Antisemitism, capitalism and the formation of sociological theory
2010; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 44; Issue: 2 Linguagem: Inglês
10.1080/00313221003714387
ISSN1461-7331
Autores ResumoABSTRACT Starting out from the proposition that modern antisemitism is a grotesque form of social theory that provides in its notion of 'Jewification' a critique of processes of capitalist modernization, Stoetzler points to the shared ground between classical sociological theory and modern antisemitism, and examines how their conceptual overlap influenced the ways in which sociologists responded to antisemitism or to the phenomena to which antisemitism also spoke. His argument is built around analyses of 'L'individualisme et les intellectuels', Émile Durkheim's intervention in the Dreyfus affair, and passages from Max Weber's Die protestantische Ethik und der Geist des Kapitalismus, which are placed in the context of 'classical' and 'early' sociology, including positivism, early French socialism and German Katheder-socialism (academic socialism). He argues that sociologists developed a discourse that aimed to defend liberal society and modernization and, at the same time, attack a caricature of 'egotistical utilitarianism', which they blamed for the dismal aspects of the emerging new form of society. In doing so they offered an alternative to the antisemites but also mimicked their discourse even when—as in the case of Durkheim—they explicitly opposed antisemitism. Stoetzler argues that this was an intrinsic characteristic of classical sociology that weakened its ability to oppose antisemitism and fascism. Keywords: antisemitismcapitalismCharles Maurrasclassical sociologyÉmile DurkheimliberalismMarxismMax WeberpositivismSaint-Simonsocialismsociology Acknowledgements The writing of this essay was made possible by a Simon Fellowship at the School of Arts, Histories and Cultures at the University of Manchester, which I gratefully acknowledge. I am also grateful to those who listened to, and commented on, earlier versions of the paper read out at sessions of the European Sociological Association Conference in Glasgow, September 2007, the International Sociological Association Research Council on the History of Sociology Interim Conference, Perspectives from the Periphery, in Umeå, August 2008, and the International Conference on Antisemitism and the Emergence of Sociological Theory in Manchester, November 2008. Notes 2Ranulf, 'Scholarly forerunners of fascism', 34. See also Stephen P. Turner, 'Sociology and fascism in the interwar period, the myth and its frame', in Stephen P. Turner and Dirk Käsler (eds), Sociology Responds to Fascism (London and New York: Routledge 1992). While Tönnies seems to have held (in private) antisemitic and anti-modernist views in his early twenties, an impulse that lived on in his main work (Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft, published in 1887 when he was thirty-two), he was also vehemently opposed to the anti-socialist laws, supported the labour movement and, finally, in 1930, actually joined the Social Democratic Party; Harry Liebersohn, Fate and Utopia in German Sociology, 1870–1923 (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press 1988), 16. While 'Tönnies integrated Hobbesian theory and utilitarianism into a postliberal dialectic' (Svend Ranulf, 'Scholarly forerunners of fascism', Ethics, vol. 50, no. 1, 1939, 21), the early formation of the concept of the Gemeinschaft was inspired by Nietzsche's notion of 'Dionysian oneness', Hobbes's and Schopenhauer's emphasis on 'the will' and the historical research by Morgan, Bachofen and von Gierke. Liebersohn argues that Tönnies 'spotted the subversive potential of their research' (they were conservatives) but also presents Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft as 'implicitly' antisemitic (Svend Ranulf, 'Scholarly forerunners of fascism', Ethics, vol. 50, no. 1, 1939, 24, 26, 33, 34). Tönnies's actual politics were 'restrained patriotism and support for social reform' (Svend Ranulf, 'Scholarly forerunners of fascism', Ethics, vol. 50, no. 1, 1939, 38). 