Excavating the page: virtuosity and illusionism in Italian book illumination, 1460–1520
2011; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 27; Issue: 2 Linguagem: Inglês
10.1080/02666286.2010.526289
ISSN1943-2178
Autores Tópico(s)Historical and Religious Studies of Rome
ResumoClick to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Portions of this paper were presented at a session entitled ‘Images and the materiality of words’ during the 44th International Congress on Medieval Studies in Kalamazoo (May 2009) and at a session entitled ‘Reappraising the role of illusionism in early modern painting’ during the 56th Renaissance society of America Annual Meeting in Venice (April 2010). I would like to thank Jonathan Alexander, Lilian Armstrong, Lina Bolzoni, and Mary Carruthers for the kind and helpful comments they provided at various stages in my research; my work would not have been possible without their assistance. Notes 1 – ‘First of all, on the surface on which I am going to paint, I draw a rectangle of whatever size I want, which I regard as an open window through which the subject to be painted is seen.’ Leon Battista Alberti, On Painting, ed. Martin Kemp, trans. Cecil Grayson (London: Penguin, 1991), p. 54 (Book 1, Chapter 19). Daniel Arasse has suggested that the very definition and use of the Albertian frame relies on an Aristotelian concept of space in ‘Fonctions et limites de l'iconographie: sur le cadre et sa transgression,’ in Die Methodik der Bildinterpretation: Les méthodes de l'interprétation de l'image: Deutsch französische Kolloquien 1998–2000 (Göttingen: Wallstein, 2002), p. 557. While Alberti was surely aware of this dependence on Aristotle's ‘finite and anisotropic’ (varying in magnitude according to the direction of measurement) space, Girolamo's image seems to flout such a linear-perspectival definition, which is understandable considering the content of the text being introduced. ‘Strictly speaking the Physics does not advance a theory of space at all, but only a theory of place or a theory of positions in space.’ Max Jammer, Concepts of Space: The History of Theories of Space in Physics, 2nd ed. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1969), p. 17, 54. The unusual miseenpage is concerned instead with just such relations between various bodies. Nor is it necessarily appropriate to characterize contemporary perceptions of Aristotle's spatial theories as unified and universally held by commentators, patrons, and artists alike. 2 – The principal studies of the form will be discussed in more detail subsequently. Among the most foundational are Otto Pächt, ‘Notes and observations on the origin of humanistic book-decoration’, in Fritz Saxl 1890–1948: Memorial Essays, ed. D.J. Gordon (New York: T. Nelson, 1957), pp. 184–94; H.D.L. Vervliet, ‘Les origines du frontispice architectural’, Gutenberg-Jahrbuch 33 (1958), pp. 222–31; Margery Corbett, ‘The architectural title-page: An attempt to trace its development from its humanist origins up to the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the heyday of the complex engraved title-page,’ Motif 12 (1964), pp. 48–62; Giordana Mariani Canova, La Miniatura veneta del Rinascimento, 1450–1500 (Venice: Alfieri, 1969); Jonathan J.G. Alexander, ‘Notes on some Veneto-Paduan illuminated books of the Renaissance,’ Arte veneta (1970), pp. 9–20; and Lilian Armstrong, Renaissance Miniature Painters and Classical Imagery: The Master of the Putti and His Venetian Workshop (London: Harvey Miller, 1981), esp. Chap II, part 4, ‘The architectural frontispiece.’, pp. 19–25. 