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Making sunday what it actually should be: sunday radio programming and the re-invention of tradition in occupied Germany 1945–1949

2005; Routledge; Volume: 25; Issue: 4 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1080/01439680500262975

1465-3451

Alexander Badenoch,

Italian Fascism and Post-war Society

Abstract Germany at the end of the Second World War was not only a shattered place, but also a shattered time.Footnote1 The physical scattering of populations through the mass movements of war and the atomisation of individuals through the oppressive Nazi regime, followed by occupation and the division of Germany into four occupation zones, left Germans with very few collective ‘events’ into which they could place their individual experiences. Oral history and other histories of everyday life consistently reveal that the major milestones of political history, the start of the war in 1939, its end on 8 May 1945, and the founding of the two German states in 1949, did not represent biographical milestones for most of those who lived through the period. Instead, they more frequently remember the war's interruption of their ‘normal’ everyday lives and the markers of the onset of normality at some point in the years that followed. In the place of the war's beginning on 30 September 1939 stand memories of the defeat of the German army at Stalingrad, the first major Allied bombing raid, or the news that a loved one at the front had died. In memory, the first sight of Allied troops or the return home, sometimes years later, of a captive soldier stand in place of the war's official end on 8 May 1945, and (in the West) the currency reform, the first real butter, the first real coffee, the first banana stand in the place of the founding of the two German states.Footnote2 But while public political events did not form the most significant rallying points in the everyday experience of many Germans, the continuing presence of the radio, broadcasting from the same stations and received in the (relatively) familiar space of the home, did provide an opportunity for collective ‘private’ experience, both during and after the war. It was not until the final months of the war that the German radio stations began to experience serious disruptions, and even before the four occupation zones were established in Germany in early July 1945, almost all existing radio stations had resumed operation under the control of the respective Allied occupation armies.Footnote3 Monthly radio license fees were collected continuously by the post office without interruption by the collapse of the state and the establishment of occupation.Footnote4 In the American zone, radio stations in Frankfurt, Stuttgart and Munich operated roughly independently of each other, while in the British and French zones, centralised broadcasting institutions had been set up which broadcast a more or less uniform programme from all of the stations in the area. In the British Zone, the Nordwestdeutscher Rundfunk, or NWDR, had its main centre in the northern city of Hamburg, and a secondary base in the western city of Cologne, as well as, a short time later, a third centre in the British sector of Berlin. In the French Zone, where there had been no major radio stations before the end of the war, a new network of stations, the Südwestfunk, or SWF, was established with its centre in Baden-Baden, site of the French occupation headquarters, connected to a number of former relay stations in the territory.Footnote5 In the Soviet Zone, the station at Berlin became the central station, with a secondary hub in Leipzig. On one level, this division of radio broadcasting among the Allied powers and their zones was a further mark of the defeat and division of Germany. On another level, however, the new radio order also represented in many ways a return to the decentralised broadcasting system that had been established in the Weimar Republic and slowly centralised by the Nazi state in the years leading up to the war. In addition, while they were controlled by Allied officers, many of whom were returned exiles from Germany, the bulk of the station staff were Germans who had lived in Germany during the Nazi era and had