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Ascendancy of the Religious Right in Bangladesh Politics: A Study of Jamaat Islami

2009; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 33; Issue: 2 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1080/09700160802702668

1754-0054

Smruti S. Pattanaik,

Bangladesh Politics, Society, and Development

Abstract The ascendancy of Jamaat Islami to power in a country that was born on the basis of secularism indicates the changing political dynamics in Bangladesh. Its syncretic tradition rooted in its language and culture limited Jamaat's success. Nevertheless, given the role the party played during the liberation war, its political ascendancy speaks of the changing political landscape. This article argues that though the party has exhibited some political success, it faces challenges from the secularists in the socio-cultural sphere, thereby limiting its growth and expansion. Acknowledgements This project was funded by the Asian Scholarship Foundation and the Department of International Relations gave me four months affiliation to finish this project. Notes 1. The Bangladesh Jamaat Islami, as the party is known now, has introduced some changes to the party constitution to make itself eligible to participate in the December 18, 2008 parliamentary elections. The Party also changed its name from Jamaat Islami Bangladesh to Bangladesh Jamaat Islami to make it relevant to Bangladesh's political context. Throughout this article the party is referred as Jamaat Islami (JI). 2. Authors like Ali Riaz have divided the Islamic groups into three broad categories according to their attitude towards participation in Bangladesh politics. Concurring with this division, I have divided the Islamic groups in term of their ideological orientation that defines their approach to politics. See Ali Riaz, Islamist Militancy in Bangladesh: A Complex Web, Routledge, London, 2008, pp. 30–32. 3. JIB, ‘Constitution’, Publication Division, Dhaka, 2003, p. 11. 4. For detailed analysis on how the secularists facilitated the Islamists, see Ali Riaz, ‘God Willing: The Politics and Ideology of Islam in Bangladesh’, Comparative Studies of South Asia and Middle East, 23(1&2), 2003, pp. 301–320. 5. Article 25 emphasizes Bangladesh to endeavour to strengthen its ties with fraternal Muslim countries. This change was important for reasons of Bangladeshi identity construction. Zia amended the constitution deleted secularism as one of the foundational principles and incorporated Islamic idioms to tune Bangladesh's constitution to his newly constructed ‘Bangladeshi’ identity which had religion at the core. 6. Some of the parties, such as the Muslim League, Jamaat Islami, and the Nizam-i-Islami party, announced their arrival. 7. Saudi Arabia recognized Bangladesh in 1975 after Mujib's assassination. It could have been a factor in the increase of aid. B.M. Manohar Kabir, ‘The Politics of Religion: Jamaa't Islami in Bangladesh’, in Rafiuddin Ahmed (ed.), Religion, Nationalism and Politics in Bangladesh, South Asian Publishers, New Delhi, 1990, p. 125. 8. Ibid. 9. Ibid., p. 127. 10. IDL was headed by Maulana Abdur Rahman, Ameer Jamaat. It included the Muslim League, Nizam-e-Islami, and Jamaat Islami. Six members belonging to JI won in this election. Later, IDL got divided as JI refused to integrate to the conglomeration by giving up its political identity as a party. 11. The ICS argued that JI needed to relaunch itself as a new party with a different name if it wanted to de-stigmatize itself. The main argument was that there would not be any allegation against the new party regarding its role in the liberation war if Jamaat changed its name. Even if the new party would constitute the same individuals, the allegations would be individual-specific not party-specific. The ICS also emphasized that both the organizations can work for Islam independently and ICS no longer wanted to be a front organization of the Jamaat. When the student leaves ICS, he can choose whatever party he wants to. This policy continued until 1982. Interview with Abdul Ahmad Qadeer on August 5, 2008 at Mohmadpur, Dhaka. Qadeer was President of the ICS when the split happened. He is now General Secretary of Bangladesh Khilafat Majlis (Izharul faction). 12. After liberation, Professor Ghulam Azam's citizenship was cancelled by the Awami League Government. He entered Bangladesh with a Pakistani passport and his citizenship was restored by the High Court only in 1994. 13. Saudi Arabia financially rewarded Jamaat for its changed position. Fahd Al Khatib, Saudi Arabia's Ambassador to Bangladesh, helped Jamaat with funds and facilitated the establishment of Ibne Sina and the Daily Sangram (the party's newspaper) building was bought with generous Saudi funding. Interview with former dissident Chatra Shibir leader on August 5, 2007. 14. See Article 3 of the JIB's constitution under the heading of purpose and ideology (JIB Constitution, 23rd edition, Publication Division, Dhaka, June 2006), pp. 11–12. 