Painted for the ear: Ambrogio Lorenzetti's “Fraud” and political oratory
2011; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 27; Issue: 2 Linguagem: Inglês
10.1080/02666286.2011.552240
ISSN1943-2178
Autores Tópico(s)Reformation and Early Modern Christianity
ResumoClick to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The author would like to thank Brigitte Buettner, Cecily J. Hilsdale, Timothy McCall, Nenette Luarca-Shoaf, and the anonymous reader for Word & Image for their useful comments on various drafts of this paper. He is also grateful for remarks he received after presenting some of this material in 2005 at the International Congress for Medieval Studies, Western Michigan University, and at the Visual Culture Colloquium, Bryn Mawr College, in 2008. Two grants from Ursinus College supported research and travel for this project, and a semester of pre-tenure leave enabled him to complete the manuscript. The interlibrary loan staff at Myrin Library (Ursinus College), including Dominique de Saint Etienne, were helpful as well. Notes 1 – Hans Belting, ‘The new role of narrative in public painting of the Trecento: Historia and allegory,’ in Pictorial Narrative in Antiquity and the Middle Ages, ed. Herbert L. Kessler and Marianna Shreve Simpson (Hanover, NH: University Press of New England, 1985), pp. 159–60; Randolph Starn and Loren Partridge, Arts of Power: Three Halls of State in Italy, 1300–1600 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), p. 45; and Enrico Castelnuovo, ‘Famosissimo et singularissimo maestro,’ in Ambrogio Lorenzetti: Il Buon Governo, ed. Enrico Castelnuovo (Milan: Electa, 1995), pp. 9–22, here p. 9–20. 2 – Starn and Partridge, Arts of Power, pp. 28–52; Maria Monica Donato, ‘La “bellissima inventiva”: immagini e idee nella sala della pace,’ in Ambrogio Lorenzetti, pp. 23–41, here pp. 29–30, 35; and Furio Brugnolo, ‘Le iscrizioni in volgare: testo e commento,’ in Ambrogio Lorenzetti, pp. 381–91. 3 – In general the question of vocalization has been largely mute in histories of art in late medieval Italy, including studies of ‘speaking’ images and ‘visible speech’ (visibile parlare). On notions of dialogue between images and viewers, see Hans Belting, Likeness and Presence: A History of the Image before the Era of Art, trans. Edmund Jephcott (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994), pp. 351–52, 367, 376, 390, 393; and Jens T. Wollesen, ‘Spoken words and images in late medieval Italian painting,’ in Oral History of the Middle Ages: The Spoken Word in Context, ed. Gerhard Jaritz and Michael Richter (Budapest: Medium Aevum Quotidianum, 2001), pp. 257–76. The term visibile parlare, which comes from Dante's Purgatorio (10.95), has been applied by scholars to depictions of spoken words and of individuals speaking or responding to speech. See Roger Tarr, ‘“Visibile parlare”: The spoken word in fourteenth-century central Italian painting,’ Word & Image 13, no. 3 (July – Sept. 1997), pp. 223–44. Tarr was concerned to demonstrate relationships between painting and poetry, and argued that the art of Ambrogio Lorenzetti and other Sienese painters was ‘based on the same imaginative assumption [as poetry], that the medium in each case can be imbued with the latent power of speech’ (p. 236). My own study agrees with that view, but also explores what such power could mean, and what its limits may have been, in a complex communicative environment. The attention my paper gives to social factors in that environment aligns with C. Jean Campbell's observation that ‘[i]n a society, like that of the early communes, that depended at various levels and very heavily upon the skills of professional rhetoricians and artists – notaries, speechmakers, diplomats, poets, and painters – to represent their interests, the old problem of representation become deeply socially engaged.’ C. Jean Campbell, The Game of Courting and the Art of the Commune of San Gimignano, 1290–1320 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997), p. 182. 4 – Brunetto Latini, Li livres dou tresor (trans. Paul Barrette and Spurgeon Baldwin), p. 3.1.2. On relationships between the frescoes in the room of the Nine and Latini's Tresor, see Quentin Skinner, ‘Ambrogio Lorenzetti: the artist as political philosopher,’ Proceedings of the British Academy 72 (1986), pp. 1–56; Starn and Partridge, Arts of Power, pp. 35–36, 40–44, 45; and Mechtild Modersohn, ‘Lust auf Frieden. Brunetto Latini und die Fresken von Ambrogio Lorenzetti im Rathaus zu Siena,’ in Bildnis und Image: Das Portrait zwischen Intention und Rezeption, ed. Andreas Köstler and Ernst Seidl (Cologne: Böhlau, 1998), pp. 85–118. 5 – My discussion of the Nine relies heavily on William M. Bowsky, A Medieval Italian Commune: Siena under the Nine, 1287–1355 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1981). 6 – Ibid., pp. 56, 57. ‘Bad government’ is located on the room's west wall, while ‘good government’ spans the north and east walls. The arrangement of seats and tables in the room is unknown, though Starn and Partridge speculate that the Nine sat on a platform against the north wall with personifications of ‘good government’ behind them. In that arrangement, the Nine would have seen Fraus on the wall to their right. Starn and Partridge, Arts of Power, p. 18. 7 – Bowsky, Siena, p. 291. The notion that the frescoes’ intended audience extended well beyond the Nine has been generally assumed by scholars. Early descriptions of the frescoes, the earliest written in 1350, imply public familiarity with them. See Nirit Ben-Aryeh Debby, ‘War and peace: The description of Ambrogio Lorenzetti's frescoes in Saint Bernardino's 1425 Siena sermons,’ Renaissance Studies 15, no. 3 (2001), pp. 272–86. 8 – Bowsky, Siena, pp. 86–87, 100. 9 – Latini, Tresor, p. 1.4.9–10. On the study of rhetoric in late medieval Siena, see Gianfranco Fioravanti, ‘Le “arti liberali” nei secoli XIII–XV,’ in L'Università di Siena: 750 anni di storia (Monte dei Paschi di Siena: Amilcare Pizzi Editore, 1991), pp. 255–60; and Paolo Nardi, L'Insegnamento superiore a siena nei secoli xi–xiv: Tentativi e realizzazioni dalle origini alla fondazione dello studio generale (Milan: Giuffrè Editore, 1996). 10 – Bowsky, Siena, pp. 96–101. 11 – Scholars have drawn the reasonable conclusion that Lorenzetti had help conceiving the frescoes, notwithstanding an inscription on the north wall that credits him alone (‘Ambrosius Laurentii de Senis hic pinxit utrinque’) and later characterizations of his intellectual stature in the writings of Ghiberti and Vasari. In referring at times to the frescoes as Lorenzetti's, I do not exclude the possibility that he worked with one or more learned advisors. Specific contributors are proposed by Rubinstein, ‘Political ideas,’ p. 189; and Joseph Polzer, ‘Ambrogio Lorenzetti's War and Peace murals revisited: Contributions to the meaning of the Good Government Allegory,’ Artibus et Historiae 23, no. 45 (2002), pp. 74–76. 12 – Rev. 9.7–10, cited in John Block Friedman, ‘Antichrist and the iconography of Dante's Geryon,’ Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 35 (1972), p. 108–22. Examples in late medieval Italian art of the Eden serpent with a human face are discussed in Henry Ansgar Kelly, ‘The metamorphoses of the Eden serpent during the Middle Ages and Renaissance,’ Viator 2 (1971), pp. 301–27, here pp. 313, 318. 