Portal de Periódicos da CAPES

Peacebuilding, Statebuilding, Nationbuilding – Turtles All the Way Down?

2008; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 10; Issue: 4 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1080/13698240802354458

1743-968X

Catherine Goetze, Dejan Guzina,

Peacebuilding and International Security

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes 1. Michael Barnett, Hunjoon Kim, Madalene O'Donnell and Laura Sitea, ‘Peacebuilding: What is in a Name?’, Global Governance 13/1 (2007) pp.35–58. 2. Simon Chesterman, You, The People. The United Nations, Transitional Administration, and State-Building (Oxford: Oxford UP 2004). 3. UN, Secretary General, ‘An Agenda for Peace, Preventive diplomacy, peacemaking and peace-keeping. Report of the Secretary-General pursuant to the statement adopted by the Summit Meeting of the Security Council on 31 January 1992’, A/47/277–S/24111, 17 June 1992, online at < http://www.un.org/Docs/SG/agpeace.html>, para. 15. 4. UN, Secretary General, ‘Supplement to an Agenda for Peace: Position Paper of the Secretary-General on the Occasion of the Fiftieth Anniversary of the United Nations’, A/50/60–S/1995/1, 3 Jan. 1995, online at < http://www.un.org/Docs/SG/agsupp.html>, para. 13. 5. Chesterman (note 2) p.5. 6. IDRC, ‘The Responsibility to Protect’ (Ottawa 2001), online at < http://www.iciss.ca/report2-en.asp>. 7. Clifford Geertz, ‘Thick Description: Toward an Interpretative Theory of Culture’ in Martin McIntyre (ed.) Readings in the Philosophy of Social Science (MIT P 1994). 8. Michael Pugh, ‘Peacekeeping and Critical Theory’, International Peacekeeping 11/1 (2004) pp.39–58. 9. M. Jakobsen, ‘Peace and Prosperity or Democratic Chaos? Study of Regime Transitions and Civil War 1945–92’, Internasjonal Politikk 54/2 (1996) pp.237ff; Edward D. Mansfield and Jack Snyder, ‘Democratization and the Danger of War’, International Security 20/1 (1995) pp.5–38; Edward D. Mansfield and Jack Snyder, ‘Democratic Transitions, Institutional Strength, and War’, International Organization 56/2 (2002) pp.297–337; Reinhard Wolf, Erich Weede, Andrew J. Enterline, Edward D. Mansfield and Jack Snyder, ‘Democratization and the Danger of War’, International Security 20/4 (1996) pp.176–207; Jack Snyder and Edward D. Mansfield, Electing to Fight: Why Emerging Democracies Go to War (Cambridge, MA: MIT P 2005). 10. Thomas Carothers, ‘The Backlash against Democracy Promotion’, Foreign Affairs 85/2 (2006) pp.55–68. 11. Jakub Grygiel, ‘Empires and Barbarians’, The American Interest (Spring 2007) pp.13–21; Ted G. Carpenter, ‘The Imperial Lure: Nation Building as a US Response to Terrorism’, Mediterranean Quarterly 16/1 (2005) pp.34–47. See equally the debate about the long-term effects of forced democratisation, J. Pickering and M. Peceny, ‘Forging Democracy at Gunpoint’, International Studies Quarterly 50/3 (2006) pp.539–59; S. Walker and F. S. Pearson, ‘Should We Really “Force Them to be Free?” – An Empirical Examination of Peceny's Liberalizing Intervention Thesis’, Conflict Management and Peace Science 24/1 (2007) pp.37–53. 12. See for instance Martha Finnemore, The Purpose of Intervention: Changing Beliefs About the Use of Force (Ithaca, NY/London: Cornell UP 2003); Esref Aksu, United Nations, Intra-State Peacekeeping, and Normative Change (Manchester: Manchester UP 2003); Michael Barnett and Martha Finnemore, Rules for the World: International Organizations in Global Politics (Ithaca, NY: Cornell UP 2004). 13. Roland Paris, At War's End: Building Peace after Civil Conflict (Cambridge, UK and New York: Cambridge UP 2004). 