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The writings of Ademar of Chabannes, the Peace of 994, and the ‘Terrors of the Year 1000’

2001; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 27; Issue: 3 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1016/s0304-4181(01)00010-0

1873-1279

Michael Frassetto,

Byzantine Studies and History

Abstract The belief that apocalyptic expectations existed at the turn of the first millennium is no longer widely held, even though some recent scholars have suggested they did. This paper seeks to confirm the notion that, at least in the monastic milieu, belief that the Last Judgement was imminent did exist in the decades around the year 1000. To support this argument, this paper will examine the writings of the monk, Ademar of Chabannes. In his work of history and the sermons he wrote near the end of his life, Ademar reveals his own eschatological mentality. His history, it will be argued, contains numerous accounts of prodigies and signs that indicated Ademar and his contemporaries thought that they were living in the Last Days. Ademar's apocalypticism is revealed even more fully in his sermons, which were organised along the lines of salvation history. His account in the sermons of the Peace of God council of 994, which also appears in the history, clearly demonstrates his eschatological sensibility. His record of this council, written over 30 years after the event, it will be argued, is apocalyptic in both form and content. The structure of his account is arranged in the tradition of apocalyptic literature, and the events he records are described in language drawn from the Revelation of John and the book of Isaiah. Ademar also drew on the idea of the refreshment of the saints found in the writings of Jerome and of Bede in his explanation of the events of 994. Ademar's writings, therefore, reveal the existence of apocalyptic expectations at the turn of the first millennium. 1 An earlier version of this paper was presented at the Joint Conference of the Southeastern and Texas Medieval Associations, 3–6 October 1996. I would like to thank Daniel F. Callahan and Claire Taylor for their helpful comments on an earlier draft of this paper. Keywords: AdemarAntichristApocalypticismPeace of GodTerrors of the Year 1000Sermons Notes 1 An earlier version of this paper was presented at the Joint Conference of the Southeastern and Texas Medieval Associations, 3–6 October 1996. I would like to thank Daniel F. Callahan and Claire Taylor for their helpful comments on an earlier draft of this paper. 2 Jules Michelet, Le moyen âge (Paris, 1981), 229–30. The quotation is from p. 229. 3 Among those who have criticized the notion of the ‘terrors’ is Ferdinand Lot, ‘Le mythe des terreurs de l'an mille’, Mercure de France, 300 (1947), 639–55; Dom François Plaine, ‘Les prétendues terreurs de l'an mille’, Revue des questions historiques, 13 (1873), 145–64; Edmond Pognon, L'an mille (Paris, 1947); Jules Roy, L'an mille: formation de la légende de l'an mille (Paris, 1885); and A. Vasiliev, ‘Medieval ideas of the end of the world: east and west’, Byzantion, 16 (1942–1943), 484. 4 Marjorie Reeves, ‘The development of apocalyptic thought: medieval attitudes’, in: The apocalypse in English renaissance thought and literature, ed. C. A. Patrides and Joseph Wittreich (Ithaca, NY, 1984), 45. 5 Daniel Milo, ‘L'an mil: un problème d'historiographie moderne’, History and Theory, 27 (1988), 261–2 and 264–9. 6 Milo, ‘L'an mil’, 262–4. Milo's arguments have recently been endorsed by Dominque Barthélemy, ‘La paix de Dieu dans son contexte (989–1041)’, Cahiers de civilisation médiévale 40 (1997), 5–6. See also the much broader critique of fears of the millennium in Dominique Barthélemy, La mutation de l'an mil, a-t-elle eu lieu? Servage et chevalerie dans la France des Xe et Xie siècles (Paris, 1997), 300–61. 