1Svend Ranulf, 'Scholarly forerunners of fascism', Ethics, vol. 50, no. 1, 1939, 16–34 (33–4). Ranulf was primarily a sociologist of law; for his main works, see Jack Barbalet, 'Moral indignation, class inequality and justice: an exploration and revision of Ranulf', Theoretical Criminology, vol. 6, no. 3, 2002, 279–97. According to Barbalet, the failure of Ranulf's work to have a significant impact on the sociological tradition may primarily be due to the lack of an institutional environment for sociology in Denmark before the 1980s 10In one particular Weber the Protestant would have agreed with Comte the 'secular Catholic': the especially harsh critique of 'the plainly immoral doctrine of Luther that a man can be saved by faith irrespective of what his works may be', in Ranulf's paraphrase of Comte (Ranulf, 'Scholarly forerunners of fascism', 31. 3Ranulf, 'Scholarly forerunners of fascism', 26. Ranulf's intervention is particularly interesting because he was not a Marxist; his work on the concept of 'right' was actually to a large extent Durkheimian. For a Marxist argument that links positivism to fascism, see Terence Ball, 'Marxian science and positivist politics', in Terence Ball and James Farr (eds.), After Marx (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press 1984), 235–60. In the 1930s, Ranulf was not the only one who indicted Durkheim as a 'forerunner of fascism'. Alexandre Koyré, for example, made the same point in a 1936 review article on French sociology in the Frankfurt School's Zeitschrift für Sozialforschung; see Simonetta Falasca-Zamponi, 'A left sacred or a sacred left? The Collège de Sociologie, fascism, and political culture in interwar France', South Central Review, vol. 23, no. 1, 2006, 40–54 (43). Adorno later wrote a critical but sympathetic introduction to the German edition of Durkheim's Sociologie et Philosophie: Theodor W. Adorno, 'Einleitung zu Emile Durkheim, Soziologie und Philosophie', in Theodor W. Adorno, Gesammelte Schriften, vol. 8, Soziologische Schriften (Frankfurt-on-Main: Suhrkamp 1996), 245–78. He challenges the authoritarian character of a theory that hypostatizes the 'spirit' of a society as its essence as it obstructs the possibility of distinguishing between right and wrong consciousness of that society itself, its self-reflection (which should be its 'spirit', but as social critique), but credits Durkheim for acknowledging, as a fact, the thingness of society as it stands opposed to individuals. Philippe Burrin, however, points to Durkheim's influence on Marcel Déat, one of those socialists who 'drifted' towards fascism; Philippe Burrin, La Dérive fasciste, Doriot, Déat, Bergery 1933–1945 (Paris: Editions du Seuil 1986), 41. The conception of socialism that allowed this 'drift' to take place was Durkheim's, who continued in this respect 'la pensée de Saint-Simon et de Proudhon, celle de tout le vieux socialisme français' (Ranulf, 'Scholarly forerunners of fascism', 34. See also Stephen P. Turner, 'Sociology and fascism in the interwar period, the myth and its frame', in Stephen P. Turner and Dirk Käsler (eds), Sociology Responds to Fascism (London and New York: Routledge 1992). While Tönnies seems to have held (in private) antisemitic and anti-modernist views in his early twenties, an impulse that lived on in his main work (Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft, published in 1887 when he was thirty-two), he was also vehemently opposed to the anti-socialist laws, supported the labour movement and, finally, in 1930, actually joined the Social Democratic Party; Harry Liebersohn, Fate and Utopia in German Sociology, 1870–1923 (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press 1988), 16. While 'Tönnies integrated Hobbesian theory and utilitarianism into a postliberal dialectic' (Svend Ranulf, 'Scholarly forerunners of fascism', Ethics, vol. 50, no. 1, 1939, 21), the early formation of the concept of the Gemeinschaft was inspired by Nietzsche's notion of 'Dionysian oneness', Hobbes's and Schopenhauer's emphasis on 'the will' and the historical research by Morgan, Bachofen and von Gierke. Liebersohn argues that Tönnies 'spotted the subversive potential of their research' (they were conservatives) but also presents Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft as 'implicitly' antisemitic (Svend Ranulf, 'Scholarly forerunners of fascism', Ethics, vol. 50, no. 1, 1939, 24, 26, 33, 34). Tönnies's actual politics were 'restrained patriotism and support for social reform' (Svend Ranulf, 'Scholarly forerunners of