Between the Mahdiyya and the Muslim Brotherhood: Continuity and Change in Islamic Radicalism in Sudan
2007; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 12; Issue: 1 Linguagem: Inglês
10.1080/13629380601099427
ISSN1743-9345
Autores Tópico(s)Religion and Sociopolitical Dynamics in Nigeria
ResumoAbstract This article examines the highly charged and complex confluence of politics and religion in the life of the Sudanese society and state, surveying the period from the late nineteenth century until the early twenty-first century. While tracing the major oscillations of Islamic radicalism in the Sudanese context, both prior to and in the wake of independence, this article focuses on two different developments: the Mahdiyya revolution (1881–98) and the decade-long 'Turabiyya' phenomenon in the 1990s. Nevertheless, the impact of these two movements on the moulding of Sudanese society exceeds these specific time periods. Although sharing a number of values, goals and characteristics in common, the Mahdiyya and 'Turabiyya' differ profoundly from one another and are clearly asymmetric in their scope, essence and impact. This article places particular emphasis on the 'Turabiyya' phenomenon, still a relatively unexplored field of research at the juncture of religion and politics in Sudan. Notes 1. For more on these terms and the phenomenon of radical Islam, see e.g. Kramer Citation(2003); Lewis Citation(2003); Almond et al. Citation(2003); and Kepel Citation(2005). 2. The Mahdi intentionally chose the terms Ansar and Umma (the Muslim community surrounding the Prophet Muhammad) to evoke the period of early Islam. 3. During Sudan's democratic era in the mid-1960s, Turabi, the Secretary-General of the Sudanese branch of the Muslim Brotherhood, defected from the organisation to lead the Islamic Charter Front (Jabhat al-Mithaq al Islami). In the wake of the 1985 split and the establishment of the NIF, the faction led by Sadiq 'Abdallah 'Abd al-Majid retained the name of the Muslim Brotherhood. 4. Sudan—the largest country in Africa (about 2.5 million square km)—comprises a multitude of ethnic, religious, cultural, political, social, national identities, as well as geographic, economic and strategic components. For details on this rich human kaleidoscope, see e.g. Mazrui Citation(1971); Voll Citation(1991); and Lesch Citation(1998). 5. Nevertheless, two important books in particular shed an illuminating light on this subject: El-Affendi's Turabi's Revolution: Islam and Power in Sudan (1991), and Burr and O'Collins' Revolutionary Sudan: Hasan al-Turabi and the Isamist State Citation(2003). 6. For more on the Ottoman-Egyptian period and the Mahdiyya, see: Holt and Daly (Citation1979, pp. 47–113); and Bjørkelo Citation(1989). 7. Erlich (Citation1986, p. 33 and notes, pp. 124–5; 1994, pp. 53–7). For more on the Sunni doctrine of the Mahdi, see Shalabi Citation(1979). 8. For details, see e.g. Duncan Citation(1957) and MacMichael Citation(1954). 9. The Khatmiyya, whose dynastic history was closely bound up with that of Egyptian influence, advocated the unification of the Nile Valley, namely, the unity of Sudan and Egypt. For details on the complexity of Sudanese politics and the status of the Ansar during the colonial era, see e.g. Al-Rahim (Citation1969, pp. 227–289); Warburg (Citation1978, pp. 21–66); Woodward (Citation1985, pp. 41–51); and Ibrahim (Citation1996, pp. 7–25). 10. For details on the politics in Khartoum during this period, see Shaked and Webman-Souery (Citation1977, pp. 1069–73) and Mahjub Citation(1973). 11. For more on the Sudanese Civil War, which has lasted from 1955 to 2005, with the exception of a respite of about ten years during the 1970s, see e.g. Collins (1975); Voll and Voll Citation(1985); Alier Citation(1992); and Ronen (Citation1995, Citation1999a). 12. For details on the coup attempt, the National Front and the national reconciliation process, see Ronen Citation(1978 and 1979, pp. 586–603 and pp. 696–700, respectively). 13. Al-Ayyam (a Khartoum-based daily), 28 September 1977 (Arabic). 14. For details on Numayri's support of the peace process between Egypt and Israel, see Ronen Citation(1980). 15. An interview with al-Sadiq al-Mahdi in al-Nahar (Beirut-based daily), 6 October 1979 (Arabic). 16. Middle East Newsletter (London-based fortnightly), 11–24 August 1980. 17. While the official version claimed that Numayri was only suffering from a blood pressure problem, other sources named additional ailments: heart and circulatory problems, nerve tension and even malignant disease. See e.g. Radio Omdurman (Khartoum), 5 January 1983 and al-Siyasa (a Kuwait-based daily), 1 January and 5 March 1983 (Arabic). 18. In an interview with al-Sharq al-Awsat (London-based daily), 28 January 1982 (Arabic). 19. On the Shari'a declaration and its motives, see Ronen Citation(1986); Numayri (1980, 1985); and Fluehr-Lobban (Citation1991, pp. 71–89). 