15. It does not have a transnational agenda of pan-Islamism. The change in the nomenclature of Jamaat Islami Bangladesh to Bangladesh Jamaat Islami in October 2008 suggests that the party wanted to disconnect from its Pakistani past and project itself as a national party. 16. For detailed analysis of Jamaat's organizational structure and ideology, see Hasan Mohammad, Jamaa't Islami Bangladesh: Netrito Songathan and Adarsho [Leadership, Organization and Ideology], Academic Publishers, Dhaka, 1993, pp. 84–96. 17. See JIB, ‘Sangathan Padhati’ [Organization Method], JIB Publication Department, Dhaka, June 2004, pp. 26–29. 18. It is organized along the lines of the left parties. Interview with Professor Ghulam Azam, former Amir Jamaat Islami, Bangladesh. 19. A former Chatra Shibir activist, who did not want to be named because he feared for his life, said that three times he tried to leave the Chatra Shibir network but somehow he got attracted and returned each time. It was only after he met a freedom fighter who had lost his leg due to an attack by razakars that he changed his views. Interview on June 19, 2007. 20. As cited in Ali Riaz, ‘Madrassah Education in Bangladesh: An Overview’, paper presented at the conference ‘Islamic Trends in Bangladesh’ organized by Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Washington, DC, January 24, 2005, p. 5. 21. In an interview with Maulana Delwar Hossain Sayeedi, former MP from the JI on June 19, 2007, Dhaka. 22. The Islamic Bank supervises the loans it gives to people. In case the person profits, it takes the profit instead of interest and in case of loss, the bank takes the entire burden. As explained by Moulana Delwar Hossain Sayeedi, June 19, 2007, Dhaka. 23. Interview with Allhaj Mijbaur Rahman Choudhury, who was earlier part of the alliance government and is currently Chairman of Bangladesh Islamic Oikyo Jote, on July 9, 2007, Dhaka. 24. The interviewee would not like to be identified. Similar views were expressed by some teachers in the Shahjalal University and Rajshahi University. Interviews conducted during my field trip between May and September 2007 in Bangladesh. 25. A member of Chatri Sangstha keeps an eye on the students and identifies those who are ‘Islamically inclined’ and are ‘innocent’. Then an attempt is made to befriend them and help them, slowly make conversation regarding religion, and persuade them to attend weekly meetings. The virtues of Islam are taught and the need to join the cause of religion is explained. They are asked to observe purdah. Later they are introduced to senior members. As explained to me by a former Chatri Sangha leader who is currently a member of Mohila Parishad. Dr. Akhter, Ibne Sina Hospital, Dhaka, July 30, 2007. 26. Data calculated from ASM Shamsul Arefin, ‘Bangladesher Nibrachona–1970–2001’ [Elections in Bangladesh], Bangladesh Research and Publications, Dhaka, 2003, p. 382. In the 1991 elections, it had received the second highest number of votes in 27 seats, in 1996 in 11 seats and in 2001 in seven seats. Also see Bhuian Monoar Kabir, Politics and Development of the Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh, AH Development Publishing House, Dhaka, 2006, pp. 132–147. 27. On special occasions, an additional contribution is made. Zakat and hides and goat-skins are collected during Eid-ul-Azha to meet the expenses of social welfare activities. JIB, ‘An Introduction to Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh’, Publication Department, Dhaka, 1999, p. 13. 28. Eight countries – the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, UAE, Kuwait, Qatar, Iraq, Libya, Baharin, and Oman – accounts for 82 per cent of total migrants up to 1998. Saudi Arabia accounts for nearly half of the total number of workers during 1976–1999. See Tasnim Siddiqi and C.R. Abrar, Migrant Workers Remittances and Micro Finance in Bangladesh, Working Paper No. 38, prepared for International Labour Organization, September 2003, p. 17. 29. See Abul Barkat, ‘Political Economy of Fundamentalism in Bangladesh’, Social Science Review (Dhaka University), 23(2), 2006, p. 1. 30. Unlike the Jamaat in Pakistan which supported Zia ul Haq's regime, the JI did not support Ershad. In the past, however, the party had supported the military regimes of Pakistan and General Zia-ur-Rahman. 31. ‘Outside power’ here refers to the United States and India. In an interview with the Press Secretary Moulana Wasel, and Mufti Tayeb, Joint Secretary, Islamic Oikyo Jote (Amini). Interview held on August 8, 2007, Lalbagh Shahi Masjid and Madrassa, Dhaka. 32. Interview with Moulana Yusuf Ashraf, General Secretary and Humayun Kabir, organizing Secretaryof IOJ (Allama Azizul Haque faction). Interview conducted on August 20, 2007. The first time Bangladesh Ulema entered politics after independence is when Hafezzi Huzur contested the presidential election in 1982. IOJ is extremely radical. One of its leaders, Allama Azizul Haque, who is in charge of Mohammadpur masjid in the heart of Dhaka, met Begum Khaleda Zia in 2006 along with some of the leaders of the banned HuJi to request the government to let the HuJi activists function under Sachetan Islami Janota. This organization organized a meeting in August 2006 in front of Boitul Moqarram mosque with the tacit support of the government. 