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Politics of Memory in Korea and China: Remembering the Comfort Women and the Nanjing Massacre

2008; Routledge; Volume: 30; Issue: 3 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1080/07393140802269021

1469-9931

Jungmin Seo,

Korean Peninsula Historical and Political Studies

Abstract This study raises the question of "who" instead of "what" regarding the problem of collective memories in East Asia. To do so, I review the vicissitudes of the memories of two events, the Nanjing Massacre and the Comfort Women, which are now firmly entrenched in popular memories as the core Japanese atrocities against her neighbors during the Second Sino-Japanese War (1937–1945) and the Pacific War (1941–1945). By prioritizing political subjects who can remember or forget—both as performative practices—I argue that history is the very central field of political struggles, not merely a tool for mobilization, in East Asia and the (re)emergence of the memories of the Nanjing Massacre and the Comfort Women in the international scene is more a function of the new subject formation in China and Korea than an un-mediated outcome of unearthed historical facts. Notes 1 Han'guk Ilbo, September 20, 2006, p. 8. 2 Xinhuanet, December 14, 2004 available online at < http://news.xinhuanet.com/overseas/2004-12/14/content_2331628.htm> (retrieved March 22, 2007). 3 On March 1, 2007, Abe Shinzo made a move to revise or cancel the Kono Statement of 1993, which clearly admitted Japan's official responsibility for the forceful mobilization of the Sex Slaves during the Second World War, by saying "there is no evidence to prove there was coercion." Many speculate that the controversial statement is one of Abe Shinzo's efforts to boost his hawkish image among his right-wing constituency amid his losing streak in domestic and international affairs. See Tessa Morris-Suzuki, "Japan's 'Comfort Women': It's Time for the Truth (in the Ordinary, Everyday Sense of the Word)," Japan Focus, March 8, 2007; Alexis Dudden and Kozo Mizoguchi, "Abe's Violent Denial: Japan's Prime Minister and the 'Comfort Women,'" Japan Focus, March 2, 2007. 4 Prasenjit Duara, "Why is History Antitheoretical?," Modern China 24:2 (1998), pp. 106–107. 5 More fundamentally, as Harootunian suggests, the problem surrounding the interpretation of the past events comes from the false belief "that relies on the fixity of the past and its capacity to yield a historical knowledge that can reveal how the present developed from it, even though the perspective of the present must be detached from the quest for knowledge." Harry Harootunian, History's Disquiet: Modernity, Cultural Practice, and the Question of Everyday Life (New York: Columbia University Press, 2000), p. 15. 6 Paul Ricoeur, Memory, History, Forgetting, translated by Kathleen Blamey and David Pellauer (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2004), p. 3. 7 Jun Wang, The Temple of Memories: History, Power, and Morality in a Chinese Villate (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996); see also Maurice Halbwachs, On Collective Memory (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992). 8 Max Weber, "'Objectivity' in Social Science and Social Policy," in The Methodology of the Social Sciences, translated and edited by Edward A. Shils and Henry A. Finch (New York: The Free Press, 1949), p. 72. 9 Ricoeur, op. cit., p. 21. 10 China Daily, June 10, 2005. 11 Yoshiko Nozaki, "The Comfort Women Controversy: History and Testimony," Japan Focus, 336 (2005) < http://japanfocus.org/products/topdf/2063> (accessed March 18, 2007). 12 Yoshiko Nozaki, "The Comfort Women Controversy: History and Testimony," in Joan Scott (ed.), Gender and Politics of History (New York: Columbia University Press, 2003) 13 Carl Schmitt, The Concept of the Political, translated with an introduction and notes by George Schwab (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1996), p. 67. 14 J. J. Suh's recent work shows how this aspect of identity politics can be successfully applied to the field of International Relations. He argues that debates over history in East Asia are fundamentally each state's diplomatic questioning and investigation on the others' political intentions. J. J. Suh, "War-like history or diplomatic history? Contentions over the past and regional orders in Northeast Asia," Australian Journal of International Affairs 61:3 (2007), pp. 382–402. 