fascism', Ethics, vol. 50, no. 1, 1939, 38)). Burrin sums up Durkheim's ambivalence succinctly: 'Rationaliste et républicain, mais préoccupé par la désagrégation social produite par le capitalisme libéral, Durkheim avait vu dans les groupements professionels le moyen de donner moralité et solidarité à une societé menacée d'anomie' (Ranulf, 'Scholarly forerunners of fascism', 34. See also Stephen P. Turner, 'Sociology and fascism in the interwar period, the myth and its frame', in Stephen P. Turner and Dirk Käsler (eds), Sociology Responds to Fascism (London and New York: Routledge 1992). While Tönnies seems to have held (in private) antisemitic and anti-modernist views in his early twenties, an impulse that lived on in his main work (Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft, published in 1887 when he was thirty-two), he was also vehemently opposed to the anti-socialist laws, supported the labour movement and, finally, in 1930, actually joined the Social Democratic Party; Harry Liebersohn, Fate and Utopia in German Sociology, 1870–1923 (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press 1988), 16. While 'Tönnies integrated Hobbesian theory and utilitarianism into a postliberal dialectic' (Svend Ranulf, 'Scholarly forerunners of fascism', Ethics, vol. 50, no. 1, 1939, 21), the early formation of the concept of the Gemeinschaft was inspired by Nietzsche's notion of 'Dionysian oneness', Hobbes's and Schopenhauer's emphasis on 'the will' and the historical research by Morgan, Bachofen and von Gierke. Liebersohn argues that Tönnies 'spotted the subversive potential of their research' (they were conservatives) but also presents Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft as 'implicitly' antisemitic (Svend Ranulf, 'Scholarly forerunners of fascism', Ethics, vol. 50, no. 1, 1939, 24, 26, 33, 34). Tönnies's actual politics were 'restrained patriotism and support for social reform' (Svend Ranulf, 'Scholarly forerunners of fascism', Ethics, vol. 50, no. 1, 1939, 38)). 4Ranulf, 'Scholarly forerunners of fascism', 19. 5Ranulf, 'Scholarly forerunners of fascism', 20. 6Ranulf, 'Scholarly forerunners of fascism', 21. 7In one particular Weber the Protestant would have agreed with Comte the 'secular Catholic': the especially harsh critique of 'the plainly immoral doctrine of Luther that a man can be saved by faith irrespective of what his works may be', in Ranulf's paraphrase of Comte (Ranulf, 'Scholarly forerunners of fascism', 21). 8In one particular Weber the Protestant would have agreed with Comte the 'secular Catholic': the especially harsh critique of 'the plainly immoral doctrine of Luther that a man can be saved by faith irrespective of what his works may be', in Ranulf's paraphrase of Comte (Ranulf, 'Scholarly forerunners of fascism', 22. 9In one particular Weber the Protestant would have agreed with Comte the 'secular Catholic': the especially harsh critique of 'the plainly immoral doctrine of Luther that a man can be saved by faith irrespective of what his works may be', in Ranulf's paraphrase of Comte (Ranulf, 'Scholarly forerunners of fascism', 26. 11See Uta Gerhardt (ed.), Talcott Parsons on National Socialism (New York: Aldine de Gruyter 1993). It is not surprising that liberals and democrats are scandalized by the suggestion that Parsonian democratic, anti-fascist modernization theory could share, through Comtean positivism, some of its roots with its hot and cold war enemy 'totalitarianism'; after all, it was developed, complete with its notion of western 'political', i.e. allegedly non-'ethnic' nationalism, first against Hitlerism and then further deployed as an alternative to Leninist-Stalinist modernization theory and praxis. 12The argument that the formation of classical sociology and modern antisemitism were interrelated processes can also be made the other way round: antisemites were fully aware, and also part, of the emerging new way of talking and thinking about the new society, as Edouard Drumont testifies in the following statement, taken from a text of 1886 that dealt with reactions to his La France juive (published in the same year): 'Without rancor or hatred, in the spirit of sociology and psychology, I seek to examine the debased condition into which France has fallen.