13 – Anat Tcherikover, ‘Reflections of the investiture controversy at Nonantola and Modena,’ Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 60, no. 2 (1997), pp. 158–65. For other depictions of duplicitous speech prior to Fraus, see Jesse M. Gellrich, ‘The art of the tongue: Illuminating speech and writing in later medieval manuscripts,’ in Virtue and Vice: The Personifications in the Index of Christian Art, ed. Colum Hourihane (Princeton: Index of Christian Art, 2000), pp. 105–12. 14 – Dante Alighieri, The Divine Comedy: Inferno, part I: Text, trans. Charles S. Singleton (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989), 17. 7. 15 – Ibid., 17.15–18. Two early commentators on the poem, Guido of Pisa and Giovanni Boccaccio, remarked on the power of Geryon's skin to stimulate wonder. Guido of Pisa, Expositiones et Glose super Comediam Dantis, ed. Vincenzo Cioffari (New York: State University of New York Press, 1974), p. 311; and Giovanni Boccaccio, Il Commento di Giovanni Boccaccio sopra La Commedia, ed. Gaetano Milanesi (Florence: F. Le Monnier, 1863), p. 458. In the bestiary tradition, the stellio and the scitalis precede Geryon as reptilian deceivers with alluring skin: Isidore of Seville Etymologiarum (Migne PL 82.444, 82.447). A. R. Chisholm, ‘The prototype of Dante's Geryon,’ Modern Language Review 24 (1929), pp. 451–54, here p. 543, proposes the stellio–Geryon link. The scitalis has, to my knowledge, been overlooked in the copious literature on Geryon. 16 – Martianus Capella, The Marriage of Philology and Mercury, in Martianus Capella and the Seven Liberal Arts, 2 vols., trans. William Harris Stahl, Richard Johnson, E.L. Burge (New York: Columbia University Press, 1977) 5.426. I am grateful to Brigitte Buettner for suggesting to me that Fraus resembles medieval personifications of rhetoric. 17 – George Rowley, Ambrogio Lorenzetti, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1958), vol. 1, p. 106. 18 – Close variants appear in the pulpit carved by Giovanni Pisano for the cathedral in Pisa and in the relief decoration of the Campanile adjacent to the cathedral in Florence, probably carved by Andrea Pisano. See Paolo D'Ancona, ‘Le rappresentazioni allegoriche delle arti liberali nel medio evo e nel Rinascimento, III,’ L'Arte 5 (1902), pp. 211–28. 19 – Such a characterization of fraud has a parallel in theological writing of the time. Simone Fidati, a renowned Augustinian hermit who preached in Siena some time before his death in 1348, imagined the devil in Christ's time taking the form of a dignified man ‘of great skill and eloquence.’ Mary Germaine McNeil, Simone Fidati and his De Gestis Dominis Salvatoris (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 1950), pp. 17, 91. Diana Norman discusses the possibility of Ambrogio Lorenzetti's familiarity with Fidati. Diana Norman, ‘“In the beginning was the word”: An altarpiece by Ambrogio Lorenzetti for the Augustinian Hermits of Massa Marittima,’ Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 58, no. 4 (1995), pp. 478–503, here p. 501. 20 – Latini, Tresor, v. 2.66.2. 21 – Chiara Frugoni seems to construe Fraus as female, while Diana Norman implies the figure to be male by describing it as ‘bearded.’ Chiara Frugoni, A Distant City: Images of Urban Experience in the Medieval World, trans. William McCuaig (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991), pp. 154, 157; Diana Norman ‘“Love justice, you who judge the earth”: The paintings of the Sala dei Nove in the Palazzo Pubblico, Siena,’ in Siena, Florence and Padua: Art, Society and Religion, 1280–1400, ed. Diana Norman, (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995), vols. II, p. 152. Other scholars have characterized the figure in a gender-neutral way. On-site inspection with binoculars reveals no facial hair, though the paint of the face appears not to be fully intact and visible features resemble those of other men painted by Lorenzetti. 22 – Latini, Tresor, 2.66.3, 3.3.6. 