3 – For the origins of the printing press in Rome, see A. Modigliani, Tipografi a Roma prima della stampa: due società per fare libri con le forme (1466–1470) (Rome: RR inedita, 1989); and Anna Modigliani, ‘Tipografi a Roma (1467–1477),’ in Gutenberg e Roma: le origini della stampa nella città dei papi (1467–1477), ed. Massimo Miglio and Orietta Rossini (Naples: Electa, 1997). For its origins in Venice, see Leonardas Vytautas Gerulaitis, Printing and Publishing in Fifteenth-Century Venice (Chicago: American Library Association, 1976); Neri Pozza, ed., La stampa degli incunaboli nel Veneto: saggi e note (Vicenza: N. Pozza, 1984); and Martin Lowry, Nicholas Jenson and the Rise of Venetian Publishing in Renaissance Europe (Oxford: Blackwell, 1991). 4 – Otto Pächt, Book Illumination in the Middle Ages: An Introduction, trans. Kay Davenport (London: Harvey Miller, 1986), pp. 9–10. Pächt, however, saw the advent of cogent three-dimensional space within the fifteenth-century manuscript page as a development fatal to the art form; ibid., pp. 200–02; The Master of Mary of Burgundy (London: Faber and Faber, 1948), p. 19; as did Erwin Panofsky in Early Netherlandish Painting: Its Origins and Character (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1953), p. 28. 5 – See, chiefly, James H. Marrow, Pictorial Invention in Netherlandish Manuscript Illumination of the Late Middle Ages: The Play of Illusion and Meaning, eds Brigitte Dekeyzer and Jan van der Stock (Paris: Uitgeverij Peeters, 2005); and Brigitte Dekeyzer, Layers of Illusion: The Mayer van den Bergh Breviary (Ghent: Ludion, 2004), pp. 18–27; but also Anja Grebe, ‘The art of the edge: Frames and page-design in manuscripts of the Ghent-Bruges School,’ in The Metamorphosis of Marginal Images: From Antiquity to Present Time, eds Nurith Kenaan-Kedar and Asher Ovadiah (Tel Aviv: Tel Aviv University, 2001), pp. 93–102; and Kate Challis, ‘Marginalized jewels: The depiction of jewellery in the borders of Flemish devotional manuscripts’, in The Art of the Book: Its Place in Medieval Worship, ed. Margaret M. Manion and Bernard J. Muir (Exeter: University of Exeter Press, 1998), pp. 253–89. 6 – ‘The main features of the architectural title-page are the arch or pediment, the flanking columns which enclose the title, the bases or the continuous plinth on which the columns rest.’ Corbett, ‘The architectural title-page,’ p. 49. 7 – For a discussion of continuities and innovations in book production, see Margaret M. Smith, ‘Medieval roots of the renaissance printed book: An essay in design history,’ in Forms of the ‘Medieval’ in the ‘Renaissance’: A Multidisciplinary Exploration of a Cultural Continuum, ed. G.H. Tucker (Charlottesville, VA: Rookwood Press, 2000), pp. 143–53. Especially relevant is the section entitled ‘The title-page: A new feature in the book,’ pp. 147–49. 8 – Elizabeth Welles, ‘Umanesimo e petrarchismo nella miniatura del Quattrocento,’ in Letteratura italiana e arti figurative: atti del XII convegno dell'Associazione internazionale per gli studi di lingua e letteratura italiana, ed. Antonio Franceschetti (Florence: L.S. Olschki, 1985), pp. 383–84; Erwin Panofsky, Perspective as Symbolic Form, trans. Christopher S. Wood (New York: Zone Books, 1991); Peter Burke, The Renaissance Sense of the Past (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1970). 9 – On antique exemplars for architectonic decorative motifs in books, see Vervliet, ‘Les origines du frontispice architectural,’ pp. 222–31. 10 – Armstrong, Renaissance Miniature Painters, pp. 19–29. 11 – The most recent survey of early printed title-pages or frontispieces is Margaret M. Smith, The Title-Page, Its Early Development, 1460–1510 (London: British Library, 2000). The author discusses the problems of terminology, across various academic fields, in the section entitled ‘The title-page and the frontispiece: Terminology,’ pp. 12–15. 