14. Michael W. Doyle, ‘Liberalism and World Politics’, American Political Science Review 80/4 (1986) pp.1151–69; Michael W. Doyle, ‘Kant, Liberal Legacies, and Foreign-Affairs. 1’, Philosophy and Public Affairs 12/3 (1983) pp.205–35; Michael W. Doyle, ‘Kant, Liberal Legacies, and Foreign-Affairs. 2’, Philosophy and Public Affairs 12/4 (1983) pp. 323–53. A well-structured overview, although not the most recent one, is offered by James Lee Ray, ‘Does Democracy Cause Peace?’, Annual Review of Political Science 1/1 (1998) pp.27–46. 15. Michael Brecher and Jonathan Wilkenfeld, A Study of Crisis (Ann Arbor: U of Michigan P 2000). 16. R. J. Rummel, ‘Democracy, Power, Genocide, and Mass Murder’, Journal of Conflict Resolution 39/1 (1995) pp.3–26. For his life work consult his webpage, online at < http://www.hawaii.edu/powerkills/>. For more nuanced findings see Benjamin Valentino, Paul K. Huth and Sarah Croco, ‘Convenants without the Sword: International Law and the Protection of Civilians in Times of War’, World Politics 58/3 (2006) pp.339–77. 17. See for the latest debate, Sebastian Rosato, ‘The Flawed Logic of Democratic Peace Theory’, American Political Science Review 97/4 (2003) pp.585–602; David Kinsella, ‘No Rest for the Democratic Peace’, American Political Science Review 99/3 (2005) pp.453–57; Michael W. Doyle, ‘Three Pillars of the Libera Peace’, American Political Science Review 99/3 (2005) pp.463–66; Sebastian Rosato, ‘Explaining the Democratic Peace’, American Political Science Review 99/3 (2005) pp.467–72. 18. P. Ish-Shalom, ‘Theory as a Hermeneutical Mechanism: The Democratic-Peace Thesis and the Politics of Democratization’, European Journal of International Relations 12/4 (2006) pp.565–98. 19. Paris (note 13) p.151. 20. Samuel P. Huntington, The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century (U of Oklahoma P 1993). 21. Francis Fukuyama, ‘The End of History’, The National Interest (Summer 1989); Francis Fukuyama, The End of History and the Last Man (New York: Avon Books 1993); Francis Fukuyama, ‘Reflections on the End of History, Five Years Later’, History and Theory 34/2 (1995) pp.27–43. 22. See Valerie Bunce, ‘Rethinking Recent Democratization: Lessons from the Post-Communist Experience’, World Politics 55/2 (2003) pp.167–92. 23. See Scott Mainwaring, Guillermo O'Donnell and J. Samuel Valenzuela, Issues in Democratic Consolidation (Indiana: Notre Dame UP 1992). 24. Guillermo O'Donnell, ‘Transitions, Continuities and Paradoxes’, in Mainwaring (note 23) p.36. 25. Guillermo O'Donnell, ‘Transitions, Continuities and Paradoxes’, in Mainwaring (note 23) pp.37 and 50. 26. ‘Transition to Democracy and Democratic Consolidation: Theoretical and Comparative Issues’ in Mainwaring (note 23) p.296. 27. ‘Transition to Democracy and Democratic Consolidation: Theoretical and Comparative Issues’ in Mainwaring (note 23) p.306. 28. See Robert Dahl, Polyarchy, Participation and Opposition (New Haven, CT: Yale UP 1971). 29. For an excellent overview of the transition literature, see Thomas Carothers, ‘The End of Transition Paradigm’, Journal of Democracy 13/1 (Jan. 2002) pp.5–21. On the latest development in the transitional literature, particularly on the question of the sequencing of democracy promotion, see Thomas Carothers, ‘The Sequencing Fallacy’, Journal of Democracy 18/1 (Jan. 2007) pp.12–27; and a special section of Journal of Democracy 18/3 (Nov. 2007), in response to Carothers's Jan. 2007 article in the same journal. 30. See ‘Elections without Democracy’, special issue of Journal of Democracy 13/2 (Apr. 2002). 