7 Richard Kenneth Emmerson, Antichrist in the middle ages: a study of medieval apocalypticism, art and literature (Seattle, 1981), 53–4, argues against a general wave of terror in the year 1000 because ‘not all Christians in the tenth century used the ‘anno domini’ dating system’ but does note that some did feel an ‘eschatological crisis’. See also Bernard McGinn, ‘Apocalypticism in the middle ages: an historiographical sketch’, Medieval studies 37 (1975), 254, and Michael J. St. Clair, Millenarian movements in historical context (New York, 1992), 95. 8 Edwin Duncan, ‘Fears of the apocalypse: the Anglo-Saxons and the coming millenium’, paper read at the SEMA-TEMA Joint Conference, Oct. 1996; Malcolm Godden, ‘Apocalypse and invasion in late Anglo-Saxon England’, in: From Anglo-Saxon to early Middle English: studies presented to E. G. Stanley, ed. Malcolm Godden, Douglas Gray and Terry Hoad (Oxford, 1994), 130–62; and Milton McC. Gatch, Preaching and theology in Anglo-Saxon England: Ælfric and Wulfstan (Toronto, 1977), especially part three, offer recent assessments of Ælfric and Wulfstan's eschatological expectations. 9 Richard Landes argues that throughout the middle ages and especially around the year 1000, orthodox clerics, trained in Augustine, consciously strove to repudiate apocalyptic expectations. The rhetorical strategies these writers used were designed to play down any sense of an imminent apocalypse. See ‘Lest the millennium be fulfilled: apocalyptic expectations and the pattern of Western chronography, 100–800 C.E.’, in: The use and abuse of eschatology in the middle ages, ed. W. Verbeke, Daniel Verhelst and A. Welkenhuysen (Louvain, 1988), 141–211; ‘Sur les traces du millennium: La ‘via negativa’,’ Le moyen âge, 99 (1993), 5–26; ‘The fear of an apocalyptic year 1000: Augustinian history, medieval and modern’, Speculum 75 (2000), 97–145; and Relics, apocalypse, and the deceits of history: Ademar of Chabannes, 989–1034 (Cambridge, MA, 1995), 285–327. For a critique of this view, see Barthélemy, ‘La paix de Dieu’, 25–35. 10 Further discussion of Ademar's life may be found in Richard Landes, Relics, apocalypse, and the deceits; and Robert Lee Wolff, ‘How the news was brought from Byzantium to Angoulême; or, the pursuit of a hare in an oxcart’, Byzantine and modern Greek studies 4 (1979), 387–402. 11 For discussion of Ademar's manuscripts, see Leopold Delisle, ‘Notice sur les manuscrits originaux d'Adémar de Chabannes’, Notices et extraits des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Nationale, 35 (1896), 241–355; Danielle Gaborit-Chopin, ‘Les dessins d'Adémar de Chabannes’, Bulletin du comité des travaux historiques et scientifiques, n.s. 3 (1967), 163–225; Richard Landes, ‘The making of a medieval historian: Ademar of Chabannes and Aquitaine at the turn of the millennium’ (Ph.D. diss., Princeton University, 1984), and Landes, Relics, 102–93 and 251–81. 12 On Ademar's activities as a forger see Daniel Callahan, ‘The problem of the ‘filioque’ and the letter from the pilgrim monks of the Mount of Olives to Pope Leo III and Charlemagne: is the letter another forgery by Ademar of Chabannes?’ Revue bénédictine, 102 (1992), 89–134; Daniel Callahan, ‘Ademar of Chabannes and his insertions into Bede's Expositio actuum apostolorum’, Analecta Bollandiana, 111 (1993), 385–400; Michael Frassetto, ‘The art of forgery: the sermons of Ademar of Chabannes and the cult of St. Martial of Limoges’, Comitatus, 26 (1995), 11–26; Herbert Schneider, ‘Ademar von Chabannes und Pseudoisidor-der ‘Mythomane’ und der Erzfälscher’, in: Gefälschte Rechtstekte der bestrafte Fälscher, vol. 2 of Fälschungen im Mittelalter, MGH Schriften 33 (Hanover, 1988), 129–50; and the following articles by Louis Saltet in Bulletin de la littérature ecclésiastique, ‘Une discussion sur St. Martial entre un Lombard et un Limousin en 1029’, 26 (1925), 161–86, 278–302; ‘Une prétendu lettre de Jean XIX sur St. Martial fabriquée par Adémar de Chabannes’, 27 (1926), 117–39; ‘Les faux d'Adémar de Chabannes: prétendues discussions sur Saint Martial au concile de Bourges de 1er novembre 1031’, 27 (1926), 145–60, and ‘Un cas de mythomanie bien documenté: Adémar de Chabannes (988–1034)’, 32 (1931), 149–65. 