12 – J.J.G. Alexander, Italian Renaissance Illuminations (New York: Braziller, 1977); Mariani Canova, La miniatura veneta; Giordana Mariani Canova, Giovanna Baldissin Molli, and Federica Toniolo, La miniatura a Padova: dal medioevo al Settecento (Modena: F.C. Panini, 1999). Here, the recent conference paper entitled ‘Benedetto Bordon and monumental painting’, delivered by Lilian Armstrong at the Fifty-Sixth Annual Conference of the Renaissance Society of America, held in Venice, Italy, April 8–10, 2010, should be noted. 13 – Armstrong, Renaissance Miniature Painters; Armstrong, ‘Il Maestro di Pico: Un miniatore veneziano del tardo Quattrocento,’ Saggi e Memorie di Storie dell'Arte 17 (1990), pp. 7–39; Armstrong, ‘Opus Petri: Renaissance Miniatures from Venice and Rome,’ Viator 21 (1990), pp. 385–412. 14 – Lilian Armstrong, ‘The impact of printing on miniaturists in Venice after 1469,’ in Printing the Written Word: The Social History of Books, Circa 1450–1520, ed. Sandra Hindman (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1991), pp. 174–202. The complex and often unexpected interface of print and manuscript, illuminator, scribe, and woodcut that continues for several centuries from the introduction of the printing press is investigated in David McKitterick, Print, Manuscript and the Search for Order, 1450–1830 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003). The conclusions drawn challenge the view that the introduction of movable type revolutionized approaches to the book. See Elizabeth L. Eisenstein, The Printing Press as an Agent of Change: Communications and Cultural Transformations in Early Modern Europe, 2 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979). 15 – A number of presentation copies of each edition were printed on vellum and reserved for patrons, collaborators, or owners of the printing press. See Armstrong, ‘The impact of printing,’ 200. 16 – J.J.G. Alexander, ed., The Painted Page: Italian Renaissance Book Illumination, 1450–1550 (Munich: Prestel, 1994), especially entries by Jonathan Alexander on manuscripts illuminated by Gasparo Padovano, and entries by Lilian Armstrong on hand-illuminated incunables. See also Armstrong, Studies of Renaissance Miniaturists in Venice (all of Armstrong's essays cited in this paper are included in this reprint edition), and Lew Andrews ‘Pergamene strappate e frontespizi: i frontespizi architettonici nell'epoca dei primi libri a stampa,’ Arte veneta 55 (1999), pp. 6–29. 17 – Vervliet, ‘Les origines du frontispice architectural’, pp. 229–30. 18 – See, for example, Robert G. Calkins, ‘Sacred image and illusion in late Flemish manuscripts,’ in Essays in Medieval Studies, eds John B. Friedman and Patricia Hollahan (Chicago: Illinois Medieval Association, 1989), pp. 1–18; and Marrow, Pictorial Invention; for several highly perceptive exercises in assessing visual evidence, see James H. Marrow, ‘Symbol and meaning in northern European art of the late Middle Ages and the early Renaissance,’ Simiolus, 16, 2/3 (1986), pp. 150–69; Alfred Acres, ‘The Columba altarpiece and the time of the world,’ Art Bulletin 80 (1998), pp. 422–51; and Bret Louis Rothstein, Sight and Spirituality in Early Netherlandish Painting (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005). 19 – Armstrong, Studies of Renaissance Miniaturists, pp. vii–viii. 20 – Sven Sandström, Levels of Unreality: Studies in Structure and Construction in Italian Mural Painting During the Renaissance (Uppsala: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1963); John White, The Birth and Rebirth of Pictorial Space (London: Faber and Faber, 1957). 