15 Chin-song Chong, Ilbon'gun Song Noyeje: Ilbon'gun Wianbu munje ui silsang kwa ku haegyol ul wihan undong [The Japanese Military Sexual Slavery: The Realities of the Comfort Women Problem and Movements toward a solution] (Seoul: Seoul National University Press, 2004), p. 110. 16 Hui-jin Chong, Songpongnyok ul tasi ssunda: Kaekwangsong, Yosong Undong, Inkwon [Rewriting Sexual Violence: Objectivity, Women's Movement, Human Rights] (Seoul: Han'ul Akademi, 2003), pp. 158–160. 17 Chin-song Chong, op. cit., p. 102. Especially, the tragedy of Chongsindae was well known among nationalist dissidents in 1970s and 1980s. Im's work represents well how dissidents subtly contextualized the problem of Chongsindae with the Park Chung-hee regime's "original sin" as a pro-Japanese collaborator. See Chongguk Im, Chongsindae (Seoul: Irwolsogak, 1981). 18 Nozaki, 2005, op. cit. 19 Han-il minjok munje hakhoe, Kangje yonhaeng munje yon'gu punkwa [Association for National Problems between Korea and Japan, A research committee for forceful apprehending], Kangje Yonhaeng, Kangje Nodong Yon'gu Kilajabi [A guidebook for forceful apprehending and forceful labor research] (Seoul: Son'in, 2005), pp. 483–492. 20 Though the term, Military Comfort Women (chonggun wianbu in Korean and jugun ianfu in Japanese), was not well known even during the Sino-Japanese War and the Second World War, Yoja [female] Chongsindae (joshi teishintai in Japanese; literally means a volunteer corps) has been widely used to refer to conscripted young female workers under the Japanese empire-wide massive labor mobilization system. 21 Hyunah, Yang, "Re-membering the Korean Military Comfort Women: Nationalism, Sexuality, and Silencing," in Elain H. Kim and Chungmoo Choi (eds.) Dangerous Women: Gender & Korean Nationalism (New York: Routledge, 1998), p. 125. 22 Chin-song Chong, op. cit., pp. 99–101. 23 During the March 1st Movement in 1919, Japanese police forces raided a church in Suwon where a group of Christian protesters had gathered all 28 inside the church were killed. This massacre was well publicized in America because of the efforts of western missionaries. 24 This policy from the later phase of the Second World War is remembered as a Japanese effort of ethnic cleansing (minjok malsal) in the Korean peninsula, since it targeted elimination of Korean language, traditional practices and name. According to Michael Mann's categorization of ethnic cleansing, naeson ilche policy can be qualified as total ethnic cleansing through policed repression. Michael Mann, The Dark Side of Democracy: Explaining Ethnic Cleansing (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005), p. 12. 25 Hui-jin Chong, op. cit. 26 For compilations of the survivals' testimonies, see Sangmie Choi Schellstede (ed.), Comfort Women Speak: Testimony by Sex Slaves of the Japanese Military (New York: Holmes & Meier, 2000); Keith Howard (ed.) True Stories of the Korean Comfort Women: Testimonies Compiled by the Korean Council for Women Drafted for Military Sexual Slavery by Japan and the Research Association on the Women Drafted for Military Sexual Slavery by Japan, translated by Young Joo Lee (London: Cassell, 1995). 27 Hakchul means a group of college students who sneaked into factories while hiding their education level and real identity. The aim of this unique organized activity was to vitalize labor movement in Korea and to produce worker–student alliance to resist against the military regime in 1980s. For an in-detail description of Hakchul, see Hagen Koo, Korean Workers: The Culture and Politics of Class Formation (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2001), pp. 104–125. 28 Chin-song Chong, op. cit., p. 278. 29 Hyesook Kim and Sun'gyong Cho, "Minjok minju undong kwa kabujangje [National/democratic movement and patriarchy]," Sahoe Pyongnon Kil (August 1995), pp. 142–150; Undongsahoe songpongnyok ppurippopki 100-in wiwonhoe. Undongsahoe songpongnyok ppurippopki 100-in wiwonhoe hwaldong paekso [White Book of the 100 persons committee on the elimination of sexual violence among activists], 2003. 