13 On the apocalyptic nature of the pilgrimage to Jerusalem and Ademar's attitude toward it, see Landes, Relics, 295–7 and 320–7. On the general importance of Jerusalem to medieval Christians, see Adriaan Bredero, ‘Jerusalem in the West’, in: Christendom and Christianity in the middle ages, trans. Reinder Bruinsma (Grand Rapids, MI, 1994), 79–104. On Ademar's departure from Limoges, see Landes, ‘The fear of an apocalyptic year 1000’, 138, note 76, citing a manuscript marginalia in which Ademar describes an eclipse on 19 June 1033. 14 On Augustine's influence see Paula Fredriksen, ‘Tyconius and Augustine on the apocalypse’, in: The apocalypse in the middle ages, ed. Richard K. Emmerson and Bernard McGinn (Ithaca, NY, 1992), 20–37. 15 Landes, Relics, 131–54, especially 145–51. See also Adriaan Bredero, ‘Against misunderstanding the medieval mentality’, in: Christendom and Christianity, 67. 16 Landes, Relics, 91–7, 144–53 and, especially, 285–327. See also Landes, ‘Lest the millennium be fulfilled’, 141–211, and Henri Focillon, L'an mil (Paris, 1952), 64 who makes similar comments about Thietmar of Merseburg. 17 Johannes Fried, ‘Endzeiterwartung um die Jahrtausendwende’, Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters, 45 (1989), 381–473, discusses these signs and offers a powerful defence of the idea that they were understood as signs of the imminence of the last days. 18 Chronique d'Adémar de Chabannes, ed. Jules Chavanon (Collection des textes pour servir à l'étude à l'enseignement de l'histoire, Paris, 1897), 3.46, p. 168. ‘His temporibus signa in astris, siccitates noxiae, nimiae pluviae, nimiae pestes, et gravissimae fames, defectiones multae solis et lunae appuerunt, et Vinzenna fluvius per tres noctes aruit Lemovicae per duo milia’. 19 Chronique, 3.47, pp. 169–70. 20 Chronique, 3.49 and 59, pp. 173 and 184–5. For the connection of Antichrist and heresy in Ademar's thought see Daniel Callahan, ‘The Manichaeans and the Antichrist in the writings of Ademar of Chabannes: ‘the Terrors of the Year 1000’ and the origins of popular heresy in the medieval west’, Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History, 15 (1995), 163–223. On the figure of Antichrist see Richard K. Emmerson, Antichrist in the middle ages. On heresy, see also Michael Frassetto, ‘Reaction and reform: reception of heresy in Arras and Aquitaine in the early eleventh century’, Catholic Historical Review, 83 (1997), 385–400; Michael Frassetto, ‘The sermons of Ademar of Chabannes and the letter of Heribert: new sources concerning the origins of medieval heresy’, Revue bénédictine, 109 (1999), 324–40; and R. I. Moore, The origins of European dissent, rev. ed (Oxford, 1985), 1–45. 21 Jean-Pierre Poly, ‘Le commencement et la fin. La crise de l'an mil chez ses contemporains’, in: Georges Duby. L'écriture de l'histoire, ed. Claudie Duhamel-Amado and Guy Lobrichon (Brussels, 1996), 200–1. 22 Chronique, 3.37, pp. 153–4. See also Callahan, ‘Problem of the ‘filioque’,’ 111–6; Landes, Relics, 147–51, and Stephen Nichols, Romanesque signs: early medieval narrative and iconography (New Haven and London, 1983), 66–94. See also the events in Sens in 1008–1010 described by Poly, ‘Le commencement et le fin’, 204–8. 23 Chronique, 3.56, pp. 179–80. 24 Chronique, 3.46, pp. 168–9. ‘Et supradictus monachus Ademarus . . . experrectus in tempest noctis, dum foris astra suspiceret, vidit in austrum in altitudine celi magnum crucifixum in ipse celo et Domini pendentem figuram in cruce, multo flumine lacrimarum inlacrimantem. Ipse autem qui haec vidit, attonitus, nichil aliud potuit agere quam lacrimas ab oculis profundere. Vidit vero tam ipsam crucem quam figuram crucifixi colore igneo et nimis sanguineo totam per dimidiam noctis horam, quousque celo sese clauderet’. 