What did Africa Mean to Frederick Douglass?
2014; Frank Cass & Co.; Volume: 36; Issue: 1 Linguagem: Inglês
10.1080/0144039x.2014.916516
ISSN1743-9523
Autores Tópico(s)Colonialism, slavery, and trade
ResumoAbstractSince the eighteenth century, anti-slavery and antiracist activists of African descent across the Atlantic world have sought to establish a connection with Africa. The great American abolitionist Frederick Douglass resisted those trends. Douglass self-identified as a citizen of the USA and rejected all arguments that African-Americans had any racial, national or spiritual connection with African peoples. This article situates the roots of Douglass' position within his long fight against various schemes for colonization and emigration. It concludes that Douglass rejected those plans not only because he believed they distracted from the struggle against slavery in the USA, but also because he was convinced that Anglo-American civilization provided far greater opportunities for individual and collective betterment than relocation to Africa.View correction statement:Erratum AcknowledgementsThe author thanks Diane Barnes, Debby Rosenthal, John McBratney and the anonymous reviewers provided by Slavery & Abolition for their helpful advice. He also acknowledges the financial assistance provided by John Carroll University.Notes[1] Joseph Yannielli, My Soul's High Song: The Collected Writings of Countee Cullen, Voice of the Harlem Renaissance, ed. Gerald Early (New York: Doubleday, 1991), 104–8; James T. Campbell, Middle Passages: African-American Journeys to Africa, 1787–2005 (New York: Penguin, 2006), 64. Joseph Yannielli, ‘George Thompson Among the Africans: Empathy, Authority, and Insanity in the Age of Abolition’, Journal of American History 96, no. 4 (March 2010): 979–1000. W. Caleb McDaniel, The Problem of Democracy in the Age of Slavery: Garrisonian Abolitionists and Transatlantic Reform (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2013), is emblematic of a recent transnational turn in anti-slavery and reform studies. Sidbury, Becoming African in America: Race and Nation in the Early Black Atlantic (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007), applies Campbell's argument about the antebellum period to the Anglo-American Atlantic in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, fleshing out ideas advanced conceptually by Paul Gilroy in The Black Atlantic: Modernity and Double-Consciousness (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993).[2] The three Douglass autobiographies are Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, An American Slave (Boston: Published at the Anti-slavery Office, 1845); My Bondage and My Freedom (New York: Miller, Orton, and Mulligan, 1855); Life and Times of Frederick Douglass (Hartford, CT: Park Publishing, 1881). On Douglass, the latest major biography is William S. McFeely, Frederick Douglass (New York: W.W. Norton, 1995).[3] As in Alan J. Rice and Martin Crawford, eds., Liberating Sojourn: Frederick Douglass & Transatlantic Reform (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1999).[4] Waldo E. Martin, Jr., The Mind of Frederick Douglass (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1985), 207–8. Similarly, Sundstrom writes: ‘Douglass's conception of interdependent U.S identity leaves no choice for the black American but to be an American, and if being an American proves to be impossible, then the black American is left without even an identity’. Sundstrom, ‘Frederick Douglass's Longing for the End of Race’, Philosophia Africana 8 (August 2005): 143–70 (quotation at 162).[5] D[avid] J[ames] M[cCord], ‘Africans at Home’ Southern Quarterly Review n.s. 10 (July 1854): 70–96, concluded with: we must cease the disgusting picture of a people, whose savage and shocking barbarities, and loathsome habits, and horrid crimes, are supposed to establish a condition so preferable to that of slavery to the white man, that the fleets of civilized Europe and America, are employed to maintain and perfect them in it. (96)[6] Henry Louis Gates Jr., Wonders of the African World (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1999), 7. Robert S. Levine also considers Douglass' considerations about Africa in Martin Delany, Frederick Douglass, and the Politics of Representative Identity (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1997), chap. 3.