23 – Roger Dragonetti, Le Mirage des sources: L'art du faux dans le roman médiéval (Paris: Éditions du Seuil, 1987), p. 50, interprets the ornaments of Capella's Rhetoric as figures of rhetoric constituting the finery of a style that beautifies writing. 24 – For styles of ornate speech, see Rhetorica ad Herennium (trans. Harry Caplan), 4.8.11. The formality of Fraus's gown decoration may correspond to the ‘grand’ style of oratory, which ‘consists of a smooth and ornate arrangement of impressive words.’ Campbell, The Game of Courting and the Art of the Commune of San Gimignano, 1290–1320 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997), pp. 180, 182, has posited a relationship in late medieval Tuscany between rhetoric and multicolored clothing. 25 – Rhetorica ad Herennium, 4.13.19, 4.14.20–21, 4.15.21, 4.28.38–39. 26 – mulceo dum loquor, vario vestita colore. The gown's paint is now lost. Another pictorial link between paint and rhetoric occurs in a manuscript made in Prato in the late 1330s for Robert of Anjou (British Library, Royal MS 6 E IX, fol. 29), where a colorfully dressed Rhetoric is accompanied by the phrase, Pingo novos flores verbis variando colores (I paint new flowers with words by varying the colors). See Nicolas Bell, Music in Medieval Manuscripts (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2001), p. 9. 27 – Latini, Tresor, 3.10.3. Conscious associations between painting and rhetoric are usually ascribed to ancient and Renaissance writers, not to early fourteenth-century painters. See for instance David Summers, ‘Contrapposto: Style and meaning in Renaissance art,’ Art Bulletin, 59, no. 3 (Sept. 1977), pp. 336–61. 28 – ‘Emerald’ in its medieval usage applied to a range of hues, including a variety of precious and semi-precious stones of green color. See H.D. Austin, ‘Notes to the Divine Comedy (a supplement to existing commentaries),’ PMLA, 55, no. 3 (Sept. 1940), pp. 660–713, here p. 676. On the problem of medieval color terminology, see Michel Pastoureau, ‘Voir les couleurs au XIIIe siècle,’ Micrologus 6, pt. 2 (1998), pp. 147–65, here p. 148; and John Gage, Color and Meaning: Art, Science, Symbolism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999), pp. 92–96. The right sleeve of Fraus is lighter than the material below it. The latter was repainted probably in 1492 due to moisture damage prior to the wall's reverse being enclosed in the palace. No one has doubted green to have been the original color. Donato judged restorations of the fresco to be accurate and to show enduring appreciation of Lorenzetti's art and its political message. Donato, ‘ “Bellissima inventiva”,’ p. 25, nn. 31–33. On the restorations, see Edna Carter Southard, The Frescoes in Siena's Palazzo Pubblico, 1289–1539: Studies in Imagery and Relations to Other Communal Palaces in Tuscany (New York: Garland, 1979), p. 273; and Alessandro Angelini, ‘I restauri di Pietro di Francesco agli affreschi di Ambrogio Lorenzetti nella “Sala della Pace”,’ Prospettiva, 31 (1982), pp. 78–82. 29 – The association of green and deceit may be familiar to historians of Renaissance art from the gown of the hybrid creature in the London Allegory painted around 1545 by Agnolo Bronzino. For this figure, see John F. Moffitt, ‘An exemplary humanist hybrid: Vasari's “Fraude” with reference to Bronzino's “Sphinx”,’ Renaissance Quarterly, 49 (1996), pp. 303–33. 30 – Anonymous, Libro de le virtudi de le pietre preziose, in Enrico Narducci, ‘Intorno a tre inediti volgarizzamenti del buon secolo della lingua,’ Il Propugnatore, 2, pt. 1 (1869), pp. 314–15. Albertus Magnus, the thirteenth-century Dominican scholar, wrote that the emerald dat verba persuasoria (confers persuasive speech). Beati Alberti Magni Opera Omnia, ed. Augusti Borgnet, 38 vols. (Paris: Vivès, 1890), V, pp. 45–46. 