21 – This unintentional obfuscation is heightened for the text's English-language readers: its adapted title forgoes the difficult translation of the French tableau and thereby widens the nominal scope of what was originally a localized area study to include all types of self-reflexive image, though earlier media such as manuscript illumination and panel painting remain left out. Compare Victor Ieronim Stoichita, L'instauration du tableau: Métapeinture à l'aube des temps modernes (Paris: Méridiens Klincksieck, 1993) with its English translation The Self-Aware Image: An Insight into Early Modern Meta-painting, trans. Anne-Marie Glasheen (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997). 22 – Even Stoichita himself states that ‘the recognition of the image as an image was a process widely encouraged by the Reformation’ (The Self-Aware Image, p. 89). Nevertheless, he also concedes elsewhere that ‘around 1400, after a long period in which the concept of mimesis, or rather that of “similarity” (homoiosis, adadaequatio/similitudo) had been strongly questioned, art as techné mimetiké made a new appearance onto the stage of Western culture.’ Stoichita, Introduction to section entitled ‘Mimesis vor und nach 1500/Pictorial Mimesis before and after 1500,’ in Künstlerischer Austausch/Artistic Exchange: Akten des XXVIII. Internationalen Kongresses für Kunstgeschichte: Berlin, 15–20. Juli 1992, ed. Thomas W. Gaehtgens (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1994), p. 410. 23 – See Klaus Krüger, Das Bild als Schleier des Unsichtbaren: ästhetische Illusion in der Kunst der frühen Neuzeit in Italien (München: W. Fink, 2001); to be published in English as Veiling the Invisible: Art and Aesthetic Illusion in Early Modern Italy (New York: Zone Books, forthcoming). 24 – Marrow, Pictorial Invention, p. 33. 25 – James H. Marrow, ‘Scholarship on Flemish manuscript illumination of the renaissance: Remarks on past, present, and future,’ in Flemish Manuscript Painting in Context: Recent Research, ed. Elizabeth Morrison and Thomas Kren (Los Angeles: The J. Paul Getty Museum, 2006), pp. 163–76. 26 – ‘ “Pictorial realism” can be used to evoke our experience of the inhabited world, “illusionism” to alter our consciousness of the nature of works of art and our relationship to them, and “trompe l’œil” overtly to contradict our logic and experience.’ Ibid., p. 169. I would further contend that the notion of ‘trompe l’œil,’ a linguistic expression of the late eighteenth century, has an application to the fifteenth-century material discussed here only insofar as it recalls the trope of mimetic deception. It seems better suited to describe an effect — literally a fooled audience or a ‘double take’ — rather than a visual strategy. Creighton E. Gilbert tentatively states that ‘actual trompe l’œil seems to lack a definition (other than the one in its name), having only implicit recognition case by case.’ Creighton E. Gilbert, ‘Grapes, curtains, human beings: The theory of missed mimesis,’ in Künstlerischer Austausch Artistic Exchange, p. 415. The 2002 exhibition held in Washington entitled Deceptions and Illusions: Five Centuries of Trompe l’Œil Painting, which included the Girolamo da Cremona frontispiece discussed above (cat. no. 79, entry by Lilian Armstrong, pp. 292–3), did not directly confront the problems of terminology identified by Marrow. The exhibition section related to illusionistic depictions of paper, ‘Temptations for the hand,’ contained no images by Italian artists. Sybille Ebert-Schifferer, ed., Deceptions and Illusions: Five Centuries of Trompe l’Œil Painting (Washington, DC: National Gallery of Art, 2002), pp. 181–211. 27 – Apart from certain types of cartellini, or fictive inscriptions on monumental paintings, which I shall discuss later. 28 – Corbett, ‘The architectural title-page,’ p. 50. 29 – Lilian Armstrong, ‘The hand-illumination of printed books in Italy 1465–1515,’ in The Painted Page: Italian Renaissance Book Illumination, 1450–1550, ed. J.J.G. Alexander (Munich: Prestel, 1994), pp. 36–37; Armstrong, ‘The impact of printing,’ pp. 200–02. 