25 Chronique, 3.46, p. 169. ‘Et quod vidit semper in corde celavit, quousque hic scripsit, testisque est Dominus quod haec vidit’. 26 For a different view, see Landes, Relics, 299–308 who notes Ademar's ambivalence toward this sign and argues that it was both an apocalyptic and an anti-apocalyptic image. 27 For the significance of weeping crucifixes, see Landes, Relics, 299–308, especially 305, where he notes that the weeping Christ is a ‘cosmic Redeemer who, at a moment of high apocalyptic tension, prophetically weeps over coming destruction’. 28 That Ademar would have made the connection between his vision and the passage from Luke is confirmed by a passage from the Histories of his contemporary, Raoul Glaber. As Nichols, Romanesque signs, 17–30, notes, Glaber uses the passage from Luke to interpret the meaning of the weeping crucifix at the monastery of Saint-Peter-of-the-Virgins in Orléans in 998. 29 D.S. Ms. Lat. Phillipps 1664, fol. 72v. ‘Nam et in die quando iudicabit Dominus mundum apparebit signum crucis in caelo in testimonio victoriae Christi et gloriae sanctae ecclesiae suae’. 30 Bernard McGinn, ‘The end of the world and the beginning of Christendom’, in: Apocalypse theory and the ends of the world, ed. Marcus Bull (Oxford, 1995), 73. 31 Daniel Callahan, ‘Ademar of Chabannes, apocalypticism and the Peace Council of 1031’, Revue bénédictine, 101 (1991), 37–48. See also Daniel Callahan, ‘The sermons of Ademar of Chabannes and the cult of St. Martial of Limoges’, Revue bénédictine, 86 (1976), 251–95. Daniel Callahan, ‘When heaven came down to earth: the family of St. Martial of Limoges and the ‘Terrors of the Year 1000’,’ in: Portraits of medieval and renaissance living: essays in memory of David Herlihy, ed. Samuel K. Cohn Jr. and Steven A. Epstein (Ann Arbor, 1996), 245–58 and Landes, Relics, 321–2 have identified a manuscript—Princeton, Garret 15, fol. 57—which contains what is most likely the last thing that Ademar wrote. And, as Landes notes, it contains a ‘fervent apocalyptic prayer’. 32 Emmerson, Antichrist in the middle ages, 14. 33 The copy of Bede's commentary can be found on fols. 17v–37r and the copy of Jerome's commentary can be found on fols. 40r–57r of D.S. Ms. Lat. Phillipps 1664. 34 D.S. Ms. Lat. Phillipps 1664, fol. 90v. 35 D.S. Ms. Lat. Phillipps, fol. 114v. ‘. . . et de haereticis qui modo latenter inter nos surgunt qui negant baptismum, missam, crucem, ecclesiam qui praecursores Antichristi sunt’. 36 D.S. Ms. Lat. Phillipps, fols. 71r, 72v, 74v, 75r, 75v, 96v, 100r and 117r. See also Callahan, ‘Problem of the ‘filioque’,’ 118–22. 37 A complete discussion of this and citations from the manuscripts can be found in Callahan, ‘Problem of the ‘filioque’,’ 122–5. 38 ‘Apocalypticism and the Peace Council’, 42–4 and 46–9. 39 Karl F. Morrison, ‘The exercise of thoughtful minds: the apocalypse in some German historical writings’, in: Apocalypse in the middle ages, ed. Emmerson and McGinn, 356–60, and, especially, Nichols, Romanesque signs, 1–65. 40 Landes, Relics, 29–37, and Richard Landes, ‘Between aristocracy and heresy: popular participation in the Limousin Peace of God, 994–1033’, in: The Peace of God: social violence and religious response in France around the year 1000, ed. Thomas Head and Richard Landes (Ithaca, NY, 1992), 186–90. 41 The apocalyptic character of the Peace movement has been noted by Adriaan Bredero, ‘The bishops' Peace of God: a turning point in medieval society?’ in: Christendom and Christianity, 112–5; Daniel Callahan, ‘The cult of the saints in Aquitaine in the tenth and eleventh centuries’, in: The Peace of God, ed. Head and Landes, 170–2, and Landes, ‘Between aristocracy and heresy’, 187–90 and 199–205. 