[7] Campbell, Middle Passages, 67. McFeely, Frederick Douglass, chap. 24; Rice and Crawford, eds., Liberating Sojourn, part 4. On Douglass' changing views of politics and the US constitution, see James Oakes, The Radical and the Republican: Frederick Douglass, Abraham Lincoln, and the Triumph of Antislavery Politics (New York: W.W. Norton, 2007), 14–21; David W. Blight, Frederick Douglass' Civil War: Keeping Faith in Jubilee (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1989); John Stauffer, Giants: The Parallel Lives of Frederick Douglass and Abraham Lincoln (New York: Twelve, 2008). Gates Jr. observes that Douglass was hardly the only leading black American to dismiss the relevance of Africa to African Americans' identity. Richard Pryor's infamous ‘thank God for slavery skit’, he writes, ‘unwittingly summarized one persistent view among African Americans’ that cannot be ignored, ‘because its pedigree includes far too many distinguished black intellectuals’. Gates, Wonders of the African World, 7.[8] Richard Huzzey, Freedom Burning: Anti-Slavery and Empire in Victorian Britain (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2012); Howard Temperley, ‘Anti-slavery as a Form of Cultural Imperialism’, in Anti-slavery, Religion, and Reform: Essays in Memory of Roger Anstey, ed. Christine Bolt and Seymour Drescher (Folkestone: Archon Books, 1980), 335–50; Mary Louise Pratt, Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation (London: Routledge, 1992); Deirdre Coleman, Romantic Colonization and British Anti-slavery (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005); Zoë Laidlaw, ‘Slavery, Settlers and Indigenous Dispossession: Britain's empire through the lens of Liberia’, Journal of Colonialism and Colonial History 13, no. 1 (2012) http://muse.jhu.edu/ (accessed March 26, 2014).[9] David Lambert, ‘Sierra Leone and Other Sites in the War of Representation Over Slavery’, History Workshop Journal 64, no. 1 (Fall 2007): 103–32; Howard Temperley, White Dreams, Black Africa: The Antislavery Expedition to the Niger (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1991), and British Antislavery, 1833–1870 (London: Longman, 1972). The classic statement of British interest in Africa remains indispensable: Philip D. Curtin, The Image of Africa: British Ideas and Action, 1780–1850 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1964).[10] Eric Burin, Slavery and the Peculiar Solution: A History of the American Colonization Society (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2005); Tunde Adeleke, Unafrican Americans: Nineteenth Century Black Nationalists and the Civilizing Mission (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1998); Gregory Mixon, ‘Henry McNeal Turner Versus the Tuskegee Machine in the Nineteenth Century’, Journal Of Negro History 79, no. 4 (September 1994): 363–81.[11] On these developments, see Sidbury, Becoming African in America; also Dickson D. Bruce Jr., ‘National Identity and African-American Colonization, 1773–1817’, Historian 58, no. 1 (Autumn 1995): 15–28; Floyd J. Miller, The Search for Black Nationality: Black Emigration and Colonization, 1787–1863 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1975), 25–50; Eric Foner, The Fiery Trial: Abraham Lincoln and American Slavery (New York: W.W. Norton, 2010), 18–22. Oakes has recently suggested that Lincoln's infamous 1862 meeting with a delegation of African-American leaders, at which he urged them to adopt voluntary emigration, should be understood as a tactical effort to placate critics of emancipation and not as a measure of his views on black nationality. James Oakes, Freedom National: The Destruction of Slavery in the United States, 1861–1865 (New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 2013), 308–10.[12] Liberator, April 2, 1841. On the black press, see Stephen G. Hall, A Faithful Account of the Race: African-American Historical Writing in Nineteenth-Century America (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2009), 32–3.