30 – Armstrong, Renaissance Miniature Painters, pp. 21–22, 102; and cat. no. 80 (entry by Lilian Armstrong) in Alexander, ed., The Painted Page, pp. 165–66. 31 – For the possible identification of Joan (or Giovanni) Todeschino with the ‘Master of the London Pliny,’ see Teresa D'Urso, ‘Ioan Todeschino (Il Maestro del Plinio di Londra?)’ in Toscano, ed., La Biblioteca reale di Napoli, pp. 165–82; D'Urso, Giovanni Todeschino: La miniatura all'antica tra Venezia, Napoli e Tours (Naples: Arte Tipografica, 2007). For a French Book of Hours with such cut-outs, see Marrow, Pictorial Invention in Netherlandish Manuscript Illumination, p. 5, figs. 13, 4. 32 – Though both volumes are from the same 1471 edition, translated by Niccolò Mallermi and printed in Venice by Vindelinus de Spira, they may not have originally belonged together. The frontispiece for the second volume, also by the Master of the Putti, is discussed below. See the entry by Lilian Armstrong for cat. no. 81 in Alexander, ed., The Painted Page, pp. 166–67. 33 – Armstrong, Renaissance Miniature Painters, pp. 15–16, 25–26, 106–07; and cat. no. 81 (entry by Lilian Armstrong) in Alexander, ed., The Painted Page, pp. 166–67. 34 – For a survey of this miniaturist's work, see Armstrong, ‘Opus Petri.’ 35 – The presence of this profile face has only been remarked upon once, in passing, by Millard Meiss in Andrea Mantegna as Illuminator: An Episode in Renaissance Art, Humanism, and Diplomacy (New York: Columbia University Press, 1957), p. 62, fig. 9. 36 – The work by Correnti is now in the Walters Art Museum, Baltimore, inv. 37. 1162. Mantegna's clouds were famously discussed by Ernst Gombrich in Art and Illusion: A Study in the Psychology of Pictorial Representation (New York: Pantheon Books, 1960), p. 190, while the decipherment of hidden faces is also dealt with in his chapter entitled ‘The mask and the face: The perception of physiognomic likeness in life and art,’ in Art, Perception and Reality (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1972), pp. 1–46. 37 – ‘Aliquando intuebantur lineamenta nonnulla, quibus paululum immutatis persimile quidpiam veris naturae vultibus redderetur.’ Leon Battista Alberti, On Painting and on Sculpture. The Latin Texts of De pictura and De statua, trans. Cecil Grayson (London: Phaidon, 1972), pp. 120–01. 38 – Mirella Levi d'Ancona suggested that in certain instances the presence of a fly signifies the plague visited upon Israel to punish David, and relates to the local pestilence of 1478. See ‘Il “Maestro della Mosca”’, Commentari 26 (1975), pp. 145–57. For further information about flies in fifteenth-century painting, see Norman Land, ‘Giotto's fly, Cimabue's gesture, and a Madonna and Child by Carlo Crivelli,’ Source 15 (1996), pp. 11–15; and Jonathan Watkins, ‘Untricking the eye: The uncomfortable legacy of Carlo Crivelli,’ Art International 5 (1988), pp. 48–58. For a discussion of the demonic symbolism of the fly, see André Chastel, ‘Iconology of the fly’, FMR 4, 19 (1986), pp. 61–82; and Harry Kuhnel, ‘Die Fliege: Symbol des Teufels und der Sündhaftigkeit,’ in Aspekte der Germanistik: Festschrift für Hans-Friedrich Rosenfeld zum 90. Geburtstag, ed. Walter Tauber (Göppingen: Kummerle, 1989), pp. 285–305. 39 – ‘Dicesi che stando Giotto ancor giovinetto con Cimabue, dipinse una volta in sul naso d'una figura che esso Cimabue avea fatta una mosca tanto naturale, che tornando il maestro per seguitare il lavoro, si rimise più d'una volta a cacciarla con mano pensando che fusse vera, prima che s'accorgesse dell'errore.’ Giorgio Vasari, Le vite de’ più eccellenti pittori, scultori e architettori nelle redazioni del 1550 e 1568, ed. Rosanna Bettarini, 6 vols. (Florence: Sansoni, 1966), vol. 2, p. 121; ‘E anche di Giotto si legge che ne’ principii suoi lui dipinse mosche, e che ’l suo maestro Cimabue ci fu ingannato, che credette che fussono vive, con un panno le volse cacciare via.’ Antonio Averlino Filarete, Trattato di architettura, ed. Anna Maria Finoli and Liliana Grassi, 2 vols. (Milan: Il Polifilo, 1972), vol. 2, p. 665 (fol. 181.). 40 – Petrus Christus, Portrait of a Carthusian, 1446 (Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York). A number of works by Carlo Crivelli contain flies posed on ledges or frames, including a Saint Catherine of Alexandria in the National Gallery, London; a Madonna and Child in the Victoria and Albert Museum, London; and two Madonnas in the Metropolitan Museum of Art. With regard to the Metropolitan's Madonna and Child formerly in the Jules Bache collection, Norman Land has suggested that the location of the fly is ambiguous, both on the painting and within it. ‘Giotto's fly, Cimabue's gesture,’ pp. 11–13. 41 – Ebert-Schifferer, Deceptions and Illusions, p. 163. The exhibition catalogue contains a section entitled ‘Giotto's fly and the observation of Nature’ (pp. 71–79), which discusses a number of images with illusionistic flies. 42 – In this context it should also be noted that the 1469 Johannes Spira edition of the Natural History was probably the first classical text to be printed in Venice. Many of the illuminators discussed in this paper decorated copies of it and other early editions of the same work. 43 – There are, however, two fifteenth-century literary references to deceptive paintings of fruit, both of which invoke the Plinian trope and concern the painter and illuminator, Marco Zoppo. See Creighton Gilbert, ‘Why still-life paintings: A quattrocento answer,’ in Abstracts of Papers Delivered in Art History Sessions: 64th Annual Meeting, College Art Association of America, February 1–4 1976, Conrad Hilton Hotel, Chicago, ed. Herbert Kessler (New York: College Art Association, 1976), p. 86; and Italian Art, 1400–1500: Sources and Documents (Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 1992), pp. 186–87. 44 – Gilbert, ‘Grapes, curtains, human beings: The theory of missed mimesis,’ pp. 414–5. 45 – Gombrich, Art and Illusion, p. 277. 46 – ‘Apelles … pinxit et Alexandrum Magnum fulmen tenentem in templo Ephesiae Dianae … digiti eminere videntur et fulmen extra tabulam esse.’ Historia naturalis, Book 35, chapter 36. For a discussion of this concept see Patricia Trutty-Coohill, ‘La “eminentia” in Antonello da Messina,’ Antichità Viva 21, 4 (July–August 1982), pp. 5–9. 47 – To the examples cited above (Mantegna, Zoppo) can be added the testimony of the scientific writer Giovanni da Fontana, who in 1454 claimed to have explained, in a book dedicated to Jacopo Bellini, how to make parts of images appear to be coming outward. See Giordana Mariani Canova, ‘Riflessioni su Jacopo Bellini e sul libro dei disegni del Louvre,’ Arte Veneta 26 (1972), pp. 22–23; republished in English in Gilbert, Italian Art, 1400–1500: Sources and Documents, pp. 174–75. 48 – For a discussion of the relationship between woodcuts and painting techniques, see Lilian Armstrong, ‘Venetian and Florentine Renaissance woodcuts for bibles, liturgical books, and devotional books,’ in A Heavenly Craft: The Woodcut in Early Printed Books, ed. Daniel De Simone (New York: Braziller, 2004), pp. 25–45. Recent scholarship has also drawn attention to the role of colorers who were employed to paint prints, often highly naturalistically, presumably to render them more like paintings or illuminations. See Susan Dackerman, ed., Painted Prints: The Revelation of Color (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2002). 