experience—at least as listeners—with the radio programming of that time.Footnote6 Particularly at a time when print media were plagued by paper shortages, radio had unprecedented dominance among the mass media. At once the most widely available source of news and one of the cheapest sources of entertainment, Germany's domestic radio stations served audiences that were large, constant, and by and large loyal to their home station.Footnote7 The dominance of the radio during this period is widely acknowledged, and it is with some justification that it is one of the better-researched periods both in terms of institutions and programmes.Footnote8 Nevertheless, much of this attention has been focused around specific genres of broadcasting, especially radio drama, as well as issues of denazification and re-education.Footnote9 It is only recently that scholarship has begun to look at more popular aspects in the programme and the continuities in the programme from previous eras.Footnote10 While providing valuable insights into the development of the programme, however, most of the available research on the period has been focussed around the presence and qualities of specific genres of show, and as such has talked past what is most remarkable about the radio as a medium. The aspects of the radio highlighted by the British broadcast historian Paddy Scannell, specifically its ability to create and maintain temporal routines, mark certain times as special or exceptional, and refer to common spaces routinely are precisely the aspects that are perhaps most important to consider when studying its role during a time when the physical, political and symbolic spaces of Germany were being restructured.Footnote11 In this article, I will explore some of these aspects through an analysis of the Sunday programmes of the occupied stations. Within all of the routines of radio scheduling, Sunday has long occupied a unique position. On the one hand, it is a site of tradition: in many ways, it can be seen as the most regularly occurring holiday, and indeed it is the site of some of the longest-running broadcast ‘traditions’ in Germany.Footnote12 In addition to its status as ‘tradition’, Sunday is also when, until the 1950s, people have had the most free time, as the 2-day weekend did not become standard in the Germany until the 1950s. Until the late 1950s the radio was recognisably the ‘dominator of domestic free-time’ in most households.Footnote13 As surveys from the 1930s through the 1950s consistently reveal, the ‘valleys’ in the curve of radio listening percentages on Sundays were often on a level with some of the ‘peaks’ of weekday use.Footnote14 The position of Sunday as both individual free time and collective traditional time goes hand in hand with a number of both concrete and imagined spaces that range from individual homes to the entire nation. These various visions work through and across a number of different genres, and indeed are integral to understanding them. Although the popularity of Sunday programming has been widely recognised, both in the use-statistics from the stations and in the lives and memories of the listeners,Footnote15 the Sunday programme, as a concept and category unto itself, has been largely overlooked as a topic of academic discussion in German broadcasting history.Footnote16 Some work has focused on individual Sunday shows, to be sure, but the study of how these shows worked together, and how these practices were maintained over time has yet to be conducted for even a short period of time.Footnote17 By pointing to conventions of the Sunday programmes that were adopted in relatively uniform fashion by the various radio stations shortly after the war, this article will look at how these programmes functioned during a particular period of time, as well as highlight a fruitful realm for further historical study. My primary purpose here is to call historical attention to a series of programmes and genres that have gone largely unnoticed, and argue for their importance, particularly during this critical period of time in Germany's history. In particular, I will show how the Sunday programmes of the Occupation era helped to shape visions of the space of Germany and, as such, played a vital role in legitimating