… mission as a sociologist is to show people as they are'; quoted in Pierre Birnbaum, Jewish Destinies, Citizenship, State, and Community in Modern France, trans. from the French by Arthur Goldhammer (New York: Hill and Wang 2000, 106. 13Comte was Saint-Simon's secretary and collaborator from 1817 to 1824 when he was fired in a bitter argument over the authorship of a seminal essay; Mary Pickering, 'Auguste Comte and the Saint-Simonians', French Historical Studies, vol. 18, 1, 1993, 211–36 (213). After Saint-Simon's death in 1825, Comte began publishing in a new journal founded by Saint-Simon's disciples, including Olinde Rodrigues and Prosper Enfantin, called Le Producteur that was not, however, advertised as following Saint-Simon's ideas, and indeed did not reflect the increased interest in religion of Saint-Simon's last book Nouveau Christianisme. In this formative period of Saint-Simonianism Comte's influence on the group (of which he had no high opinion) was paramount (The argument that the formation of classical sociology and modern antisemitism were interrelated processes can also be made the other way round: antisemites were fully aware, and also part, of the emerging new way of talking and thinking about the new society, as Edouard Drumont testifies in the following statement, taken from a text of 1886 that dealt with reactions to his La France juive (published in the same year): 'Without rancor or hatred, in the spirit of sociology and psychology, I seek to examine the debased condition into which France has fallen.… mission as a sociologist is to show people as they are'; quoted in Pierre Birnbaum, Jewish Destinies, Citizenship, State, and Community in Modern France, trans. from the French by Arthur Goldhammer (New York: Hill and Wang 2000, 216). From 1826 to 1828 Comte suffered from a mental illness (apparently triggered by his wife's affair with the editor of Le Producteur who was then fired), during which period the journal also went bankrupt. By the time Comte re-emerged, the Saint-Simonians (chiefly Eugène and Olinde Rodrigues, Enfantin and Saint-Amand Bazard) were in the process of changing direction, emphasizing that philosophy, science and industry were to serve the new religion of love, following the late Saint-Simon. Pickering suggests that this change of direction was deliberately devised in order to exclude Comte who remained aloof from what was now effectively a sect or 'church' (The argument that the formation of classical sociology and modern antisemitism were interrelated processes can also be made the other way round: antisemites were fully aware, and also part, of the emerging new way of talking and thinking about the new society, as Edouard Drumont testifies in the following statement, taken from a text of 1886 that dealt with reactions to his La France juive (published in the same year): 'Without rancor or hatred, in the spirit of sociology and psychology, I seek to examine the debased condition into which France has fallen.… mission as a sociologist is to show people as they are'; quoted in Pierre Birnbaum, Jewish Destinies, Citizenship, State, and Community in Modern France, trans. from the French by Arthur Goldhammer (New York: Hill and Wang 2000, 218). Comte was excluded on the basis of Saint-Simon's earlier denunciation of him as indifferent to the emotions and religion. By 1829, and quite unfairly, Comte's thinking was represented by the Saint-Simonians as 'the "glacial" scientism' they now rejected (The argument that the formation of classical sociology and modern antisemitism were interrelated processes can also be made the other way round: antisemites were fully aware, and also part, of the emerging new way of talking and thinking about the new society, as Edouard Drumont testifies in the following statement, taken from a text of 1886 that dealt with reactions to his La France juive (published in the same year): 'Without rancor or hatred, in the spirit of sociology and psychology, I seek to examine the debased condition into which France has fallen.