Artigo Acesso aberto

SUBJECT-BECAUSE CONSTRUCTION AND THE EXTENDED PROJECTION PRINCIPLE

2001; Volume: 18; Issue: 2 Linguagem: Inglês

10.9793/elsj1984.18.329

ISSN

1884-3107

Autores

Tetsuya Matsuyama,

Tópico(s)

Linguistics and Discourse Analysis

Resumo

This paper aims to clarify in terms of the minimalist program the structure of a particular construction to be termed the subject-because construction, exemplified by just because I'm here now doesn't mean that I didn't go. It will be argued that the construction involves not only the subject-because merged in [Spec, T] but also a null subject in [Spec, v] whose φ-features delete the uninterpretable φ-features of T. This analysis accounts for the absence of subject-verb agreement for the subject-because, its (non)-occurrence in (non)-Case-marking positions, and its failure to agree with emphatic reflexives as well as pronominal subjects in tag-clauses.

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