the new radio stations to their audiences. In order to do this, I will first explore in further depth the historical interconnections between the radio, the spatial and temporal ideas of Heimat, and practices surrounding Sunday in Germany. I will then go on to explore the development of Sunday programmes in the occupation era and show how such visions were integrated into them. For the most part, this account is primarily of the stations in the western occupation zones, which would go on to become the Federal Republic of Germany in 1949. This is due mostly to the greater availability of appropriate primary material from the era. As becomes clear through comparing schedules, however, the Soviet-controlled zone followed most of the broadcasting conventions laid out here. Indeed, in many cases there were far greater programming continuities there before and after 1945 than in the western zones.Footnote18 The consistency of such programmes through time and between zones point at once to their not being considered detrimental to the re-education effort by the occupation authorities, as well as to a level of general popularity among radio audiences. Acknowledgements Most of the primary research for this article was made possible by a DAAD short scholarship for young academics, April to July 2002. Many thanks are due to the Deutsches Rundfunkarchiv, then in Frankfurt am Main, for hosting my visit, as well as to the staff of the historical archives at the Hessischer Rundfunk in Frankfurt, the WDR in Cologne, the SWR in Stuttgart and Baden-Baden, and the Bayrischer Rundfunk in Munich, for their kind assistance. Alexander Badenoch is a Postdoctoral Researcher in the History of Technology at the Eindhoven University of Technology, exploring the symbolic role of transnational infrastructures in constructing ideas of Europe in the 20th Century. His PhD thesis, Echoes of Days: Reconstructing National Identity and Everyday Life in the Radio Programmes of Occupied Western Germany 1945–1949, was completed at the School of Modern Languages at the University of Southampton in 2003. Notes Notes 1. This article is part of the ‘Transnational Infrastructures and the Rise of Contemporary Europe’ project in the subsection History of Technology at the Eindhoven University of Technology. A grant for this project was awarded to Prof. Dr. Johan Schot and funded by the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO), in September 2002, Dossier number 277-53-001. 2. For the more general argument about the ‘Stalingrad to Currency Reform’ periodisation of German history, see Martin Broszat (ed.) Von Stalingrad zur Währungsreform: zur Sozialgeschichte des Umbruchs in Deutschland (Munich, 1990); on the role of private vs. public events in memory, see, among many others, Ulrich Herbert, Good times, bad times, History Today (1986), 42–48; Margarete Dörr, Wer die Zeit nicht miterlebt hat … Frauenerfahrungen im Zweiten Weltkrieg und in den Jahren danach. Das Verhältnis zum Nationalsozialismus und zum Krieg (Frankfurt am Main, 1998), here especially pp. 446–447. On the role of consumer goods and everyday life, see Michael Wildt, Am Beginn der ‘Konsumgesellschaft’: Mangelerfahrung, Lebenshaltung, Wohlstandshoffnung in den fünfziger Jahren (Hamburg, 1994). 3. Radio stations would go silent during Allied bombing raids, which gained in frequency from 1943 onward, but the most serious disruptions to the provision of regular service did not begin until 1945. Of the primary radio stations that had existed in Germany before the war, not including those east of the Oder-Neisse line, only the station in Cologne was not running when the Allies formally took up their occupation zones. For detailed information on the broadcast institutions in the Western zones of Germany, see Hans Bausch, Die Rundfunkpolitik nach 1945 I. 1945–1962 (Munich, 1980), pp. 13–148; on individual stations and their programmes, see Edgar Lersch, Rundfunk in Stuttgart 1934–1949 (Stuttgart, 1990), Sabine Friedrich, Rundfunk und Besatzungsmacht. Programm und Hörer des Südwestfunks 1945 bis 1949 (Baden-Baden, 1991); Rüdiger Bolz, Literatur und Rundfunk unter amerikanischen Kontrolle: das Programmangebot von Radio München 1945–1949 (Wiesbaden, 1991), Thomas Rölle, Der britische Einfluß auf den Aufbau des Nordwestdeutschen Rundfunks 1945–1948 (Aachen, 1997). 