… mission as a sociologist is to show people as they are'; quoted in Pierre Birnbaum, Jewish Destinies, Citizenship, State, and Community in Modern France, trans. from the French by Arthur Goldhammer (New York: Hill and Wang 2000, 220). Out of this process of distancing themselves from Saint-Simon's most famous disciple, the group developed the 1829 manifesto of Saint-Simonianism, Doctrine de Saint-Simon, which was also a critique of positivism (The argument that the formation of classical sociology and modern antisemitism were interrelated processes can also be made the other way round: antisemites were fully aware, and also part, of the emerging new way of talking and thinking about the new society, as Edouard Drumont testifies in the following statement, taken from a text of 1886 that dealt with reactions to his La France juive (published in the same year): 'Without rancor or hatred, in the spirit of sociology and psychology, I seek to examine the debased condition into which France has fallen.… mission as a sociologist is to show people as they are'; quoted in Pierre Birnbaum, Jewish Destinies, Citizenship, State, and Community in Modern France, trans. from the French by Arthur Goldhammer (New York: Hill and Wang 2000, 222) and a crucial inspiration for subsequent socialist and communist traditions. The sect was briefly—around the time of the revolution of 1830—very successful before it split and disintegrated in 1831, partly over the question of the emancipation and the role of women (The argument that the formation of classical sociology and modern antisemitism were interrelated processes can also be made the other way round: antisemites were fully aware, and also part, of the emerging new way of talking and thinking about the new society, as Edouard Drumont testifies in the following statement, taken from a text of 1886 that dealt with reactions to his La France juive (published in the same year): 'Without rancor or hatred, in the spirit of sociology and psychology, I seek to examine the debased condition into which France has fallen.… mission as a sociologist is to show people as they are'; quoted in Pierre Birnbaum, Jewish Destinies, Citizenship, State, and Community in Modern France, trans. from the French by Arthur Goldhammer (New York: Hill and Wang 2000, 228). Pickering argues that the Cours de philosophie positive (1830–42) constituted Comte's ongoing 'discourse with the Saint-Simonians, who remained unnamed', emphasizing the necessary priority of science. Ironically, from 1838, when he started work on volume four, which introduced sociology, 'Comte began to absorb different aspects of the Saint-Simonians' philosophy', on the emotions, the arts, imagination, religion, i.e. aspects also of Saint-Simon's and his own earliest work that he had suppressed in the preceding nearly two decades. From the failure of the 1848 revolution to usher in the kind of transformation he considered necessary, he concluded that positivism ought to enter the battle of doctrines in a more robust manner, and henceforth presented it with the Saint-Simonian term 'Religion of Humanity' (The argument that the formation of classical sociology and modern antisemitism were interrelated processes can also be made the other way round: antisemites were fully aware, and also part, of the emerging new way of talking and thinking about the new society, as Edouard Drumont testifies in the following statement, taken from a text of 1886 that dealt with reactions to his La France juive (published in the same year): 'Without rancor or hatred, in the spirit of sociology and psychology, I seek to examine the debased condition into which France has fallen.… mission as a sociologist is to show people as they are'; quoted in Pierre Birnbaum, Jewish Destinies, Citizenship, State, and Community in Modern France, trans. from the French by Arthur Goldhammer (New York: Hill and Wang 2000), 233), detailed in the Système de politique positive (1851–4), increasingly mimicking the doctrine of the Saint-Simonians. 'The irony was that just as he lost interest in the sciences and opened himself up to ridicule because of his outlandish religion … former Saint-Simonians who had turned their back on their religion became important in the development of industrial capitalism in France' (The argument that the formation of classical sociology and modern antisemitism were interrelated processes can also be made the other way round: antisemites were fully aware, and also part, of the emerging new way of talking and thinking about the new society, as Edouard Drumont testifies in the following statement, taken from a text of 1886 that dealt with reactions to his La France juive (published in the same year): 'Without rancor or hatred, in the spirit of sociology and psychology, I seek to examine the debased condition into which France has fallen.