31 – L’Ottimo Commento della Divina Commedia, 2 vols (Pisa: Presso Niccolò Capurro, 1827), v. 555. 32 – Latini, Tresor, 2.1.3. 33 – John M. Riddle, ‘Lithotherapy in the Middle Ages: Lapidaries considered as medical texts,’ Pharmacy in History 12, no. 12 (1970), pp. 39–50, here pp. 47, 49. For the thirteenth-century scholastic writer William of Auvergne, the beauty of the color green was a function of its moderate physical effect on the eye. Unlike black and white, the extremes of the color scale between which green was situated in William's understanding, green caused the eye neither to dilate nor contract. See John Gage, ‘Colour in history: Relative and absolute,’ Art History 1, no. 1 (March 1978), pp. 104–30, here p. 108. 34 – For later associations between listening to speech and perceptions of color, green in particular, see Bruce R. Smith, ‘Listening for Green,’ in The Key of Green: Passion and Perception in Renaissance Culture (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009), pp. 168–207. 35 – Latini, Tresor, 3.1. 36 – Frugoni, A Distant City, pp. 118–19; and Maria Monica Donato, ‘Il pittore del buon governo: Le opere “politiche” di Ambrogio in Palazzo Pubblico,’ in Pietro e Ambrogio Lorenzetti, ed. Chiara Frugoni (Florence: Le Lettere, 2002), p. 218. Regarding the interpretation of the enthroned figure, see Quentin Skinner, ‘Ambrogio Lorenzetti's Buon Governo frescoes: two old questions, two new answers,’ Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 62 (1999), pp. 1–28, here pp. 9–14. 37 – Isidore of Seville Etymologiarum (Migne PL 82.464). See also Enciclopedia Dantesca, s.v. ‘vispistrello.’ Jurgis Baltrusaitis, Le Moyen âge fantastique: Antiquités et exotismes dans l'art gothique (Paris: Flammarion, 1981), pp. 143–49, discusses bat wings in late medieval art. 38 – Latini, Tresor, 1.2.2, 2.91a.9. 39 – Latini, Tresor, 3.1.2, 3.1.9. 40 – Ruggero Stefanini, ‘Inscriptions in the sala dei Nove,’ in Arts of Power, pp. 262–63. 41 – Dante, Inferno, 11.22–27. Virgil explains that fraud is more displeasing to God because it is ‘an evil peculiar to man.’ Latini, by contrast, saw strength and deception as types of inhuman cruelty, a view that may explain the grouping of Cruelty, Treachery, and Fraud in the fresco. He judged deception to be more dangerous than strength on the reasoning that deceptive persons seem to be good. Latini, Tresor, 2.110.5. 42 – Nicolai Rubinstein, ‘Political ideas in Sienese art: The frescoes by Ambrogio Lorenzetti and Taddeo di Bartolo in the Palazzo Pubblico,’ Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 21 (1958), pp. 188–89; and Skinner, ‘Two old questions,’ p. 2. Starn and Partridge, Arts of Power, pp. 20–28, offer the most extensive discussion of what tyranny meant to the Sienese. 43 – Rhetorica ad Herennium, pp. 2.30.47–49. In the case of an accusation, for example, amplification conveys the foulness and cruelty of the action of the accused. 44 – On the role of viewers in the interpretation of Lorenzetti's frescoes and other allegorical paintings in fourteenth-century Italy, see Rosemund Tuve, ‘Notes on the virtues and vices, part I,’ Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 26 (1963), pp. 265–303, here p. 295; and Anne Dunlop, ‘Allegory, painting and Petrarch,’ Word & Image 24, no. 1 (Jan.–March 2008), pp. 77–91, here p. 77. 45 – Scholars have noted other ways in which Lorenzetti's frescoes in the room of the Nine echo Martini's Maestà, including the use of Diligite iustitiam …’ and a depiction of the enthroned Virgin and Child on the shield of Common Good. Skinner, ‘The artist as political philosopher,’ p. 44; Frugoni, A Distant City, p. 125; and Donato, ‘Il pittore,’ p. 218. 