4. See, for example, Lersch, Rundfunk in Stuttgart, p. 52; WDR, Jahrbuch (1955), p. 3; Report on the finances of Radio Frankfurt 15.3.1948, Historical Archive of the Hessischer Rundfunk, Chronik 1948/1. 5. Production from the Baden-Baden central did not begin until March of 1946, although the station at Koblenz, with its large transmitter, began broadcasting already on 14 October 1945. 6. For an overview of staff, see Arnulf Kutsch, Deutsche Rundfunkjournalisten nach dem Krieg. Redaktionelle Mitarbeiter am Besatzungsrundfunk 1945 bis 1949, Mitteilungen des Studienkreises Rundfunk und Geschichte 12(3) (1986), 191–214; furthermore, see Friedrich, Rundfunk und Besatungsmacht, pp. 34–53, 251–255; Christof Schneider, Nationalsozialismus als Thema im Programm des Nordwestdeutschen Rundfunks 1945–1948 (Potsdam, 1999), pp. 53–60, 241–269; for the role and experiences of returned exiles, see Hans-Ulrich Wagner, Rückkehr in die Fremde: Remigranten und Rundfunk in Deutschland 1945–1955 (Berlin, 2000) and Hans-Ulrich Wagner, Über alle Hindernisse hinweg: London-Remigranten in der Westdeutschen Rundfunkgeschichte, in Charmian Brinson & Richard Dove (eds) ‘Stimme der Wahrheit’ German-Language Broadcasting by the BBC (Amsterdam, 2003), pp. 139–157. 7. See Konrad Dussel, Hörfunk in Deutschland. Politik, Programm, Publikum (1923–1960) (Potsdam, 2002), p. 127. One survey conducted in the US Zone in 1946 showed that listeners tuned in an average of five hours per day—four hours for men and six for women. See (no author) Statisik des Geschmacks, Radiowelt 1(38) (1946), p. 23. Reasons for this loyalty had in part to do with the technological conditions: listeners tended overwhelmingly to tune in the station they were best able to receive. Particularly for those with inexpensive Nazi-era Volksempfänger sets, this was normally the closest station. Nine out of ten listeners surveyed in the American zone in 1947 cited good reception as the reason for their station choice; see OMGUS Surveys, Report 45, ‘Radio Listening in the American zone and in Berlin’, Zentralarchiv für empirische Sozialforschung, University of Cologne, copy in Deutsches Rundfunkarchive, Wiesbaden (hereafter DRA). Better reception was also one of the main reasons cited for tuning in the NWDR in British zone in 1946, see ‘German Reaction report number 11’ 29 December 1946, Foreign Office 371/64516, Public Record Office, Kew. 8. See works cited in note 3, above; also Schneider, Nationalsozialismus, and Robert Bassenge, Radio München 1945–1949—eine Programmanalyse. MA thesis, Ludwig-Maximilian-Universität, Munich (1998). 9. See, among others, Hans Schwitzke Das Hörspiel. Dramaturgie und Geschichte (Cologne, 1963); Marget Bloom, Die westdt. Nachkriegszeit im literarischen Original-Hörspiel (Frankfurt/Main, 1985); Irmela Schneider, Verschlüsselte Opposition und verspätete ‘Stunde Null’. Zum Hörspiel nach 1945 in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland; Albrecht Schöne (ed.) Kontroversen, alte und neue. Akten des VII. Internationalen Germanistenkongresses (Göttingen, 1986), pp. 160–166; Bolz, Literatur, and most recently, and thoroughly, Hans-Ulrich Wagner, ‘Der gute Wille, etwas Neues zu schaffen’ Das Höspielprogramm in Deutschland von 1945–1949 (Potsdam, 1997). 10. See in particular the work of Konrad Dussel, also Inge Marßolek, Vertraute Töne und Unerhörtes. Radio und Gedächtnis im Nachkriegsdeutschland in Elisabeth Domansky & Harald Welzer (eds) Eine offene Geschichte. Zur kommunikativen Tradierung der nationalsozialistischen Vergangenheit (Tübingen, 1999), pp. 154–178. 11. See Paddy Scannell, Radio, Television and Modern Life (Oxford, 1996), especially chapter 7. 12. The Sunday morning Hafenkonzert from Hamburg, for example, was started in 1929, and has carried on essentially into the present. Similarly, Werner Höfer's Internationale Frühschoppen, which began in 1952, was broadcast every Sunday until the late 1980s. 13. See Axel Schildt, Hegemon der häuslichen Freizeit: Rundfunk in den 50er Jahren, in Axel Schildt & Arnold Sywottek (eds) Modernisierung im Wiederaufbau: die westdeutsche Gesellschaft der 50er Jahre (Bonn, 1993), pp. 458–476. 