31. Philippe C. Schmitter and Javier Santiso, ‘Three Temporal Dimensions to the Consolidation of Democracy’, International Political Science Review/Revue internationale de science politique 19/1 (1998) pp.69–92. 32. Heidrun Zinecker, ‘Democracy, Diversity, and Conflict: Regime Hybridity and Violent Civil Conflicts in Fragmented Societies – Conceptual Considerations’, Cornell University, Peace Studies Programme, Occasional Papers #30-5, online at < http://www.einaudi.cornell.edu/peaceprogram/publications/occasional_papers/Zinecker-final.pdf>. 33. The most thoughtful analysts of the perils of democratisation from the path-dependency perspective are: Valerie Bunce, Subversive Institutions: The Design and the Destruction of Socialism and the State (Cambridge: Cambridge UP 1999); and Juan Linz and Alfred Stepan, Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation: Southern Europe, South America and Post-communist Europe (Baltimore: John Hopkins UP 1996). 34. J. Teorell and A. Hadenius, ‘Democracy without Democratic Values: A Rejoinder to Welzel and Inglehart’, Studies in Comparative International Development 41/3 (2006) pp.95–111; C. Welzel, ‘Democratization as an Emancipative Process: The Neglected Role of Mass Motivations’, European Journal of Political Research 45/6 (2006) pp.871–96; C. Welzel and R. Inglehart, ‘Liberty Aspirations and Democratization: The Human Development Perspective’, Politische Vierteljahresschrift 46/1 (2005) pp.62ff; A. Hadenius and J. Teorell, ‘Cultural and Economic Prerequisites of Democracy: Reassessing Recent Evidence’, Studies in Comparative International Development 39/4 (2005) pp.87–106. 35. Miguel Angel Centeno, ‘Between Rocky Democracies and Hard Markets: Dilemmas of the Double Transition’, Annual Review of Sociology 20 (1994) pp.125–47; R. Doorenspleet, ‘The Structural Context of Recent Transitions to Democracy’, European Journal of Political Research 43/3 (2004) pp.309–35; A. J. Enterline and J. M. Greig, ‘Beacons of Hope? The Impact of Imposed Democracy on Regional Peace, Democracy, and Prosperity’, Journal of Politics 67/4 (2005) pp.1075–98; Geoffrey Evans and Stephen Whitefield, ‘The Politics and Economics of Democratic Commitment: Support for Democracy in Transition Societies’, British Journal of Political Science 25/4 (1995) pp.485–514; M. S. Fish and O. Choudhry, ‘Democratization and Economic Liberalization in the Postcommunist World’, Comparative Political Studies 40/3 (2007) pp.254–82; J. A. Robinson, ‘Economic Development and Democracy’, Annual Review of Political Science 9 (2006) pp.503–27. 36. Margit Bussmann, Harald Scheuthle and Gerald Schneider, ‘Die “Friedensdividende” der Globalisierung: Außenwirtschaftliche Öffnung und innenpolitische Stabilität in den Entwicklungsländern’, Politische Vierteljahresschrift 44/3 (2003) pp.302–24; F. Rodriguez, D. Rodrik, C. T. Hseh and C. I. Jones, ‘Trade Policy and Economic Growth: A Skeptic's Guide to the Cross-national Evidence’ in B. Bernanke and K. Rogoff (eds) Macroeconomics Annual 2000 (MIT P for NBER 2001); Dani Rodrik, One Economics, Many Recipes: Globalization, Institutions and Economic Growth (Princeton: Princeton UP 2007). 37. See for instance J. P. Beja and J. F. Huchet, ‘Where Modernization Does Not Lead to Democratization (25 Years of Reform in China)’, Esprit 2 (2004) pp.100–3. 38. See for instance Karl W. Deutsch, ‘Social Mobilization and Political Development’, American Political Science Review 55/3 (1961) pp.493–514. 39. Gabriel A. Almond and Sydney Verba, The Civic Culture: Political Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations (Princeton: Princeton UP 1963); Gabriel A. Almond and Sydney Verba, The Civic Culture Revisited: An Analytical Study (Boston: Little Brown 1980). 