… mission as a sociologist is to show people as they are'; quoted in Pierre Birnbaum, Jewish Destinies, Citizenship, State, and Community in Modern France, trans. from the French by Arthur Goldhammer (New York: Hill and Wang 2000, 236). See also Frank Edward Manuel, The Prophets of Paris (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press 1962), and Keith Michael Baker, 'Closing the French Revolution: Saint-Simon and Comte', in François Furet and Mona Ozouf (eds), The French Revolution and the Creation of Modern Political Culture. Vol. 3: The Transformation of Political Culture 1789–1848 (Oxford: Pergamon 1989). 14Immanuel Wallerstein, After Liberalism (New York: New Press 1995). 15Iggers speaks of Saint-Simonianism as 'secular Catholicism'; Georg G. Iggers, 'Introduction', in The Doctrine of Saint-Simon, An Exposition, trans. from the French by Georg G. Iggers (New York: Schocken 1972), ix–xlvii (xlii). The Doctrine, predominantly written by Saint-Amand Bazard, nevertheless seems to have been the highpoint of the Saint-Simonian tradition from the perspective of the development of socialism; Marcuse writes that Bazard turned Saint-Simon's positivism 'into its opposite', namely, a negative, critical theory of industrial society; Herbert Marcuse, Reason and Revolution: Hegel and the Rise of Social Theory [1941] (Boston: Beacon Press 1960), 334. 16Zosa Szajkowski, 'The Jewish Saint-Simonians and socialist antisemites in France', Jewish Social Studies, vol. 9, 1947, 33–60; Edmund Silberner, 'Pierre Leroux's ideas on the Jewish people', Jewish Social Studies, vol. 12, 1950, 367–84; Bärbel Kuhn, Pierre Leroux: Sozialismus zwischen analytischer Gesellschaftskritik und sozialphilosophischer Synthese (Frankfurt-on-Main: Peter Lang 1988). Anita Haimon-Weitzman mentions that, in one of his main works, Malthus (1845–6), Leroux also attacked the esprit juif. Interestingly, having been exiled to Jersey in 1851, Leroux wrote an adaptation of the Book of Job in the 1860s. He was fascinated by it because of what were, to many, its socialist undertones as well as its proposal of the perfectibility of mankind. In this context, Leroux explicitly attacked Renan: 'Leroux rejects Renan's racist ideas, and affirms his own belief in the unity of mankind'; Anita Haimon-Weitzman, 'Pierre Leroux and the Book of Job', in Ada Rapoport-Albert and Steven J. Zipperstein (eds), Jewish History: Essays in Honour of Chimen Abramsky (London: Peter Halban 1988), 369–77 (376). 17Alphonse Toussenel, Les Juif, rois de l'époque: histoire de la féodalité financière (Paris: La Librairie de l'Ecole sociétaire 1845). This first publication by the Fourierist publishing house was prefaced by a three-page editorial statement that alerted readers to the fact that it was not to be seen as an official statement of the school's doctrine. ('Le titre de l'ouvrage, qui consacre une signification fâcheuse donnée au nom de tout un grand peuple, suffirait à lui seul pour motiver une réserve de notre part' (Zosa Szajkowski, 'The Jewish Saint-Simonians and socialist antisemites in France', Jewish Social Studies, vol. 9, 1947, 33–60; Edmund Silberner, 'Pierre Leroux's ideas on the Jewish people', Jewish Social Studies, vol. 12, 1950, 367–84; Bärbel Kuhn, Pierre Leroux: Sozialismus zwischen analytischer Gesellschaftskritik und sozialphilosophischer Synthese (Frankfurt-on-Main: Peter Lang 1988). Anita Haimon-Weitzman mentions that, in one of his main works, Malthus (1845–6), Leroux also attacked the esprit juif. Interestingly, having been exiled to Jersey in 1851, Leroux wrote an adaptation of the Book of Job in the 1860s. He was fascinated by it because of what were, to many, its socialist undertones as well as its proposal of the perfectibility of mankind. In this context, Leroux explicitly attacked Renan: 'Leroux rejects Renan's racist ideas, and affirms his own belief in the unity of mankind'; Anita Haimon-Weitzman, 'Pierre Leroux and the Book of Job', in Ada Rapoport-Albert and Steven J. Zipperstein (eds), Jewish History: Essays in Honour of Chimen Abramsky (London: Peter Halban 1988), vii).) The book was republished, in two volumes, slightly extended and significantly more violent in its antisemitic