14. Hansjörg Bessler, Hörer und Zuschauerforschung (Munich, 1980), pp. 85–87; Friedrich, Rundfunk und Besatzungsmacht, p. 109; Dussel, Hörfunk, pp. 121–123. 15. Axel Schildt, Moderne Zeiten. Freizeit, Massenmedien und ‘Zeitgeist’ in der Bundesrepublik der 50er Jahre (Hamburg, 1995), p. 255; Karin Falkenberg, Rituale des Radiohörens, in M. Hamm, B. Hasselbring & M. Henker (eds) Der Ton, Das Bild: die Bayern und ihr Rundfunk 1924–1949–1999 (Augsburg, 1999), pp. 274–279. 16. While both have noted some Sunday schedule characteristics, neither the extensive programme history of the Weimar Republic nor the more recent programme analysis of the first 40 years of radio in Germany has paid any significant attention to Sunday schedules. See Renate Schumacher, Programmstruktur und Tagesablauf der Hörer, in J.-F. Leonhard (ed.) Programmgeschichte des Hörfunks in der Weimarer Republik (Munich, 1997), Vol. 1, pp. 362–364; Konrad Dussel, Hörfunk is devoted almost entirely to the evening programme. Stephanie Burandt is somewhat unique in laying out, albeit briefly, a separate section on the Sunday programme in her treatment of the Reichssender Hamburg, although her account does not provide a great deal of analysis on the meaning of the programme as a separate entity unto itself. Stephanie Burandt, Propaganda und Gleichschaltung: Der Reichssender Hamburg 1933–1945, in Wolfram Köhler (ed.) Der NDR Zwischen Programm und Politik (Hannover, 1991), pp. 62–63. 17. Horst O. Halefeldt, Postkarten aus aller Welt. 50 Jahre ‘Hamburger Hafenkonzert:’ Erfolg am Sonntagmorgen. EPD Kirche und Rundfunk 43 (1979), 3–5; Harald Heckmann, Die Institution ‘Wunschkonzert’ Mitteilungen des Studienkreises Rundfunk und Geschichte 5(2) (1979), 90–97; Even in her otherwise excellent account of the Nazi era Wunschkonzert, Monika Pater does not mention its placement in the Sunday programme as an essential part of its meaning in envisioning the whole nation as a national family. See Monica Pater, Rundfunkangebote, in Inge Marßolek and Adelheid von Saldern (eds) Zuhören und Gehörtwerden Vol I: Radio im Nationalsozialismus zwischen Lenkung und Ablenkung (Tübingen, 1998), pp. 224–239. 18. Dussel, Hörfunk, pp. 247–250; compare further Monika Pater's discussions of Nazi and GDR progamming, Rundfunkangebote (I), and Inge Marßolek & Adelheid von Saldern (eds) Zuhören und Gehörtwerden Vol. II: Radio in der DDR der fünfziger Jahre zwischen Lenkung und Ablenkung (Tübingen, 1998), pp. 171–258. 19. For two accounts of how the concept of Heimat developed over time in Germany, see Celia Applegate, A Nation of Provincials (Berkeley, 1990); and Alon Confino, The Nation as a Local Metaphor: Württemberg, Imperial Germany and National Memory 1871–1918 (Chapel Hill, 1999). 20. See, among others, E. Boa, and R. Palfeyman (eds) Heimat: a German Dream. Regional Loyalties and National Identity in German Culture 1890–1990 (Oxford, 2000), where there is no mention of radio; Willi Höfig, Der deutsche Heimatfilm 1947–1960 (Stuttgart, 1973); Heide Fehrenbach, Cinema in Democratizing Germany: Reconstructing National Identity After Hitler (Chapel Hill, 1995), chapter 5; Johannes von Moltke, Evergreens: the Heimat genre, in T. Bergfelder, E. Carter & D. Göktürk (eds) The German Cinema Book (London, 2002), pp. 18–28; On Edgar Reitz's series, see Anton Kaes, From Hitler to Heimat: The Return of History as Film (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1989), pp. 161–192; David Morley & Kevin Robins, Spaces of Identity: Global Media, Electronic Landscapes and Cultural Boundaries (London, 1995), pp. 85–104. 21. Klaus Pabst. Kulturlandschaften als Alibi. Strukturfragen der frühen Sendegesellschaften, in W. Först, Rundfunk in der Region. Probleme und Möglichkeiten der Regionalität (Cologne, 1984), pp. 76–77. 22. See Horst O. Halefeldt, Die Entdeckung der Nahwelt. Regionalisierung in Hörfunk und Fernsehen. Eine Zwischenbilanz nach 60 Jahren, ARD Jahrbuch (1983), pp. 63–64; Wolfram Köhler, Regionen und Zentrale: Landschaft, Länder, Landesprogramme, in W. Köhler (ed.) Der NDR zwischen Pogramm und Politik (Hannover, 1991), pp. 353–356; Renate Schumacher, Radio als Medium und Faktor des aktuellen Geschehens, in J.