46 – ‘Li angelichi fiorecti, rose e gigli / Onde s'adorna lo celeste prato, / Non mi dilettan’ piu ch'e’ buon consigli / Ma talor veggio chi per proprio stato / Dispreza me e la mia terra inganna: / E quando parla peggio è piu lodato; / Guardi ciascun cui questo dir condanna.’ Transcribed in Andrew Martindale, Simone Martini (Oxford: Phaidon, 1988), p. 207. 47 – Samuel Y. Edgerton, Pictures and Punishment: Art and Criminal Prosecution during the Florentine Renaissance (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1985), pp. 75, 78–84. 48 – Gen. 3.1–5. A commonplace in theologians, and preachers’ condemnations of mendacity (mendacium), the temptation of Eve was recalled at times as a rhetorical event. Carla Casagrande and Silvana Vecchio, I Peccati della lingua: disciplina ed etica della parola nella cultura medievale (Rome: Istituto della Enciclopedia Italiana, 1987), p. 257. 49 – Boncompagno da Signa, Boncompagni Rhetorica Novissima, ed. Augusto Gaudentio, Bibliotheca Iuridica Medii Aevi, Scripta Anecdota Glossatorum, 3 vols (Bologna: Societatis Azzogiudianae, 1982–1914), vol. 2 (1892), p. 255. 50 – Giordano of Pisa, Prediche sul terzo capitolo del Genesi, ed. Cristina Marchioni (Florence: Olschki, 1992), p. 163. 51 – Ibid., pp. 35–7, 98. 52 – Tyrammides’s eyes are crossed as he focuses on Superbia (Pride) who hovers just overhead. 53 – Lina Bolzoni, The Web of Images: Vernacular Preaching from its Origins to St. Bernardino da Siena, trans. Carole Preston and Lisa Chien (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2004), p. 20. 54 – Augustine, De Genesi ad litteram, trans. John Hammond Taylor, 2 vols (New York: Newman Press, 1982) p. 11.27.34. An inventory of 1360 of the library of the Augustinian Hermits in Siena includes a manuscript of De Genesi ad litteram: P. D. Gutiérrez, ‘De antiquis ordinis Eremitarum sancti Augustini bibliothecis,’ Analecta Augustiniana 24, no. 2 (1954), pp. 302–303. Similar ideas are found in City of God. See Augustine, De civitate Dei, 14.13, 14.28, 19.21. Scholarship has identified other connections between that book and the frescoes, for instance Rubinstein, ‘Political ideas,’ p. 187 n. 63; and Skinner, ‘Two old questions,’ p. 6, n. 23. For the likelihood of Lorenzetti's familiarity with Augustinian ideas prior to the room of the Nine commission, see Norman, ‘“In the beginning”,’ pp. 497–98, 500–01, 503. 55 – Stefanini, ‘Inscriptions,’ pp. 265–66, transcribes relevant inscriptions in the frescoes. It is worth noting that in the portion of the east wall fresco that has come to be known as ‘the effects of government on the city,’ in a position spatially opposite that of Fraus on the west wall, a tambourine player amidst dancers sings with an open mouth. The meaning of the scene is debated. I will add only that the central role of voice in the dancers’ harmonious interactions sharpens the implied societal disaster set in motion by Fraud's eloquence. Campbell's recent interpretation of the dancers as fictitious on several levels heightens the interest of this opposition because it points to notions of socially beneficial fictions, including the practice of painting itself. C. Jean Campbell, The Commonwealth of Nature: Art and Poetic Community in the Age of Dante (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2008), pp. 105–11. 56 – Scholars have proposed that the Vices painted by Ambrogio Lorenzetti in the ‘bad government’ fresco generally reflected communal issues, but have not explored problems related to Fraud. Frugoni, A Distant City, pp. 132, 154; Starn and Partridge, Arts of Power, pp. 22, 26–87; Donato, ‘ “Bellissima inventiva”,’ pp. 34–45; and Max Seidel, “Vanagloria: Studien zur Ikonographie der Fresken des Ambrogio Lorenzetti in der ‘Sala della Pace,’” Städel-Jahrbuch, 16 (1997), pp. 35–90. 57 – Philip Jones, The Italian City-State: From Commune to Signoria (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997), pp. 530–31. 