33. The IOJ has recently published its list of war criminals in which the Jammat Amir Motinur Rahman Nizami and its General Secretary Ali Ahsan Mujaheed figure. See Daily Star, ‘IOJ Reveals List of War Criminals’, February 17, 2008. 34. The argument put forward by conservative Islamic parties is that Mowdudi was not a companion of the Prophet and was an ordinary human being. So how can an ideology based on philosophy of Mowdudi bring Islamic revolution? 35. The Habiganj Amir of Jamaat, Saidur Rahman, was involved with the JMB and is now absconding. During the probe by Bangladesh Bank to look into the financial linkages of the militants, it found an account which was in the name of Sabbir Ahmed, and suspected that a transaction of money related to militancy took place. It was further found out that the account was actually being operated by Saidur Rahman. Moreover, due to the interference of a former Jamaat-Islami law maker, Abdul Khaleque, the police could not arrest the JMB operatives in Khulna and Satkhira. He reportedly trained women JMB cadres at Chhoygharia Mahila Madrassa in Khulna and Satkhira personally. 36. Delwar Hossain Sayeedi wrote a book on ‘Islam and Militancy’ which was translated in English and was distributed to various Western Embassies to alleviate any fear regarding the JI. Interview with Moulana Sayeedi on June 19, 2007. Interestingly, many believed that the JI was behind an anonymous leaflet campaign on August 25, 2005 which said that Ahle Hadith Jubo Sangha was behind the militancy. See Daily Star, ‘Anonymous Leaflets’, August 27, 2005. 37. My observations are based on one of my attendances at a Waz Mehfil conducted by Allhaj Mizbaur Rahman Choudhury at Gulshan on July 21, 2007 in Dhaka, and based on listening to some of the cassettes of Waz Mahfil of Maulana Sayeedi widely available in Dhaka, especially near Katabon and Boitul Muqarram Mosques. 38. Saimum Shilpi Gosthi functions under different names in various parts of Bangladesh. For example, Tornado Shilpi Gosthi in Lalmonirhat, Pratay in Rajshahi, Cox's Baxzar Sangstrik Parishad, Cyclone Shilpi Gocsthi, Chittagong, Dishari in Kishoreganj, Awbin in Sylhet, and Typhoon in Khulana. For details, see Shafiq Rahman, ‘New Trends in Islamic Music’, at http://www.probenewsmagazine.com/index.php?index=9&morecontentId=61&pgno=2 (Accessed April 15, 2008). For an interesting analysis of the activities of Islamic cultural organizations, see Ali Riaz, n. 2, pp. 59–60. Samilito Sangskrutik Jote, a left-leaning cultural organization, is active in organizing music festivals. 39. ‘Islamize’ is used here to connote the increasing use of religious idioms in AL's political discourse, eroding its secular credentials. 40. The Alliance partner of AL (like the JSD headed by Hasanal Haq Inu), Kamal Hossain, said that they were not even aware of such a deal. AL Presidium members like Colonel Farukh Khan and Abdur Razzak also denied that they had knowledge of this. Interviews with Mr. Inu on July 13, with Dr. Kamal Hossain on July 28, Colonel Farrukh Khan on July 5, and Mr. Razzak on July 9, 2007. 41. Ghulam Azam, interview conducted between August 7 and 9, 2008. 42. Ghulam Azam, Jamaa't-e-Islami: Ideology and Movement, Adhunik Prakashini, Dhaka, 2006. 43. For details, see Jamaat-i-Islami.org, ‘War Crimes and the Constitution’ at http://www.jamaat-e-islami.org/index.php?option=com_news&task=detail&info_id=58 (Accessed April 2, 2008). 44. See Crisis Group Report, Restoring Democracy in Bangladesh, Asia Report No. 151, April 28, 2008, p. 25. 45. For details, see Taj Hashmi, ‘Islamic Resurgence in Bangladesh: Genesis, Dynamics and Implications’, in S.P. Limaye, M. Malik, and R.G. Wirsing (eds.), Religious Radicalism and Security in South Asia, Asia Pacific Centre for Security Studies, Honolulu, Hawaii, 2004, pp. 35–72. 46. Sangram is not one of the top circulating newspapers. It has a readership of around 50–60,000. However, it is the most accessible newspaper. Jugantor, Prathom alo, Ittefaq, Janakantha, Inquilab, Bhorer Kagoj, and Aajker Kajor are among the top ten. Inquilab until recently was pro-Islamist. Most of the Bengali newspapers are priced between Tk 7–8 on the weekdays and Tk 10 on weekends. 47. Jamaat Amir Motiur Rahman Nizami had denied the existence of militants and had attributed them to a creation of the media. 48. Ghulam Azam, n. 42, p. 86. 49. For a detailed analysis, see Smruti S. Pattanaik, ‘Majoritarian State and the Marginalized Minorities: Case Study of Hindus in Bangladesh’, paper presented at the IDSA Fellows Seminar, New Delhi, March 2005. 50. For details regarding the activities of fundamentalists, see an interesting and in-depth study by Hiranmay Karlekar, Bangladesh: Next Afghanistan, Sage, New Delhi, 2006. 51. Peter J. Betrocci, ‘Traditional Islam in Bangladesh’, paper presented at the conference ‘Islamic Trends in Bangladesh’ organised by Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Washington, DC, January 24, 2005, p. 2.