40. Dankwart A. Rustow, ‘Transitions to Democracy: Toward a Dynamic Model’, Comparative Politics 2/3 (Apr. 1970) pp.337–63. 41. Dankwart A. Rustow, ‘Transitions to Democracy: Toward a Dynamic Model’, Comparative Politics 2/3 (Apr. 1970) p.350. 42. Linz and Stepan (note 33). 43. Brendan O'Leary, ‘The Elements of Right-Sizing and Right-Peopling the State’ in Brendan O'Leary, Ian S. Lustick and Thomas Callaghy (eds) Right-Sizing the State: The Politics of Moving Borders (Oxford: Oxford UP 2001) pp.15–73. 44. In Bosnia, the OHR (the Office of the High Representative in Bosnia-Herzegovina) imposed discreet constitutional amendments in April 2002 bringing the institutional arrangements of the entities in line with the constitution of the entire state. See also the Ohrid Agreement in Macedonia, the Belgrade Agreement on the relationship between Serbia and Montenegro and the imposition of an entire constitutional framework in Kosovo in May 2001. 45. See note 3. 46. See note 4. 47. Lakdar Brahimi, Secretary General, ‘Report of the Panel on United Nations Peace Operations’, A/55/305–S/2000/809, online at < http://www.un.org/peace/reports/peace_operations/>. 48. See note 6. 49. UN, Secretary General, ‘A More Secure World: Our Shared Responsibility. Report of the High-Level Panel on Threats, Challenges, and Change’, online at < http://www.un.org/secureworld/>. 50. Gerald B. Helman and Steven R. Ratner, ‘Saving Failed States’, Foreign Policy 89 (1992) pp.3–20. For the ensuing debate, see David A. Kay, Gerald B. Helman, Steven R. Ratner, Patrick Glynn, Daniel Deudney, G. John Ikenberry, Jose R. Cardenas and Carla Anne Robbins, ‘Letters’, Foreign Policy 90 (1993) pp.169–77. 51. UNDP, Deepening Democracy in a Fragmented World, UNDP Human Development Report (2002); World Bank, World Development Report 1997: The State in a Changing World (Oxford: Oxford UP 1997); UNDP, Human Development Report 2005: State-Building and Human Development (UNDP 2005). 52. Paul Collier, Economic Causes of Civil Conflict and Their Implications for Policy (Washington 2000); Paul Collier and Nicholas Sambanis, ‘Understanding Civil War: A New Agenda’, Journal of Conflict Resolution 46/1 (2002) pp. 3–170; Mary Kaldor, New and Old Wars: Organized Violence in a Global Era (Cambridge: Polity P 1999). 53. Herfried Münkler, The New Wars (London: Polity P 2005). 54. William Reno, Warlord Politics and African States (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner 1998); Juha Auvinen and E. Wayne Nafziger, ‘The Sources of Humanitarian Emergencies’, Journal of Conflict Resolution 43/3 (1999) pp.267–90; Michael I. Ross, ‘Oil, Drugs, and Diamonds: The Varying Role of Natural Resources in Civil War’ in K. Ballentine and J. Sherman (eds) The Political Economy of Armed Conflict (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner 2003); Karen Ballentine and Heiko Nitzschke, Profiting from Peace: Managing the Resource Dimension of Civil War (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner 2005). 55. See for instance OECD, DAC Guidelines, Helping Prevent Violent Conflict (Paris 2001); DFID, The Causes of Conflict in Africa (London 2001); Bundesregierung, Action Plan. Civilian Crisis Prevention, Conflict Resolution and Post-Conflict Peace-Building (Bonn, 2004). 56. Ira William Zartman, Collapsed States: The Disintegration and Restoration of Legitimate Authority (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner 1995); Robert H. Jackson, Quasi-States: Sovereignty, International Relations and the Third World (Cambridge: Cambridge UP 1993). 