58 – Bowsky, Siena, pp. 50, 130–31. Collective memory of the rebellion of 1318 was institutionally ritualized for decades after the event. Within a month of taking office each new podestà in Siena was required to recall it to a meeting of the general council. William M. Bowsky, ‘The anatomy of rebellion in fourteenth-century Siena: From commune to signory?,’ in Violence and Civil Disorder in Italian Cities, 1200–1500, ed. Lauro Martines (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972), pp. 229–72, here p. 252. 59 – Ranieri Gangalandi, Il Costituto del comune di Siena volgarizzato, ed. Alessandro Lisini, 2 vols (Siena: Tip. Sordomuti di L. Lazzeri, 1903) 2. vol. 60 – Ibid., dist. 5, cap. 471. 61 – Ibid., dist. 5, cap. 489, and dist. 6b, cap. 16. 62 – Ibid., dist. 1, cap. 175; dist. 1, cap. 176; dist. 2, cap. 333; dist. 6a, cap. 73. The reliability of foreign officials serving Siena could come into question as well if they came from factions and towns that did not favor its republican government. Bowsky, Siena, p. 44. 63 – Costituto, dist 6a, cap. 4; dist. 6a, cap. 24; dist. 6a, cap. 58. If suspected of fraud themselves, members of the Nine were to be investigated by the podestà. Bowsky, Siena, pp. 57, 82. 64 – Ibid., Siena, p. 75. 65 – For subjects and rules of debate, see Daniel Waley, Siena and the Sienese in the Thirteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), pp. 50–56. For procedures, see Bowsky, Siena, pp. 88–90. 66 – Training in rhetoric had been available to Sienese men since the thirteenth century. In 1278, in response to youths and notaries clamoring to the podestà and general council for public instruction in public oratory and letter writing, Guidotto da Bologna was brought to Siena to teach rhetoric and grammar. Nardi, L'Insegnamento, p. 74. It is reasonable to assume that participation in government offices and meetings also gave citizens what Waley calls ‘a training in the arts of verbal persuasion.’ Waley, Siena, p. 72. 67 – Odonetti is discussed by Fioravanti, ‘Le “arti liberali”,’ pp. 256, 258, 260; and Nardi, L'Insegnamento, pp. 185, 190, 192, 200, 205, 206. For Giovanni di Bonandrea, the founder of the Ciceronian tradition in Bologna that must have been central to Odonetti's intellectual formation, see Virginia Cox ‘Ciceronian rhetoric in Italy, 1260–1350,’ Rhetorica 17, no. 3 (Summer 1999), pp. 239–88, here pp. 243–44. Evidence of the currency of Ad Herennium in Tuscan pedagogy comes in a notice that Petrarch's teacher (Maestro Convenevole del fu Ser Acconcio da Prato) lectured on the text in Prato around 1335–38. Robert Black, Education and Society in Florentine Tuscany: Teachers, Pupils and Schools, c. 1250–1500 (Leiden: Brill, 2007), pp. 3–75, here p. 62. 68 – John O. Ward, ‘The medieval and early Renaissance study of Cicero's De inventione and the Rhetorica ad Herennium: Commentaries and contexts,’ in The Rhetoric of Cicero in its Medieval and Early Renaissance Commentary Tradition, eds. Virginia Cox and John O. Ward (Leiden: Brill, 2006), pp. 3–75. 69 – Albertano da Brescia, Liber de doctrina dicendi et tacendi: La parola del cittadino nell'Italia del Duecento, ed. Paola Navone (Florence: Edizioni del Galluzzo, 1998), pp. 11, 19. Similar advice is found in a chapter on prudence in Latini's Tresor: ‘A wise man does not want to deceive another.’ Latini also devotes chapters to the ethics of speech. In one of them he urges readers to use words in ways that are truthful and ‘without any concealment.’ Latini, Tresor, 2.58.5, 2.63.1–4, 2.63.11. His discussion of speech ethics closely follows that of Albertano. Cox, ‘Ciceronian rhetoric,’ pp. 273–74. 