-F. Leonhard (ed.) Programmgeschichte, p. 607ff. 23. Karl Karst, Regionalsprache in den Massenmedien. Mundart und Dialekthörspiel, in W. Först, Rundfunk in der Region. Probleme und Möglichkeiten der Regionalität (Cologne, 1984), p. 276. 24. For an excellent discussion of the interaction between National Socialism and the Heimat movement, see Applegate, Provincials, pp. 197–227. 25. Pater, Rundfunkangebote (I), p. 149. 26. Applegate, Provincials, p. 229. 27. Manfred Overesch, Deutschland 1945–1949: Vorgeschichte und Gründung der Bundesrepublik (Tübingen, 1979), p. 100. This number represents refugees from the East as well those who were evacuated as a result of Allied bombing. It does not take into consideration that half again as many soldiers were still in captivity as prisoners of war as well. 28. Hermann Bausinger, Heimat in einer offenen Gesellschaft. Begriffsgeschichte als Problemgeschichte, in W. Cremer and A. Klein (eds) Heimat. Analysen, Themen, Perpsektiven (Bonn, 1990), p. 85. 29. Höfig, Heimatfilm, p. 166. 30. Schildt, Moderne Zeiten, pp. 185–188. 31. Confino, The Nation, pp. 144–145. 32. In this regard, Heimat films are a case in point. Though foregrounding the landscape of specific regions, such films were clearly aimed at, and readily consumed by, an audience that went well beyond the borders of the region they portrayed—though seldom, if ever, beyond the borders of Germany. 33. Confino, The Nation, p. 144. 34. W. Cremer & A. Klein, Heimat in der Moderne, in Cremer & Klein, Heimat, p. 38. 35. Confino, The Nation, p.183. 36. See von Moltke, Evergreens, p. 24; Schildt, Moderne Zeiten, pp. 185–188. 37. See Paddy Scannell, Radio, pp. 153–178. 38. Karst, Regionalsprache, p. 276. 39. Inge Marßolek, Vertraute Töne und Unerhörtes. Radio und Gedächtnis im Nachkriegsdeutschland in Elisabeth Domansky &Harald Welzer (eds) Eine offene Geschichte. Zur kommunikativen Tradierung der nationalsozialistischen Vergangenheit (Tübingen, 1999), p. 171; E. Schusser, ‘Heimat’ hören?—Die Stellung der Volksmusik im Bayerischen Rundfunk, in M. Hamm, B. Hasselbring & M. Henker (eds) Der Ton, Das Bild: die Bayern und ihr Rundfunk 1924–1949–1999 (Augsburg, 1999), pp. 161–165; Leo Flamm, Westfalen und der Westdeutsche Rundfunk: eine rundfunkhistorische Studie zur Regionalisierung (Cologne, 1993). 40. See Alexander Badenoch, Echoes of Days: Reconstructing National Identity and Everyday Life in the Radio Programmes of Occupied Western Germany 1945–1949, PhD thesis, University of Southampton, 2003, pp. 206–214. 41. Confino, The Nation, p. 171. 42. See Axel Schildt, Moderne Zeiten, p. 255; L. Kosok, Der freie Sonntag und das freie Wochenende. Stationen einer Entwicklung, in Museuem der Arbeit, Sonntag! Kulturgeschichte eines besonderen Tages (Hamburg, 2001), pp. 42–53. 43. Confino, The Nation, pp. 112, 171. 44. Wildt, Konsumgesellschaft, p. 43. 45. L. Kosok, U. Schneider et al., Der Ausgestellte Sonntag, in Sonntag!, p. 9. 46. Schumacher, Programmstruktur, p. 363. 47. Pater, Rundfunkangebote (I), p. 241. 48. See David Bathrick, Making a national family in the radio: the Nazi Wunschkonzert, Modernism/Modernity 4(1) (1997), 115–27; Monika Pater, Rundfunkangebote (I), pp. 224–239. 49. Sicherheitsdienst, Leitabschnitt München 20.10.1941, R55/1090:57 Bundesarchiv Berlin-Lichterfelde. 50. Margarete Dörr, Wer die Zeit nicht miterlebt hat … Frauenerfahrungen im Zweiten Weltkrieg und in den Jahren danach. Kriegsalltag (Frankfurt a. M., 1998), pp. 364–366. 51. After 1945, most of the stations went silent during the late morning and in the afternoon during the weekday in order to save power. On Sundays, by contrast, in the British and Soviet Zones there were no pauses at all from the outset of programming. In the American Zone, the pauses on Sunday disappeared quickly, in the afternoon by October 1945, and in the morning by July 1946. When broadcasting in the French Zone began in March of 1946, afternoon broadcasting on Sundays was continuous, and the morning pause was shortened by religious services. In the beginning of 1947, broadcast pauses on Sunday disappeared entirely. 52. Th. S, Hamburg, Unsere Leser Schreiben Uns, Hör Zu 2(36) (1947), p. 2. 53. C. E. to Radio Stuttgart, 15 February 1948, Correspondence, Folder 4580, SDR. 54. In Munich, this was 1 June; in Berlin, Hamburg and Stuttgart, July 1945 and in the French Zone, 31 March 1946, though it is likely that the station at Koblenz also had church services. 