57. William Reno, ‘War, Markets, and the Reconfiguration of West Africa's Weak States’, Comparative Politics 29/4 (1997) pp.493–510; Jeffrey Herbst, ‘Responding to State Failure in Africa’, International Security 21/3 (1996) pp.120–44. 58. See for an analysis of different forms of ‘state failure’ and their different impact on peacebuilding Catherine Götze, ‘Civil Society Organizations in Failing States: The Red Cross in Bosnia and Albania’, International Peacekeeping 11/4 (2004) pp.664–81. 59. See for instance the critique of Morton Boas, ‘The Liberian Civil War: New War/Old War?’, Global Society 19/1 (2005) pp.73–88. 60. Stathis N. Kalyvas, ‘“New” and “Old” Civil Wars: A Valid Distinction?’, World Politics 54/1 (2001) pp.99–118. 61. Tonya Langford, ‘Things Fall Apart: State Failure and the Politics of Intervention’, International Studies Review 1/1 (1999) pp.59–79; A. Yannis, ‘State Collapse and Its Implications for Peace-building and Reconstruction’, Development and Change 33/5 (2002) pp.817–35. 62. Ted Robert Gurr, ‘Minorities and Nationalists: Managing Ethnopolitical Conflict in the New Century’ in Chester A. Crocker, Fen O. Hampson and Pamela Aall (eds) Turbulent Peace: The Challenges of Managing International Conflict (United States Institute of Peace P 2001); Donald E. Horowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict (Berkeley and Los Angeles: U of California P 2000 [1985]); David A. Lake and David Rothchild, The International Spread of Ethnic Conflict (Princeton: Princeton UP 1998); Nicholas Sambanis, ‘Do Ethnic and Nonethnic Civil Wars Have the Same Causes? A Theoretical and Empirical Inquiry (Part 1)’, Journal of Conflict Resolution 45/3 (2001) pp.259–82. 63. Michael W. Doyle and Nicholas Sambanis, Making War and Building Peace (Princeton: Princeton UP 2006) pp.32 and 35. 64. Philip G. Roeder and Donald Rotchild, Sustainable Peace: Power and Democracy after Civil Wars (Ithaca, NY and London: Cornell UP 2005); Ulrich Schneckener, ‘Making Power-Sharing Work: Lessons from Successes and Failures in Ethnic Conflict Regulation’, Journal of Peace Research 39/2 (2002) pp.203–28; Caroline Hartzell and Matthew Hoddie, ‘Institutionalizing Peace: Power Sharing and Post-Civil War Conflict Management’, American Journal of Political Science 47/2 (2003) pp.318–32; Caroline Hartzell, Matthew Hoddie and Donald Rotchild, ‘Stabilizing Peace After Civil War: An Investigation of Some Key Variables’, International Organization 55/1 (2001) pp.183–208. Critical discussions of power sharing point to its inherent contradictions, see for instance R. Fanthorpe, ‘On the Limits of Liberal Peace: Chiefs and Democratic Decentralization in Post-war Sierra Leone’, African Affairs 105/418 (2006) pp.27–49; S. Byrne, ‘Consociational and Civic Society Approaches to Peacebuilding in Northern Ireland’, Journal of Peace Research 38/3 (2001) pp.327–52. 65. Arend Lijphart, Patterns of Democracy: Government Forms and Performance in Thirty-Six Countries (New Haven, CT: Yale UP 1999); Arend Lijphart, Democracy in Plural Societies: A Comparative Exploration (New Haven, CT: Yale UP 1980). 66. See for instance Fukuyama's shift from ‘hands off’ liberalism to civil society building at the turn of the millennium and, nowadays, to statebuilding: F. Fukuyama, ‘New Worlds, New Geographies’, Foreign Affairs 77/4 (1998) pp.123–123; F. Fukuyama, ‘Social Capital, Civil Society and Development’, Third World Quarterly 22/1 (2001) pp.7–20; F. Fukuyama, ‘The Imperative of State-building’, Journal of Democracy 15/2 (2004) pp.17–31. 