42 For a fuller consideration of the Peace of God movement, see the essays collected by Thomas Head and Richard Landes in the volume The Peace of God; Dominique Barthèlemy, L'an mil et la paix de Dieu: La France chrétienne et féodale, 980–1060 (Paris, 1999), and Michael Frassetto, ‘Violence, knightly piety and the Peace of God movement in Aquitaine’, in: The final argument: the imprint of violence on society in medieval and early modern Europe, ed. Donald J. Kagay and L. J. Andrew Villalon (London, 1997), 13–26. For further consideration of the council of 994, see Roger Bonnaud-Delamare, ‘Les institutions de paix en Aquitaine au XIe siècle’, Recueils de la société Jean Bodin pour l'histoire comparative des institutions, 14 (1961), 426–37; and for the council and the first generation of the movement, see Thomas Head, ‘The development of the Peace of God in Aquitaine (970–1005)’, Speculum, 74, (1999), 656–86. 43 Bonnaud-Delamare, ‘Les institutions’, 430–1, argues that the episode at Limoges in 994 was not an authentic peace council but rather a meeting to seek spiritual aid against the epidemic afflicting the region. It was Ademar, Bonnaud-Delamare suggests, who transformed the meeting into an actual peace council. Head, ‘Development of the Peace of God’, 675–6, notes that the council was incidental to the outbreak of the fire-sickness and was a meeting planned five years earlier at the council of Charroux. See also Landes, ‘Between aristocracy and heresy’, 191–4, and Landes, Relics, 28–37. 44 Although Ademar's account may have been influenced by Peace councils closer to his own day, it is supported by other contemporary sources and may thus be deemed a fair summary of events. See Landes, ‘Between aristocracy and heresy’, 186–90, especially 186, n. 11, for discussion of the sources that confirm Ademar's account. 45 Although likely a relatively accurate record of events, it is uncertain how closely Ademar's eschatological understanding of the events surrounding the council of Limoges reflected attitudes of those involved at the time. Landes, Relics, 29–31, argues that those involved in the council in 994 may have understood it in apocalyptic terms. His arguments are, in many ways, persuasive, and the clustering of peace councils at the approach of the millennium of the Incarnation and the Passion supports an eschatological reading of these councils. Although in general agreement with this view, the discussion that follows is intended to reveal the state of Ademar's mind as representative of monastic attitudes, c. 1030. The material from the history and the sermons, therefore, is best understood as Ademar's interpretation of events surrounding the council of Limoges, 994, and as evidence of growing apocalyptic sentiments at the approach of the millennium of the Passion. 46 The ergot fungus can infest rye and wheat and has powerful psychotic effects that can lead to a variety of hallucinatory experiences including burning or prickly sensations in the limbs and ecstatic visions. For modern accounts of plagues of ergotism, see J. M. Massey and E. W. Massey, ‘Ergot, the ‘jerks’, and revivals’, Clinical Neuropharmacology, 7 (1984), 99–105, and Mary K. Matossian, ‘Religious revivals and ergotism in America’, Clio Medica, 16 (1982), 185–92. 47 Chronique, 3.35, p. 158. ‘Corpora enim virorum et mulierum supra numerum invisibile igne depascebantur, et ubique planctus terram replebat’. 48 Chronique, 3.35, p. 158. ‘Gosfridus ergo, abbas Sancti Marcialis, qui successerat Wigoni, et Alduinus episcopus, habito consilio cum duce Willelmo, triduannum jejinium Lemovicino indicunt. Tunc omnes Aquitaniae episcopi in unum Lemovicae congregati sunt, corpora quoque et reliquiae sanctorum undecumque sollempniter advectae sunt ibi, et corpus sancti Marcialis, patroni Galliae, de sepulchro levatum est, unde letitia immensa omnes repleti sunt, et omnis infirmitas ubique cessavit pactumque pacis et justicia a duce et principibus visissim foederata est’. 49 Bernard McGinn, ‘Introduction: John's apocalypse and the apocalyptic mentality’, in: The apocalypse in the middle ages, ed. Emmerson and McGinn (Ithaca, NY, 1992), 7–8. 