30 A Japanese Historian at Chuo University who discovered and compiled the most comprehensive sets of documents that prove the existence of massive mobilization of Comfort Women during the Second World War. See Yoshimi Yoshiaki, Comfort Women: Sexual Slavery in the Japanese Military during World War II, translated by Suzanne O'Brien (New York: Columbia University Press, 2001). 31 Ueno Chizuko, "The politics of memory: nation, individual and self," History & Memory 11:2 (1999), p. 137. 32 Chizuko, op. cit., p. 145. 33 Ueno Chizuko and Hye-jong Han Cho, Kyonggye eso malhanda [Speaking on boundaries], translated from Japanese into Korean by Sasaki Noriko and Chanho Kim (Seoul: Saenggak ui Namu, 2004), pp. 137, 141. 34 Ueno Chizuko and Hye-jong Han Cho, Kyonggye eso malhanda [Speaking on boundaries], translated from Japanese into Korean by Sasaki Noriko and Chanho Kim (Seoul: Saenggak ui Namu, 2004), p. 97. 35 En-shil Kim, "The Discourse of Nationalism and Women: Critical Readings on Culture, Power and Subject," Han'guk Yosonghak [Korean Women's Studies] 10 (1994), pp. 18–52; Seungsook Moon, "Begetting the Nation: the Androcentric Discourse of National History and Tradition in South Korea," in Kim and Choi, op. cit., pp. 33–66; for an extensive discussion on the nationalistic paradigm on women's body, see George L. Mosse, Nationalism and Sexuality: Middle-class Morality and Sexual Norms in Modern Europe (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985). 36 Yang, op. cit., p. 131. 37 Ueno Chizuko, Naeshonalijum kwa jendo [Nationalism and Gender], translated into Korean by Suni Yi (Seoul: Pak Chong-chol chulpansa, 1999), pp. 99–100. 38 Yang, op. cit., p. 130. Original emphasis. 39 Cited from Yang, op. cit., p. 133. 40 The South Korean constitution defines the origin of the modern Korean state as the government-in-exile in Shanghai during the colonial era. 41 In this sense, any interpretation of the contemporary anti-Americanism in Korea without understanding the collaborator issue is misleading. Many academic and popular history books in Korea in detail introduces how the United States Army Military Government in Korea (1945–1948) re-instated the former collaborators into the newly formed Korean administrations and discouraged political persecution of them. 42 < http://www.banmin.or.kr/>. The name of the website, "banmin," symbolizes "banminjok haengwi tukpyol chosa wiwonhoe" [Special Committee for the Investigation of Anti-National Activities], that was established in 1948 for the purpose of prosecuting collaborators under the Japanese colonial government. In 1949, the committee was illegally and violently dissolved by Syngman Rhee, the first president of Korea, whose power base was landed class and capitalists. Ikhwan Oh, "Panmin tukwi ui hwaltong kwa wahae [The establishment and dissolution of the special committee for the investigation of anti-national activities]," in Kon-ho Song et al., Haebang chonhusa ui insik, vol. 1 [Understanding of the history around the liberation] (Seoul: Han'gilsa, 1980), pp. 101–171. 43 Conservative newspapers, especially Chosun Daily and Dong-a Daily, whose founders were listed as collaborators, seldom reported about the lists, while trying to depict it as the left-wing political scheme against the right-wing politicians. 44 "386" is the nickname of the student movement generation in the 1980s. The term was coined in the 1990s when they began to enter the political scene. They were 30s—in the 1990s—attended college in the 1980s and had been born in the 1960s. 45 Song et al. op. cit., 1980, especially Vol. I, pp. 172–247 and Vol. II, pp. 143–210. 46 Im Chongguk, Chin'il munhangnon [A study of pro-Japanese literature] (Seoul: Pyonghua, 1966); 1981, op. cit.; Ilche chimnyak kwa chinilpa [Japanese invasion and pro-Japanese collaborators] (Seoul: Chongsa, 1982); Chin'il nonsol sonjip [Selected pro-Japanese news editorials (during the colonial period)] (Seoul: Silchon munhaksa, 1987). 47 Kyonghyang Daily, December 31, 2004. 