67. For a recent statement of this kind, see Steven R. David, ‘On Civil War’, American Interest (Spring 2007) pp.23–32. 68. Francis Fukuyama, State-building: Governance and World Order in the 21st Century (New York: Cornell UP 2004) pp.93 and 95. 69. Downloadable from the US government's website, online at < http://www.whitehouse.gov/nsc/nss.pdf>. 70. Robert I. Rotberg, State Failure and State Weakness in a Time of Terror (Cambridge and Washington: Brookings Institution P 2003) p.1. 71. Stephen D. Krasner, ‘Sharing Sovereignty: New Institutions for Collapsed and Failing States’, International Security 29/2 (2004) pp.85–120, p.85. 72. Richard Caplan, International Governance of War-Torn Territories: Rule and Reconstruction (Oxford: Oxford UP 2005) p.246. 73. Dominik Zaum, The Norms and Politics of International Statebuilding (Oxford: Oxford UP 2007) p.4. 74. Dominik Zaum, The Norms and Politics of International Statebuilding (Oxford: Oxford UP 2007) p.27. 75. Pugh (note 8) p.48. 76. R. Paris, ‘Human Security: Paradigm Shift or Hot Air?’, International Security 26 (2001) pp.87–102. 77. Ramesh Thakur, Simon Chesterman and Michael Ignatieff (eds), Making States Work: State Failure and the Crisis of Governance (Tokyo: United Nations UP 2005). 78. Sebastian von Einsiedel, ‘Policy Responses to State Failure’ in Ramesh Thakur, Simon Chesterman and Michael Ignatieff (eds) Making States Work: State Failure and the Crisis of Global Governance (United Nations UP 2005) p.13. 79. Robin Luckham, Anne Marie Goetz and Marie Kaldor, ‘Democratic Institutions and Democratic Politics’ in Sunil Bastian and Robin Luckham (eds) Can Democracy Be Designed? The Politics of Institutional Choice in Conflict-torn Societies (Zed Books 2003). 80. Robin Luckham, Anne Marie Goetz and Marie Kaldor, ‘Democratic Institutions and Democratic Politics’ in Bastian and Luckham (eds) Can Democracy Be Designed? The Politics of Institutional Choice in Conflict-torn Societies (Zed Books 2003) 81. Béatrice Pouligny, Ils Nous Avaient Promis la Paix (Paris: Sciences Po Les Presses 2004). 82. See Richard Caplan and Béatrice Pouligny, ‘The History and Contradictions of State Building’, Critique Internationale 28 (2005). 83. Chesterman (note 2); Doyle and Sambanis (note 63). 84. Chesterman (note 2) pp.239–49. 85. Chesterman (note 2) p.257 86. Doyle and Sambanis (note 63) p.64. 87. See for instance the conclusions of the case study on Somalia, Doyle and Sambanis (note 63) p.160. 88. Doyle and Sambanis (note 63) p.159. 89. Paris (note 13) p.195. The rights of the High Representative in Bosnia-Herzegovina are most often quoted as being an example of such strong prerogatives. This is often done without a systematic discussion of the democratic ambiguity of these so-called Bonn Powers, which authorise the High Representative to dismiss elected politicians from office if he considers their public or private (!) statements and declarations to threaten the Dayton Peace Agreement. 90. Paris (note 13) chaps 9 and 10. 91. Brian Levy and Sahr Kpundeh, Building State Capacity in Africa (Washington DC: World Bank 2004); Kathleen Hawk, Constructing the Stable State: Goals for Intervention and Peacebuilding (Ebook: Greenwood Pub Group 2002). 92. Keith Krause and Oliver Jutersonke, ‘Peace, Security and Development in Post-Conflict Environments’, Security Dialogue 36/4 (2005) pp.447–62. 93. Neil Cooper, ‘Picking Out the Pieces of the Liberal Peaces: Representations of Conflict Economies and the Implications for Policy’, Security Dialogue 36/4 (2005) pp.463–78. 