20. Africa Research Bulletin (a monthly based in Exeter, Britain), 1–30 September 1983; and Arabia, The Islamic World Review (a London-based monthly), November 1983. 21. An interview with Numayri in The Middle East (a London-based monthly), February 1984; and Sudanese News Agency (Khartoum), 24 May 1984. 22. Interviews with Numayri in 'Ukaz (a Jidda-based daily), 15 October 1983 (Arabic); and al-Sharq al-Awsat, 10 December 1983 (Arabic). 23. The Democratic Union Party, which basically represents the Khatmiyya sect, won second place, taking 63 seats. Turabi's National Islamic Front took third place, securing 51 seats: Al-Sahafa (a Khartoum-based daily), 1 April 1986 (Arabic); and al-Tadamun (London-based monthly), 31 May–6 June 1986 (Arabic). For more details on the Umma party's political life at this stage, see al-Mahdi Citation(1990). 24. In interviews granted by 'Ali 'Uthman Muhammad Taha, a senior leader of Turabi's party to October (a Cairo-based weekly), 23 April 1989 (Arabic); and to al-Sharq al-Awsat, 9 May 1989 (Arabic). 25. Al-Sharq al-Awsat, 9 May 1989 (Arabic). 26. About Turabi and his ideology, see al-Turabi Citation(1989); Hamdi Citation(1998); and Weissbrod Citation(1999). 27. For a detailed discussion of the Muslim Brotherhood's emergence and functioning in Sudan's politics, see Ahmad Citation(1986). 28. An interview with Turabi in The Middle East, September 1979. 29. El-Affendi (Citation1991, pp. 104, 124–6). 30. For further details on Turabi's position at this juncture, see: Ronen (Citation1997, pp. 180–201). 31. Radio Omdurman (Khartoum), 10 March 1985; and the Sudanese News Agency, 23 March 1985. 32. In the spring of 1986, the rebels in the south and the Alliance of National forces—headed by the Umma party and the Democratic Union Party—took advantage of a unique window of opportunity and signed an agreement (Koka Dam Declaration) which annulled the Shari'a as the law of the land. This measure constituted a precondition for the opening of armistice negotiations to conclude the civil war. For details on the agreement, see Radio SPLA (the Sudanese People's Liberation Army), 28 March 1986. 33. For Turabi's statement, see Le Monde, 13 May 1986 (French). 34. Alwan (the Front's Khartoum-based daily), 17 April 1989 (Arabic); al-Sudani (Khartoum-based daily), 18 April 1989 (Arabic); and al-Sharq al-Awsat, 4 and 9 May 1989 (Arabic). 35. A series of interviews with Bashir, including the following: 'Ukaz, 3 July 1986 (Arabic); and Radio Cairo, 17 July 1986. 36. Al-Qabas (Kuwait City-based daily), 26 March 1990 (Arabic). 37. Al-Sudan al-Hadith (Khartoum-based daily), 1 July 1990 (Arabic); and Agence France Presse (Paris), 30 June 1990. 38. Lowrie Citation(1992); and Palestine Times (Leeds-based monthly), May 1997. 39. Radio Omdurman (Khartoum), 26 March 1995. 40. In an interview with the Qatari Television Station (Doha), 11 March 1995 (Arabic). 41. Al-Hayat, 16 December 1996 (Arabic). 42. For more on Sudan's regional and international relations, see Ronen (Citation1993, pp. 43–8; 2002, pp. 94–108; forthcoming a; 2002). 43. The formulation of the 'direct democracy' system served as some reminiscence of Mu'ammar al-Qadhafi's formal political system, known as the 'People's Power' (Sultat al-Sha'b), which has granted an illusion of popular participation in the country's leadership, but in practice serves as a facade for a dictatorial regime. 44. Al-Wasat (London-based weekly), 11 March 1996 (Arabic). 45. For details, see Wireless File, the US Information Service, 7 November 1997 and the White House, Office of the Press Secretary, 20 August 1998, respectively. More specifically, the US accused Sudan of involvement in the bombings of the American embassies in Kenya and Tanzania on 7 August 1998 and of having connections with Osama bin Laden. 46. The Economist, 20 October 1999. 47. Al-Hayat, 5 May 1999 (Arabic); and al-Wasat, 10 May 1999 (Arabic). 48. Radio Omdurman, 12–13 December 1999. 49. Mideast Mirror (London-based daily), 10 January 2000. 50. Al-Sharq al-Awsat, 18 February 2000 (Arabic). 51. The Sudanese News Agency (Khartoum), 28 February 2000. 52. For more details, see Ronen Citation(1999b). Additional informationNotes on contributorsYehudit Ronen Dr Yehudit Ronen is a senior lecturer and researcher in the Political Science Department at Bar Ilan University and at the Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies at Tel-Aviv University. Her research focuses on modern history and politics of the Arab world, with a particular emphasis on the Maghrib and Sudan. Her books, Sudan in a Civil War: Between Africanism, Arabism and Islam, and The Maghrib: Politics, Society, Economy, were published by Tel-Aviv University (in Hebrew). Her book on Libya's foreign policy is forthcoming. She has also published scores of articles in leading international academic journals.
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