48 Chin-song Chong, op. cit., p. 113; the Comfort Women issue made the incorporation of anti-racism and feminism possible in Asian–American feminism. It is not strange that an Asian American made a harsh criticism on Ueno Chizuko's feminist solution of the Comfort Women issue (see n. 21). The communities of Asian American women in the United States were especially interested in the negligence of the International Military Tribunals for the Far East on the crimes against the Comfort Women and the legacies of colonialism in the community history. The Comfort Women issue allowed them to criticize the prevalent racism among the mainstream feminist movement and sexism inside of the ethnic communities in a non-confrontational way. Laura Hein, "Savage Irony: the Imaginative Power of the 'Military Comfort Women' in the 1990s," Gender & History 11:2 (1999), pp. 336–372. 49 Chunghee Sarah Soh, "Sexual Enslavement and Reproductive Health: Narratives of Han among Korean Comfort Women Survivors," in Niels Teunis (ed.), Sexual Inequalities and Social Justice (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2006), p. 101; see also C. Sarah Soh, "Aspiring to Craft Modern Gendered Selves: 'Comfort Women' and Chongsindae in Late Colonial Korea," Critical Asian Studies 36:2 (2004), pp. 175–198. 50 Chin-song Chong, op. cit., pp. 129–131. 51 Hyok-paek Chong, Minjok kwa Peminijum [Nation and Feminism] (Seoul: Tangdae, 2003), p. 47. 52 Robert Yee-sin Chi, "Picture Perfect: Narrating Public Memory in Twentieth-century China," Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University (2001), p. 50. 53 Robert Yee-sin Chi, "Picture Perfect: Narrating Public Memory in Twentieth-century China," Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University (2001), pp. 50–51. 54 Chinese intellectuals' incapacity to form a social alliance with other classes against the Chinese party/state is well explained through the fiasco of the Tiananmen Democratic Movement. See Lei Guang, "Elusive democracy: Conceptual Change and Democracy Movement in China from 1977/8–1989," Modern China 22:4 (1996), pp. 417–447; Andrew G. Walder and Gong Xiaoxia, "Workers in the Tiananmen Protest: the Politics of the Beijing Workers' Autonomous Federation," The Australian Journal of Chinese Affairs 29 (1993), pp. 1–29. 55 Zhang Xudong, Chinese Modernism in the Era of Reforms: Cultural Fever, Avant-Garde Fiction, and the New Chinese Cinema (Durham: Duke University Press, 1997), p. 11. 56 Wang Ban, Illuminations from the Past: Trauma, Memory, and History in Modern China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2004). The Chinese intellectuals' perception of the Cultural Revolution as the primary trauma explains why the tragedy of the Great Leap Forward, which is arguably the worst disaster in the PRC history but its victims were predominantly rural peasants, could not be narrated in the same fashion as the Cultural Revolution was. If the trauma of the Cultural Revolution was "narrated" by Chinese intellectuals, the disaster of the Great Leap Forward produced new peasant rationality that eventually made the initial rural market reform possible in the early 1980s. See Dali L.Yang, Calamity and Reform in China: State, Rural Society, and Institutional Change since the Great Leap Famine (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996). 57 Zhang, op. cit., p. 12. 58 The most comprehensive review of the history of the memories of Nanjing Massacre is a dissertation written by Takashi Yoshida, "The Nanjing Massacre in History and Memory: Japan, China, and the United States, 1937–1999," Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University (1997). 59 The Nanjing Massacre survivors' testimonies were first published in 1985, followed by an extended version in 1995. Daqing Yang, "The Challenges of the Nanjing Massacre: Reflections on Historical Inquiry," in Joshua A. Fogel (ed.) The Nanjing Massacre in History and Historiography (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000), p. 140. 60 Thomas A. Metzger and Ramon H. Myers, "Chinese Nationalism and American Policy," Orbis 41:2 (1998), pp. 21–36; Thomas Christensen, "Chinese Realpolitik," Foreign Affairs 75:5 (1996), pp. 37–52; Suisheng Zhao, "Chinese Intellectuals' Quest for National Greatness and the Nationalistic Writings in the 1990s," China Quarterly 152 (1997), pp. 725–745; Yongnian Zheng, Discovering Chinese Nationalism in China: Modernization, Identity, and International Relations (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999). 