49 – This antiphonary, corale Duomo D in the Biblioteca Communale Malatestiana of Cesena, contains a colophon on folio 141v that identifies the patron and scribe, but not the illuminator. For a transcription of the colophon, and additional information on the Cesena choirbooks, see cat. no. 125 (entry by Federica Toniolo) in Alexander, ed., The Painted Page, pp. 234–35; Fabrizio Lollini, ‘Volumi liturgici miniati nel territorio cesenate’, in Storia della chiesa di Cesena, ed. Marino Mengozzi (Cesena: Stilgraf, 1998), pp. 240–49; and also Daniela Savoia, ‘I corali della Cattedrale,’ in La casa dei libri: Dalla Libraria Domini alla Grande Malatestiana (Cesena: Biblioteca Malatestiana, 2007); for a brief discussion of illusionism in corale Duomo D and its sister volume, corale Duomo C, see Maria Francesca Ciucciomini, ‘Su alcune pagine miniate della Biblioteca Malatestiana di Cesena,’ Paragone, 37, 431–33 (1986), pp. 29–35; and Alessandro Conti, ‘Decorazione e pittura nel manoscritto umanistico,’ in Libraria Domini: I manoscritti della Biblioteca Malatestiana: testi e decorazioni, ed. Fabrizio Lollini and Piero Lucchi (Bologna: Grafis, 1995), pp. 229–30. 50 – Cat. no. 81, entry by Lilian Armstrong, in Alexander, ed., The Painted Page, pp. 166–68. 51 – A similarity suggested in Armstrong, Renaissance Miniature Painters, p. 16. 52 – Mark L. Evans, ‘An illusionistic device in the Hours of Étienne Chevalier,’ Scriptorium 35 (1981), pp. 81–83, here p. 82. 53 – Antonio Averlino Filarete, Trattato di architettura, eds Anna Maria Finoli and Liliana Grassi, 2 vols. (Milan: Il Polifilo, 1972), vol. 1, p. 269; Vasari, Le vite, ed. Rosanna Bettarini, 6 vols. (Florence: Sansoni, 1966), vol. 3, p. 247; these early sources relating to Fouquet are discussed and reprinted in Claude Schaefer, Jean Fouquet: an der Schwelle zur Renaissance (Dresden: Verlag der Kunst, 1994), p. 345. 54 – Michel Laclotte, ‘A propos de Fouquet: des putti et un boeuf,’ in Napoli, l'Europa: ricerche di storia dell'arte in onore di Ferdinando Bologna, ed. Francesco Abbate and Fiorella Sricchia Santoro (Cantanzaro: Meridiana, 1995), pp. 95–100. 55 – Mark L. Evans, ‘Jean Fouquet and Italy: “… buono maestro, maxime a ritrarre del naturale” ,’ in Illuminating the Book: Makers and Interpreters: Essays in Honour of Janet Backhouse, ed. Michelle P. Brown and Scot McKendrick (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1998), pp. 162–89; Fiorella Sricchia Santoro, ‘Jean Fouquet en Italie,’ in Jean Fouquet: Peintre et enlumineur du XVe siècle, ed. François Avril (Paris: Bibliothèque nationale de France, 2003), pp. 50–63. 56 – For a compilation of contemporary Italian opinions on northern painters see Paolo Torresan, Il dipingere di Fiandra: La pittura neerlandese nella letteratura artistica italiana del Quattro e Cinquecento (Modena: S.T.E.M. Mucchi, 1981), pp. 7–34. For a study of North–South artistic exchange in its monumental context, see Paula Nuttall, From Flanders to Florence: The Impact of Netherlandish Painting, 1400–1500 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2004) and also Bert W. Meijer, ed., Firenze e gli antichi Paesi Bassi, 1430–1530 (Florence: Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali, 2008). 57 – See Giovanni Morello, Libri d'ore della Biblioteca apostolica vaticana (Zürich: Belser Verlag, 1988), (157 books of hours listed, mostly from northern Europe); Cristina Gnoni Mavarelli, Maria Jole Minicucci, and Maria Grazia Ciardi Dupre Dal Poggetto, I Libri d'ore della Biblioteca riccardiana: Vol. 1: I Libri d'Ore francesi e fiamminghi (Rome: Istituto poligrafico e zecca dello stato, 1986) (seven books listed); Carlo Marcora, I libri d'ore della Biblioteca Ambrosiana (Milan: l'Ariete, 1973) (51 books listed, of which eleven are Italian); Paolo Torresan, ‘Libri d'ore neerlandesi del XV e XVI secolo conservati nelle biblioteche des Veneto’ (Ph.D. thesis, Università di Padova, 1972); Torresan, ‘Libri d'ore franco-fiamminghi del XV e XVI secolo conservati nelle biblioteche del Veneto,’ Arte illustrata 7 (1974) (5 books listed); Caterina Limentani Virdis, ed., Codici miniati fiamminghi e olandesi nelle biblioteche dell'Italia nord-orientale (Vicenza: Neri Pozza, 1981) (26 listed). 