94. Beatrice Pouligny, ‘Civil Society and Post-Conflict Peacebuilding: Ambiguities of International Programmes Aimed at Building “New” Societies’, Security Dialogue 36/4 (2005) pp.495–510. 95. Rama Mani, ‘Rebuilding an Inclusive Political Community After War’, Security Dialogue 36/4 (2005) pp.511–26. 96. Robert A. Rubinstein, ‘Intervention and Culture: An Anthropological Approach to Peace Operations’, Security Dialogue 36/4 (2005) pp.527–44. 97. Roland Paris and Timothy D. Sisk (eds), The Dilemmas of Statebuilding, Confronting the Contradictions of Postwar Peace Operations (London: PalgraveMacmillan 2008, forthcoming). 98. Edward Newman and Albrecht Schnabel, Recovering from Civil Conflict: Reconciliation, Peace, and Development (London and Portland, OR: Frank Cass 2002). 99. Edward Newman, ‘“Transitional Justice”: The Impact of Transitional Norms and the UN’ in Newman and Schnabel (note 98). 100. Vesna Bojicic-Dzelilovic, ‘World Bank, NGOs and the Private Sector in Post-War Reconstruction’ in Newman and Schnabel (note 98). 101. Benjamin Reilly, ‘Post-Conflict Elections: Constraints and Dangers’ in Newman and Schnabel (note 98). 102. Kees Kingma, ‘Demobilization, Reintegration and Peacebuilding in Africa’ in Newman and Schnabel (note 98). 103. See for instance the numerous case studies in the special issue of Third World Quarterly, 27/1 (2006), the very rich and diverse special issue of the Journal of International Affairs 58/1 (2004) or the early and nuanced volume by Michael Pugh (ed.), Regeneration of War-Torn Societies (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2000). 104. See for instance the critical accounts of consociational institutional arrangements (note 65) and S. G. Simonsen, ‘Addressing Ethnic Divisions in Post-conflict Institution-building: Lessons from Recent Cases’, Security Dialogue 36/3 (2005) pp.297–318. 105. Joanna R. Quinn and Mark Freeman, ‘Lessons Learned: Practical Lessons Gleaned from Inside the Truth Commissions of Guatemala and South Africa’, Human Rights Quarterly 25 (2003) pp.1117–49; Susanne Buckley-Zistel, ‘In-between War and Peace: Identities, Boundaries and Change after Violent Conflict’, Millennium-Journal of International Studies 35/1 (2006) pp.3–21. 106. Lisa Anderson, ‘Antiquated Before They Can Ossify: States That Fail Before Time’, Journal of International Affairs 58/1 (2004) pp.1–16. 107. Jim MacLaughlin, Reimagining the Nation-State: The Contested Terrain of Nation-building (London: Pluto P 2001); Dejan Guzina, ‘Nation-Building vs. Minority Destroying: Majority-Minority Relations in Post-Socialist Serbia’, South Eastern European Politics 1/1 (2000) pp.25–40. 108. Catherine Götze, Rudimentäre Zivilgesellschaften, Das Rote Kreuz auf dem Balkan (Münster: Lit Verlag 2005). 109. M. Barnett, ‘Building a Republican Peace – Stabilizing States after War’, International Security 30/4 (2006) pp.87ff. 110. Laurel E. Fletcher and Harvey A. Weinstein, ‘Violence and Social Repair: Rethinking the Contribution of Justice to Reconciliation’, Human Rights Quarterly 24 (2002) pp.573–619. 111. Sally Morphet, ‘Current International Civil Administration: The Need for Political Legitimacy’ in Newman and Schnabel (note 98); Ulrich Schneckener, ‘Frieden Machen: Peacebuilding and Peacebuilder’, Die Friedenswarte 80/1–2 (2005) pp.17–39; Susan L. Woodward, ‘National versus International Legitimacy in State Building Operations’, Critique Internationale 28 (2005). 112. See for instance Antonio Donini, Nation-Building Unraveled? Aid, Peace and Justice in Afghanistan (Bloomfield, CT: Kumurian P 2003). 113. See for instance Robert Hunter Wade, ‘Failing States and Cumulative Causation in the World System’, International Political Science Review 26/1 (2005) pp.17–36. 