61 Suisheng Zhao, "A State-Led Nationalism: The Patriotic Education Campaign in Post-Tiananmen China," Communist and Pot-Communist Studies 31:3 (1998), pp. 287–302 62 Duara, op. cit. 63 Jungmin Seo, "Nationalism and the Problem of Political Legitimacy in China," in Lynn White (ed.), Legitimacy: Ambiguities of Political Success or Failure in East and Southeast Asia (Singapore: World Scientific Press, 2005), pp. 141–182. 64 Hui Wang, Xiandai Zhongguo Sixiang de Xingqi, vol.2 (Beijing: Sanlian Chubanshe, 2004), p. 297. 65 "Three-Anti" and "Five-Anti" launched in 1951 to eliminate "reactionary elements" in the state and economic sectors. The former targeted the former Kuomintang (KMT) bureaucrats in the government and the later the industrialists that had remained after 1949. 66 Tang Tsou, "Interpreting the Revolution in China: Macrohistory and Micromechanisms," Modern China 26:2 (2000), pp. 205–238. The novelty of the Chinese revolution cannot be simply attributed to the Chinese history and tradition of peasant rebellions. For instance, the Taiping Rebellion started from rural Guangdong but quickly shifted its center into big cities such as Nanjing. 67 David E. Apter and Tony Saich, Revolutionary Discourse in Mao's Republic (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1994). 68 Many historians agree that the unexpected extension of the Battle of Shanghai provoked both the rank-and-file soldiers and top leadership of the Japanese Imperial Army and motivated them to execute massive retaliation in Nanjing a month later. Mark Eykholt, "Aggression, Victimization, and Chinese Historiography of the Nanjing Massacre," in Fogel, op. cit., pp. 17–18. 69 Xin Li and Ming Peng (eds), Zhongguo Xin Minzhuzhuyi geming shiqi tongshi [A History of the New Democracy Revolution], vol. 3 (Beijing: Renmin Chubanshe, 1961 [1981]) pp. 13–15. 70 Zhongguo Xin Minzhuzuyi geming shiqi tongshi (pp. 29–30) uses four short paragraphs—excepting one sentence concluding remark—to describe the Nanjing Massacre. All four paragraphs start with sentences using Japan as subjects—"Japanese Imperialism," "Japanese invaders," "Japanese fascists (or fascism)," and "Japanese fascists." The description of the tragedy is primarily to ascertain the brutality of the Japanese aggressors. 71 Yoshida, op. cit., p. 113. 72 Yoshida, op. cit., p. 114. 73 Beijing shifan daxue lishixi zhongguo xiandaishi jiaoyanshi (ed.), Zhongguo Xiandaishi (1919–1949) [Modern Chinese History], vol. 2 (Beijing: Beijing shifandaxue chubanshe, 1983), pp. 10–11. 74 Huaxuan Jiang (ed.), Zhongguo gemingshi jianbian [Selected writings of the Chinese Revolutionary History] (Beijing: Guangmingribao chubanshe, 1986), p. 200. 75 Shieryuanxiao Zhongguo gemingshi bianxiezu (ed.), Zhongguo gemingshi: zhuanyeke jiaocai [Chinese Revolutionary History: College textbook] (Lanzhou: Gansu renmin chubanshe, 1986), p. 361. 77 Li et al. 1961 [1981], op. cit., p. 30 76 Li et al. 1961 [1981], op. cit., p. 30. 78 Beijing shifan daxue lishixi zhongguo xiandaishi jiaoyanshi, op. cit., pp. 23–24. 79 Caoran Xiao and Jiansun Sha, Zhongguo gemingshi gao [Chinese Revolutionary History] (Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 1984), p. 261. 80 For shifting images of Zeng Guofan and the Taiping Rebellion, see Baogang He and Yingjie Guo, "Reimagining the Chinese Nation: The Zeng Guofan Phenomenon," Modern China 25:2 (1999), pp. 142–170. 81 Yue Fei was a loyal general of the Southern Song dynasty. He was purged and executed due to his, allegedly unrealistically, hawkish attitude and policies against Jin (a Jurchen state occupied in northern China). Since the contemporary Chinese historiography regards Jin dynasty as a part of Chinese history—Jurchen is regarded as the ancestor of Manchu tribes which are now a minority ethnic group of China; Yue Fei's hawkish attitude toward Jin has become controversial since mid-1990s. 82 Yinan He, "Remembering and Forgetting the War: Elite Mythmaking, Mass Reaction, and Sino-Japanese Relations, 1950–2006," History & Memory 19:2 (2007), pp. 43–74. 83 "Second Channel" means the production and distribution of books by private entrepreneurs who do not have book publishing permissions. For a detailed description of the second channel, see Shuyu Kong, Consuming Literature: Best Sellers and the Commercialization of Literary Production in Contemporary China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2005). 