58 – Limentani Virdis, ed., Codici miniati fiamminghi e olandesi nelle biblioteche dell'Italia nord-orientale, pp. 27–28. Curiously, Ms. Ricc. 466, a Parisian Book of Hours from 1407 to 1408 in the Biblioteca Riccardiana, Florence, contains an illusionistic depiction of a papal bull on folio 140r; see Gnoni Mavarelli, Jole Minicucci, and Ciardi Dupre Dal Poggetto, I Libri d'ore della Biblioteca riccardiana: Vol. 1, 41, pp. 71–102. 59 – Gian Lorenzo Mellini and Mario Salmi, The Grimani Breviary, Reproduced from the Illuminated Manuscript Belonging to the Biblioteca Marciana, Venice (London: Thames & Hudson, 1972). 60 – Giordana Mariani Canova, ‘Fiori fiamminghi a Venezia: Benedetto Bordon e il breviario Grimani,’ in Per ricordo di Sonia Tiso: scritti di storia dell'arte fiamminga e olandese, ed. Caterina Limentani Virdis (Ferrara: Gabriele Corbo, 1987), pp. 5–12; Limentani Virdis, ed., Codici miniati fiamminghi e olandesi nelle biblioteche dell'Italia nord-orientale, p. 28. The book's miniatures even influenced Titian. See Bert W. Meijer, ‘Titiaan en het Breviarium Grimani,’ in Relations artistiques entre les Pays-Bas et l'Italie à la Renaissance: Études dédiées à Suzanne Sulzberger, ed. Nicole Dacos (Brussels: Academia Belgica, 1980), pp. 179–83. 61 – François Avril and Nicole Reynaud, Les Manuscrits à peintures en France, 1440–1520 (Paris: Flammarion, 1993), pp. 196–7; for further information on Todeschino see D'Urso, Giovanni Todeschino. 62 – François Avril and Yolanta Załuska, Dix siècles d'enluminure italienne: VIe-XVIe siècles (Paris: Bibliothèque nationale, 1984), p. 179, cat. no. 58. 63 – Marina Belozerskaya, Rethinking the Renaissance: Burgundian Arts Across Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), p. 3, 46. Following Belozerskaya's example, I have generally tried to avoid the term ‘Renaissance’ in this article. 64 – Pächt, ‘Notes and observations,’ p. 193. Pächt was presumably implying that the now lost copy of the calendar from which the present seventeenth-century reproduction by Nicholas-Claude Fabri de Peiresc derives, the Codex Luxemburgensis, was Carolingian, with no evidence to suggest that it ever left northern Europe. 65 – Patricia Fortini Brown, ‘The antiquarianism of Jacopo Bellini,’ Artibus et Historiae 13 (1992), pp. 69–77; Corbett, ‘The architectural title-page’, pp. 49–52. Corbett states that Ciriaco's scruples were ‘overcome by contact with artists’ and that he consequently modified and changed his depictions of monuments ‘to conform with contemporary taste.’ I would suggest, however, that the antiquarians were themselves creating what became a fashion for epigraphy. 66 – ‘Broadly defined, a cartellino is any form of fictive paper carrying an inscription’ (Louisa C. Matthew, ‘The painter's presence: Signatures in Venetian Renaissance pictures,’ Art Bulletin 80 (1998), p. 620. For additional insights into the changing status of the signature between the late Middle Ages and the Renaissance, see C. Sala, ‘La signature à la lettre et au figure,’ Poétique 69 (1987), pp. 119–27. 67 – For information on Lippi's journey to Padua and its effect on his art, see Francis Ames-Lewis, ‘Painters in Padua and Netherlandish art, 1435–1455’ in Italienische Frührenaissance und nordeuropäisches Spätmittelalter: Kunst der frühen Neuzeit im europäischen Zusammenhang, ed. Joachim Poeschke (Munich: Hirmer, 1993), pp. 179–98 and also Eliot Wooldridge Rowlands, ‘Filippo
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