language, by another publisher in 1847 and went through several editions. Significantly, this edition contained a new chapter, 'Saint-Simon et Juda', an antisemitic polemic against the Saint-Simonians as being 'Jewish'. A German edition appeared in 1851. Ceri Crossley emphasizes Toussenel's patriotism and points to his friendship with Jules Michelet; Ceri Crossley, 'Anglophobia and anti-Semitism: the case of Alphonse Toussenel (1803–1885)', Modern and Contemporary France, vol. 12, no. 4, 2004, 459–72. On Proudhon, Fourier, Toussenel and others, see also ch. 10 of Léon Poliakov, The History of Antisemitism. Volume III: From Voltaire to Wagner [1968], trans. from the French by Miriam Kochan (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul 1975). 18Kuhn, Pierre Leroux, 204. 19A precise analysis of how and why antisemitism entered the equation at this crucial point still needs to be done. The Fourierist school seems to have been able to absorb a large number of dispersed former Saint-Simonians; there must have been a significant element of continuity between the two doctrines that allowed the antisemitism of the new doctrine to connect to the older doctrine. This connection seems to be the concept of productivity (see below). The concept of exploitation, as formulated by the Saint-Simonians, was also potentially a bridge between the two, as it implied the idea of the 'parasite'. The wage contract was considered 'exploitative' because it 'violated the principle of remuneration according to work': 'owners were remunerated without working by not fully remunerating those who did'; John Cunliffe and Andrew Reeve, 'Exploitation: the original Saint Simonian account', Capital and Class, vol. 59, 1996, 61–80 (71). The critique of capitalist exploitation properly speaking begins only with Marx's introduction of the concept of surplus value, which makes obsolete the ideas of the parasite and of remuneration as incomplete and fraudulent. On the transformation of Fourierism after 1830, see Pamela Pilbeam, 'Fourier and the Fourierists: a case of mistaken identity?', French History and Civilization: Papers from the George Rudé Seminar, vol. 1, 2005, 186–96. Many of the former Saint-Simonians were 'practical men, government engineers and doctors, looking for achievable social reform', under whose influence Fourierism 'became state-orientated reformism' (Kuhn, Pierre Leroux, 193). Later, Louis-Napoleon enlisted 'former Fourierists/Saint-Simonians in his economic policies' (Kuhn, Pierre Leroux, 195). As a rule of thumb, it seems that forms of socialism become more antisemitic the more they resemble authoritarian, elitist, positivist blueprints for the top-down, (nation–)state-centric, productivist reorganization of society. 23Quoted in Wilson, Ideology and Experience, 422. The same quotation (from Maurras, 'La guerre religieuse', Gazette de France, 23 March 1898), is given in a slightly different translation in Michael Sutton, Nationalism, Positivism and Catholicism: The Politics of Charles Maurras and French Catholics 1890–1914 (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press 1982), 18. 20Hawthorn called Comte a 'Catholic atheist', which is also what Maurras was; Geoffrey Hawthorn, Enlightenment and Despair: A History of Social Theory (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press 1987), 85. 21Quoted in Stephen Wilson, Ideology and Experience: Antisemitism in France at the Time of the Dreyfus Affair (Rutherford, NJ: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press/London: Associated University Presses 1982), 461. 22On Renan's antisemitism, see Shmuel Almog, 'The racial motif in Renan's attitude to Jews and Judaism', in Almog, Shmuel (ed.), Antisemitism through the Ages (Oxford and New York: Pergamon 1988), 255–78. 27Quoted in Sutton, Nationalism, Positivism and Catholicism, 18–19. It would be perfectly possible, of course, to construct—in keeping with Luther and Kant, though probably less so with Rousseau—exactly the opposite argument, namely, that monotheism strengthens 'the respect that the conscience owes to its visible and near masters'; this would be the line of reasoning to be expected in a romantic-nationalist context, which Maurras rejected in theory, although, in practice, romantic and integral, class
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