84 Qiang Song Zangzang Zhang, Bian Qiao, Zhengyu Tang and Qingsheng Gu, Zhongguo keyi shuobu [China Can Say No] (Beijing: Zhongguo wenlian chuban gongsi, 1996); a few examples of books with commercialized nationalism are Yongjun Xi and Zaihuai Ma, Chaoyue Meiguo: Meiguo shenhua de zhongjie [Surpassing the USA: The End of the American Myth] (Huhehaotu shi: Neimenggu daxue chubanshe, 1996); Shan Zhang and Weizhong Xiao, Ezai Taidu: Bucheng Nuofangqiwuli [Stop Taiwan from Independence: No Promise on Not Using Force] (Beijing: Zhongguo shehui chubanshe, 1996); Qiang Song, Zangzang Zhang, and Bian Qiao, Erling Sanling Zhongguo di yi [2030: China as the Number One] (Hong Kong: Mingbao chubanshe, 1997). 85 Song, et al., op. cit. 86 Michael Sanford Berry, "A History of Pain: Literary and Cinematic Mappings of Violence in Modern China," Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University, 2004. 87 Paul A. Cohen, "Remembering and Forgetting National Humiliation in Twentieth-Century China," Twentieth-Century China 27:2 (2002), pp. 1–39; William A. Callahan, "National Insecurities: Humiliation, Salvation, and Chinese Nationalism," Alternatives 29:2 (2004), pp. 199–218. 88 Jing Wang, High Culture Fever: Politics, Aesthetics, and Ideology in Deng's China (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996), p. 14. 89 Jing Wang, High Culture Fever: Politics, Aesthetics, and Ideology in Deng's China (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996), p. 235. 90 Mouren Wu, Jiaqi Yan and Wuèrkaixi, (eds.) Bajiu Zhongguo Minyun Jishi [A Record of the 1989 Chinese Democratic Movement] (New York: n.p., 1989), p. 131. 91 Berry, op. cit., p. 44; In Iris Chang's Rape of Nanking, a German Nazi leader in Nanjing International Security Zone is one of the most credible witnesses in her story. 92 Melissa J. Brown, Is Taiwan Chinese? The Impact of Culture, Power, and Migration of Changing Identities (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004). 93 Mark Magnier, "Showcasing the Pain of Nanjing," Los Angeles Times, December 23, 2007, p. 15. 94 Peter Hays Gries, China's New Nationalism: Pride, Politics, and Diplomacy (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004), pp. 80–81. 95 Yuji Inoguchi, "Changchao Ri-Zhong jian zhishide gongtong kongjian" [Creating the Sino-Japanese common space for knowledge], Dushu, May 2001. 96 Xiaodong Cheng, "Jiyi de yanshazi" [Assassin of Memory], Dushu, July 2001. 97 For example, a Japanese diplomat officially visited the Nanjing Massacre Memorial to convey concerns regarding the anti-Japanese tone of the museum and requested Chinese authorities "should listen to various opinions" about the number of victims. Takanori Kato, The Daily Yomiuri (English edition), January 18, 2008, p. 2. 98 Naoko Shimazu, "Popular Representations of the Past: The Case of Postwar Japan," Journal of Contemporary History 38:1 (2003), pp. 101–116. Historical narration of the pre-war Japan in contemporary Japanese society is a deeply contested field. Hence, a monolithic depiction of "Japanese understanding of its imperial pasts" should be cautiously avoided. For recent studies on diverse perspectives on Japanese war crimes in Japan, see Philip Seaton, "Reporting the 'Comfort Women' Issue, 1991–1992: Japan's Contested War Memories in the National Press," Japanese Studies 26:1 (2006), pp. 99–112; Franziska Seraphim, War Memory and Social Politics in Japan, 1945–2005 (Cambridge: Harvard University Asia Center Press, 2006); Yoshikuni Igarashi, "Kamikaze Today: The Search for National Heroes in Contemporary Japan," in Sheila Miyoshi Jager and Rana Mitter (eds.), Ruptured Histories: War, Memory and the Post-Cold War in Asia (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2007), pp. 99–121. 99 Dongya sanguo de jinxiandaishi gongtong bianxie weiyuanhui (ed.), Dongya Sanguo de jinxiandaishi [Modern History of East Asia] (Beijing: Shihui kexue wenxian chubanshe, 2005). 100 Chin-song Chong and Yuko Suzuki (eds.) Yosong ui nun ero pon Han-Il kunhyondaesa [Modern History of Korea and Japan through the Women's Eye] (Seoul: Han'ul, 2005). 101 Baogang He, "Transnational Civil Society and the National Identity Question in East Asia," Global Governance 10:2 (2004), pp. 227–246; Suh, op. cit.; Carol Gluck, "Operations of Memory: ' Comfort Women' and the World," in Jager and Mitter, op. cit., pp. 47–77.