114. Caroline Hughes and Vanessa Pupavac, ‘Framing Post-conflict Societies: International Pathologisation of Cambodia and the Post-Yugoslav States’, Third World Quarterly 26/1 (2005) pp.873–89. 115. See Robert H. Jackson, Quasi-States: Sovereignty, International Relations and the Third World (Cambridge: Cambridge UP 1993); William Bain, Between Anarchy and Society: Trusteeship and the Obligations of Power (Oxford: Oxford UP 2003). 116. Christopher J. Bickerton, ‘State-building: Exporting State Failure’ in Christopher Bickerton, Philippe Cunliffe and Alexander Gourevitch (eds) Politics without Sovereignty: A Critique of Contemporary International Relations (London: University College London P 2007). 117. Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Empire (Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP 2000). 118. Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Empire (Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP 2000) p.181; Ghassan Salamé, Appels d'empire: ingérences et résistances à l'âge de la mondialisation (Paris: Fayard 1996). 119. Laura Zanotti, ‘Taming Chaos: A Foucauldian View of UN Peacekeeping, Democracy and Normalization’, International Peacekeeping 13/2 (2006) pp.150–67; L. Zanotti, ‘Governmentalizing the Post-Cold War International Regime: The UN Debate on Democratization and Good Governance’, Alternatives 30/4 (2005) pp.461–87. 120. Zanotti, ‘Taming Chaos’ (note 119) p.151. 121. Adam Morton, ‘The “Failed State” of International Relations’, New Political Economy 10/3 (2005) pp.371–79, p.372. 122. Doyle and Sambanis (note 63) p.227. 123. Doyle and Sambanis (note 63) p.229. 124. James Ridgeway and Jasminka Udovicki, Burn This House: The Making and Unmaking of Yugoslavia (Durham, NC: Duke UP 1997); Nebojsa Popov, The Road to War in Serbia: Trauma and Catharsis (Budapest: Central European UP 2000). 125. Doyle and Sambanis (note 63) p.228. 126. Doyle and Sambanis (note 63) 127. Zanotti, ‘Taming Chaos’ (note 119) p.160. 128. Zanotti, ‘Taming Chaos’ (note 118) p.162 129. Mark Duffield, Global Governance and the New Wars (London: Zed Books 2001). 130. Pugh (note 8) p.41. 131. Morton (note 121) p.372. 132. Noam Chomsky, The New Military Humanism: Lessons from Kosovo (London: Pluto P 1999). 133. Duffield (note 129) p.34. 134. See for instance Jean-Francois Bayart, ‘Le Crime Transnational et la Formation de l'Etat’, Politique Africaine 93 (2004) pp.93–104; Jean-Francois Bayart, S. Ellis and B. Hibou, The Criminalization of the State in Africa (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana UP 1999). 135. Duffield (note 129) p.136. 136. Duffield (note 128) p.163. 137. Duffield (note 128) p.264. 138. David Chandler, Bosnia: Faking Democracy after Dayton (London: Pluto P 1999). 139. B. R. Rubin, ‘Peace Building and State-building in Afghanistan: Constructing Sovereignty for Whose Security?’, Third World Quarterly 27/1 (2006) pp.175–85; Gerald Knaus and Felix Martin, ‘Travails of the European Raj’, Journal of Democracy 14/3 (2003) pp.60–74. 140. David Chandler, Empire in Denial: The Politics of State-Building (London: Pluto P 2006). 141. David Chandler, Constructing Global Civil Society: Morality and Power in International Relations (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan 2004). 142. Zaki Laidi, A World Without Meaning: The Crisis of Meaning in International Politics (London: Routledge 1998). 143. James Ferguson, The Anti-Politics Machine: ‘Development’, Depoliticization, and Bureaucratic Power in Lesotho (Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P 1994).