70 – Chicago, Newberry Library, Special Collections, Vault Ms. 27.1. For discussion of this text, see Paul F. Gehl, ‘Preachers, teachers, and translators: The social meaning of language study in trecento Tuscany,’ Viator 25 (1994), pp. 289–323, here pp. 298–99. 71 – Vault Ms. 27.1 (no folio number), ‘SI [sic] come dice lascriptura glialbori si conoscono p[er] li fructi [et] lihuomini p[er]lopera. [Et] per questo exemplo potemo ueracemente conoscere [et] giudicare ke uerace [et] puro amore e intral uostro comune el nostro [et] grandi op[er]e sono state delluno comune allaltro.’ 72 – Vault Ms. 27.1 (no folio number), ‘PErcio [sic] che auoi tocta quello chio pensato di dire intrauoi conuiensi cheuoi appriate li uostri orecchi del capo [et] quelli del cuore Siche uoi possiate intendere [et] consilliare [et] prendere quello partito chessia ilmellio p[er]uoi [et] p[er]chelemalitie si possano mellio amortare.’ Both speeches adhere to Latini's advice that speakers use a prologue ‘which truly captures the heart of the one to whom you are speaking to listen to what you will say.’ Latini recommends including ‘good words and proverbs,’ which the former speech does. Latini, Tresor 3.17.1, 3.32.1. 73 – Ibid., 3.18.2. Here he contradicts his advice, mentioned above, to use words ‘without any concealment.’ 74 – An example of this technique given by Latini is Catiline speaking appealingly to the Roman senate of his ancestors, of good deeds, and of his longstanding habit of helping the powerless, all words calculated to distract his audience from his plot against Rome's rulers. Ibid., Tresor, 3.29.1. 75 – Ibid., 3.28–32. 76 – Ibid., 3.29. 77 – Rhetorica ad Herennium, 1.3.5, 1.4.6, 1.6.9–1.7.11, 1.9.16, 3.2.3. 78 – Cox, ‘Ciceronian rhetoric,’ pp. 276–83, 288. 79 – This sensitivity may be implicit in the promotion of speech ethics by Albertano da Brescia and Brunetto Latini, in Latini's emphasis on the social benefits of eloquence, and in writers’ calling on orators to be morally good men. Cox points out that some translations of and commentaries on Ad Herennium tried to mitigate the moral ambiguity of the dolus by alerting Christian readers to the possibility of adversaries using trickery in oratory. Two examples are Florentine Bono Giamboni's Fiore di rettorica of the 1260s and the Avengnia Dio. Both texts, in Cox's words, ‘transform force and trickery from expedients to be urged on an audience to devices to be anticipated and forestalled in potential enemies.’ Cox, ‘Ciceronian rhetoric,’ pp. 274, 281. 80 – Virginia Cox, ‘Ciceronian rhetorical theory in the volgare: A fourteenth-century text and its fifteenth-century readers,’ in Rhetoric and Renewal in the Latin West, 1100–1540: Essays in Honour of John O. Ward, ed. Constant J. Mews, Cary J. Nederman, and Rodney M. Thomson (Turnhout: Brepols Publishers, 2003), pp. 201–25, here p. 216. 81 – Skinner, ‘Ambrogio Lorenzetti,’ p. 45, suggested that the paintings ‘carry the force of a continual reminder to the Nove [the Nine] of the civic values they were sworn to uphold.’ Members of the general council would have needed reminding, too, to judge by Bowsky's observation that with the chamber in full session, around five hundred men attending, the jostling of bodies in the crowded space would have made it difficult for counselors to listen closely to ‘careful argumentation.’ Bowsky, Siena, p. 100. 82 – An illustration of the role of wall paintings in late medieval Italy for signaling a commune's ability to carry out justice is the use of pitture infamanti to ‘punish’ criminals in absentia. Edgerton, Pictures and Punishment, pp. 68–69. According to Cox, ‘Ciceronian rhetoric,’ p. 281, translators and adapters of Ad Herennium were generally ineffective in curbing interest in the expediency promoted by the ars arengandi. 83 – Bowsky, Siena, p. 312. 84 – Thomas Aquinas, Summa theol
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