50 A brief excerpt from these sermons has been published in Delisle, ‘Manuscrits originaux d'Adémar’, 290. 51 B.N. Ms. Lat. 2469, fol. 87v. ‘Verum ad illam beatam congregati pariter sunt translationem episcopi septem quasi angeli septem ecclesiarum ut ipso sacrato septenario nobis doctoris translatio celebrior est’. See also Callahan, ‘Apocalypticism and the Peace Council’, pp. 42–3. 52 B.N. Ms. Lat. 2469, fol. 87v. 53 B.N. Ms. Lat. 2469, fol. 87v. ‘. . . ignis ab ore tuo exit qui devorat inimicos tuos’. 54 B.N. Ms. Lat. 2469, fol. 86v, citing Isaiah 66:19: ‘‘Mittam’, inquit, ‘ego Dominus ex eis qui salvati fuerint ad gentes . . . et qui non viderunt neque audierunt de me, cognoscant gloriam meam’.’ Compare Ademar's use of Isaiah with the use of Ezekiel by the people of Sens. Poly, ‘Le commencement et la fin’, 203–7, notes that the people of Sens expected the arrival of a new Jerusalem in the years 1008–1010 because they understood events in their day through a reading of an eschatological passage from the book of Ezekiel. 55 Norman Cohn, The pursuit of the millennium, rev. ed. (New York, 1970), 64–5. 56 Rodolphus Glaber, Historiarum Libri Quinque, ed. and trans. John France (Oxford, 1989), 4:6.18–21, 198–205. For discussion of this passage and Ademar's participation in the pilgrimage see Daniel Callahan, ‘When heaven came down to earth’, 255–6; and Landes, Relics, 320–7. See also Bredero, ‘Jerusalem and the West’, 79–104, especially 95–9. 57 B.N. Ms. Lat. 2469, fol. 87r. ‘. . . promiscuus vulgus tocius Lemovicensis provintiae’. 58 B.N. Ms. Lat. 2469, fol. 87r. 59 B.N. Ms. Lat. 2469, fols. 86v, 87r, 88v and 89r. 60 B.N. Ms. Lat. 2469, fol. 88v. 61 B.N. Ms. Lat. 2469, fols. 87r, 87v–88r, and 88r–88v. 62 Nichols, Romanesque signs, 20–1. 63 On Wulfstan and Antichrist, see Emmerson, Antichrist in the middle ages, 152–5, especially 154. 64 B.N., Ms. Lat. 2469, fol. 87r. ‘Et propter populi peccata iratus Dominus non in aeternum voluit reservare vindictam sed temporaliter decrevit punire’. 65 B.N., Ms. Lat. 2469, fol. 87r. ‘. . . non ad consumptionem sed ad correctionem . . .’. 66 B.N., Ms. Lat. 2469, fol. 87v. 67 Chronique, 3.35, p. 158. 68 B.N., Ms. Lat. 2469, fol. 87r. 69 B.N., Ms. Lat. 2469, fol. 87r. ‘. . . ira divina in misericordiam conversa, cessavit a populo plaga, et pax ecclesiis est reformata . . .’. 70 B.N., Ms. Lat. 2469, fol. 87v. ‘Omnes autem qui in urbe erant languentes repente sanifacti sunt et cessante dolore et gemitu requies et silentium omnibus factum est’. 71 On Bede's commentary and its influence see the following essays in Apocalypse in the middle ages: Robert Lerner, ‘The medieval return to the Thousand-Year Sabbath’, 53–5, and E. Ann Matter, ‘The apocalypse in early medieval exegesis’, 47–9. 72 Robert E. Lerner, ‘The refreshment of the saints: the time after antichrist as a station for earthly progress in medieval thought’, Traditio, 32 (1976), 101. 73 For a fuller discussion of the commentaries of Jerome and Bede and citations from the sources, see Lerner, ‘The refreshment of the saints’, 97–144, especially 101–6. 74 It is likely that Ademar's understanding of Antichrist was shaped by his reading of Jerome's commentary. In several places in his copy of the commentary on Daniel in ms 1664, especially fols. 47r and 53v–56v, Ademar wrote Antichristo or De Antichristo. 75 D.S., Ms. Lat. Phillipps, 1664, fol. 47r. 76 Lerner, ‘The refreshment of the saints’, 110–20 for discussion of twelfth-century commentators of the period of silence. 77 On Ademar's association of religious reform with the Peace movement, see Daniel Callahan, ‘Adémar et la Paix de Dieu’, Annales du Midi, 89 (1977), 21–43, and Michael Frassetto, ‘Heresy, celibacy, and reform in the sermons of Ademar of Chabannes’, in: Medieval purity and piety: essays on medieval clerical celibacy and religious reform, ed. Michael Frassetto (New York, 1998), 131–48.