Violence Urbaines; Violences Sociales , Paris, Fayard . [Google Scholar]), Collovald (2001 Collovald , A. (2001) , 'Des désordres sociaux à la violence urbaine' , in Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales , Nos 136 – 137 . [Google Scholar], 2003 Collovald , A. (2003) , 'Obsessions sécuritaires' , Manière de voir , No. 71 . [Google Scholar]) and, more recently, Mucchielli & Le Goaziou (2006 Mucchielli , L. & Le goaziou , V. (2006) , Quand les Banlieues BrÛlent … , Paris , La Découverte . [Google Scholar]). 3. HLM stands for Habitation à Loyer Modéré (Moderated Rents Housing). The HLM includes most of the social housing stock. 4. Article 55 of the Law on Solidarity and Urban Renewal (Loi SRU, Solidarité et Renouvellement Urbain) establishes an obligation for large municipalities to allocate at least 20% of their housing stock to social housing. However, failure to abide by the law is only linked to an insignificant penalty. 5. The survey carried out in the framework of the Peyrat report showed that 55% of the respondents were concerned about the cleanness and maintenance of public infrastructure/spaces, 52% about safety and 44% about noise 6. In an interview given on 19 June 1991, Chirac, at the time mayor of Paris, said the following: 'Notre problème, ce n'est pas les étrangers, c'est qu'il y a overdose. C'est peut-être vrai qu'il n'y a pas plus d'étrangers qu'avant la guerre, mais ce n'est pas les mêmes et ça fait une différence. Il est certain que d'avoir des Espagnols, des Polonais et des Portugais travaillant chez nous, ça pose moins de problèmes que d'avoir des musulmans et des Noirs … Comment voulez-vous que le travailleur français qui travaille avec sa femme et qui, ensemble, gagnent environ 15000 francs, et qui voit sur le palier à côté de son HLM, entassée, une famille avec un père de famille, trois ou quatre épouses, et une vingtaine de gosses, et qui gagne 50000 francs de prestations sociales, sans naturellement travailler … si vous ajoutez le bruit et l'odeur, hé bien le travailleur français sur le palier devient fou. Et ce n'est pas être raciste que de dire cela'. (Translation: Our problem are not the foreigners but their excessive number. It is perhaps true that there are not more foreigners today than there were before the war, but they are not the same (type) and this makes a difference. It is simply a fact that to have Spanish, Polish and Portuguese working here for us poses less problems than having Muslims and blacks … What do you expect the French worker to think when he compares himself and his wife – together earning around 15,000 Francs – with the people next door at the HLM, namely a family of one husband and three or four wives, twenty or so boys and earning 50,000 Francs from social benefits, without working … If you on top of this add the noise and the smell, oh well, it is natural that the French worker goes mad. And it is not racist to say this.) 7. Associations such as 'Respect Banlieue' (Respect the Suburbs) or 'AC le feu' (Stop-the-fire) advocate talking (putting words) to harm done: 'Our collective was born the day after the social revolts that shook the country in November 2005, after two of our children, Bouna et Zyad, died in Clichy-sous-bois. In order to assert that they are not dead in vain, we have given ourselves the mission to go and meet the population in its diversity all over France and to fulfil a Grievances Paper Book. The idea was to set up a report based on observations and including propositions, (that we put in your hands today). Like the "sans culottes" during the French Revolution in 1789, we want to give a chance to lead people's expression and desires to the stakeholders of the Nation. History is repeating itself: Today, like yesterday, the central notion is clearly perceptible in those paper books: Equality!' 8. 'Les pratiques européennes de lutte contre l'insécurité. Synthèse des tendances'. Report, May 2005 by Sybille Smeets and Carrol Tange. Recherche commanditée par la Foondation Roi Baudoin, 32 pages. 9. In France there are different agencies dealing with different aspects of public safety and from all three different perspectives (!). The High-Level Committee on Integration (HCI : Haut Conseil à l'Intégration) was established in 2002; the National Agency on the Reception of Foreigners and Migrants (ANAEM : Agence Nationale de l'accueil des étrangers et des migrations) was set up in 2006; and the High Authority for the Fight Against Discrimination and for Equality (HALDE : Haute Autorité de lutte contre les discriminations et l'égalité) was created in 2005. Also in 2005, the National Site on the History of Migration (Cité nationale de l'histoire de l'immigration) was created. 10. Thus, the HCI 'regrets that the implementation of measures targeting the promotion of equal opportunities have been poorly communicated and that integrative policies have not been defended well as this was a painful and dangerous topic'. Elsewhere, the HCI notes that 'the principles of republican integration … are currently considered with suspicion and instead of a drastic law based-action, other solutions have been presented as panacea … these are mainly inspired by communitarianism – like positive discrimination and ethnic quota – and as such rejected by public opinion'. See HCI Report for the years 2003–2005 (own translation). 11. Own translation. 12. This process is in French called 'résidentialisation'. Besides seeking a 'better' social mix it involves the closing off of public spaces in order to render these private as it is assumed that private spaces will be better taken care of by local residents. See Lévy-Vroelant (2005 Lévy-Vroelant , C. (2005) , 'Entre paradoxale transparence et impossible entre-soi : les espaces communs de la cite Beaumarchais (Montreuil)' , in La Société des Voisin , Paris , Editions de la maison des sciences de l'homme . [Google Scholar]). 13. This is the case, for instance, of 'Banlieue Respect' (cited above), a federation of different associations very active in the field of citizenship and democratic participation concerns, but also of a group of students of political science who have been launched a number of activities to mobilize HLM residents to participate in the French presidential and parliamentary elections in May and June 2007.