55. See Günter Bauer, Die kirchliche Runkfunkarbeit 1924–1939 (Frankfurt, 1966), pp. 80–100. 56. Bauer, Rundfunkarbeit, p. 93. A recording of one of these still exists at the German Broadcast Archive in Wiesbaden. Amid swelling romantic music, poems and songs extol the virtues of self-sacrifice for the fatherland. Deutsche Morgenfeier der Hitlerjugend, 10 July 1935, Sound document 2733139, DRA. 57. See Friedrich, Rundfunk und Besatzungsmacht, pp. 153–154. 58. As it turned out, this ‘natural’ assumption was not appreciated by all, however. The Catholic churches in the North, as well as the Protestant ones in the West, had asked that this order be shaken up, and it was agreed that it could be done. Memo to Maaß/Burghardt from Deputy Controller of Programmes, 31.5.1946, file 10016, Westdeutscher Rundfunk, Historisches Archiv, Cologne. Even so, the parity was maintained—if the Catholic service was broadcast from Hamburg's area in a given week, the Protestant service would come from the Cologne's the following week. Over months and years, these exceptions probably did more to underline than blur the psycho-geographical boundaries of faith in the minds of the listeners. 59. See Bauer, Runkfunkarbeit. 60. In the early Weimar years, radio stations were even expected to put in a pause in the schedule from 10 to 11 on Sunday mornings so that listeners could and would attend their local church. See Ulrich Heitger, Auf der Suche nach einem Programm: Die Nordische Rundfunk AG 1924-1932, in Köhler, Der NDR, p. 21. 61. K. Becker, Gottesdienste und Morgenfeiern, Rundfunk und Fernsehen 3(3) (1955), p. 269. 62. Franz Winter. Ein Rundfunkpioneer erzählt, webpage, Senioren Online, http://www.senioren-online.net/ap/news_sol_view.asp?cid=1673, accessed 21 September 2002. 63. Confino, The Nation, p. 168. 64. This was, among other things, the burial place of the Prussian King Frederick the Great. The Prussian military associations were considered strong enough that the sound of these bells was banned from the airwaves of the SWF in 1947. 65. See Klaus-Jörg Ruhl, Deutschland 1945. Alltag zwischen Krieg und Frieden (Darmstadt, 1984), p. 142. 66. (No author): Die Sender des Südwestfunks: Freiburg und Sigmaringen, Funkwelt 1(19/20) (1947), 4. 67. Röder, Der Sonntag und seine christlichen Feiertagstraditionen, in Sonntag!, p. 22. 68. Winter, Rundfunkpioneer. 69. Hör Zu 2(24) (1947), p. 8. This particular blurb goes on to explain, almost apologetically, that the church is not actually terribly old, but rather had been rebuilt in the early 19th century. Nonetheless, it does feel the need to mention that the new church was attended—and the old one sadly missed—by Husum's most famous son, the romantic writer Theodor Storm. 70. Becker, Gottesdienste, pp. 271–272. 71. Jörg-Uwe Fischer & Ingrid Pietrzynski. ‘Hier Spricht Berlin … ’. Das Programm des Berliner Rundfunks 1945 und seine Überlieferung im Deutschen Rundfunkarchiv, Standort Berlin, in Deutsches Rundfunkarchiv, ‘Hier Spricht Berlin’ Der Neubeginn des Rundfunks in Berlin 1945 (Potsdam, 1995), p. 43. 72. Manuscript, Die Einkehr, Radio Stuttgart, SN-SDR 30.1.1949. 73. Ibid. 74. Dörr, Wer die Zeit, Kriegsalltag, pp. 364–366. 75. (No author) Das Unzerstörbare, in Funkwelt, 1(2) (1947), p. 4. 76. Friedrich, Rundfunk und Besatzungsmacht, p. 154. 77. See Halefeld, Postkarten; Burandt, Reichssender, p. 57. 78. Die Ansage 23–29.11.1947, p. 1. 79. See, for example, Manuscript, Aus der Schwäbischen Heimat, ‘Junge war!’ SN-SDR 26.1.1947. 80. Confino, The Nation, p. 9. 81. Schildt, Hegemon; Falkenberg, Rituale, p. 277. 82. In Falkenberg, Rituale, p. 277. 83. von Moltke, Evergreens, pp. 24–25. 84. For example, see Sonntag!, pp. 60, 72, also the 1982 song ‘Weißte noch?’ by the popular Cologne dialect singer Wolfgang Niedecken, where he remembers Sundays being ‘wedged in’ between the coffee table and his relatives. 85. Sunday music request programmes like those described above, for example, are now known unofficially as ‘Erbschleichprogramme’—programmes that allow younger people to ingratiate themselves with their older relatives, so as to be remembered in their will. I am grateful to Heidrun Ultes-Nitsche for pointing this out to me.