[13] On Thompson, see Yannielli, ‘George Thompson Among the Africans’, 981; Paul Du Chaillu, Explorations and Adventures in Equatorial Africa … (New York: Harper, 1861). Curtin, The Image of Africa, chap. 13, and Tim Youngs, ‘Africa/The Congo: The Politics of Darkness’, in The Cambridge Companion to Travel Writing, ed. Peter Hulme and Tim Youngs (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 156–73 assess the surge in mid-century travel accounts.[14] David Livingstone, Missionary Travels and Researches in South Africa: Including a Sketch of Sixteen Years’ Residence in the Interior of Africa … (London: John Murray, 1857).[15] ‘The Douglass Institute: An Address Delivered in Baltimore, Maryland, on 29 September 1865’, in John W. Blassingame and John R. McKivigan, eds., The Frederick Douglass Papers, Ser. 1: Speeches, Debates, and Interviews, Vol. 4, 1864–1880, 94; North Star, September 8, 1848. For a positive account, see ‘Central Africa’, North Star, June 22, 1849, an article reprinted from the Christian Index which combines observations from several travel accounts, including those of Mungo Park and Richard Lemon Lander.[16] See, for example, E. N. Elliott, Cotton is King, and Pro-Slavery Arguments … (Augusta, Ga.: Pritchard, Abbott, and Loomis, 1860), 593, quoting the Landers.[17] North Star, March 17, 1848, April 7, 1849. Wilson Armistead, A Tribute for the Negro: Being a Vindication of the Moral, Intellectual, and Religious Capabilities of the Coloured Portion of Mankind: with Particular Reference to the African Race (Manchester: W. Irwin, 1848).[18] Middle-class northerners seem to have been susceptible to appeals based on violence, increasingly seen as unnatural and immoral. See Rachel Hope Cleves, The Reign of Terror in America: Visions of Violence from Anti-Jacobinism to Antislavery (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), chap. 3; Elizabeth B. Clark, ‘The Sacred Rights of the Weak: Pain, Sympathy, and the Culture of Individual Rights in Antebellum America’, Journal of American History 82, no. 2 (1995): 463–93.[19] ‘Pioneers in a Holy Cause: An Address Delivered in Canandaigua, New York, on 2 August 1847’, in Blassingame, ed., Douglass Papers, Ser. 1, Vol. 2, 75. ‘Friends of Kindred Tie!:’ is from ‘The Insurrection’, The Liberator, September 3, 1831.[20] North Star, April 7, 1849; First Annual Report of the American Anti-Slavery Society … (New York: Dorr and Butterfield, 1834), 22. Jonathan D. Sassi, ‘Africans in the Quaker Image: Anthony Benezet, African Travel Narratives, and Revolutionary-Era Antislavery’, Journal of Early Modern History 10, no. 1 (2006): 95–130. On romantic racialism, see George M. Frederickson, The Black Image in the White Mind: The Debate on Afro-American Character and Destiny, 1817–1914 (1971; Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press, 1987), chap. 4.[21] Douglass did not, despite his friendship with Stowe, have much use for the character of Uncle Tom. Whites might think that blacks were a ‘quiet, inoffensive people, a nation of Uncle Toms’, but Douglass likened them to William Tell and George Washington in their eagerness to resist oppression with violence. ‘Colored Men's Rights in this Republic: An Address Delivered in New York, New York, on 14 May 1857’, in Blassingame, ed., Douglass Papers, Ser. 1, Vol. 3, 148–9.[22] ‘Further Liberian Testimony’, African Repository 35 (January 1859), 24. The image of Africa in the missionary press was considerably more realistic, which may be why Douglass sharply distinguished between colonization (staunchly against) and missions, to which he had no objections. Thompson's account of his years at the American Missionary Society's Mendi Mission in West Africa portrays the region as riven by endemic warfare and crippling disease. Thompson in Africa: An Account of the Missionary Labors, Sufferings, Travels, and Observations, of George Thompson in Western Africa, at the Mendi Mission (Dayton: Printed for the Author, 1857), 127 (war), 69 (disease). Gale Kenny makes similar arguments about abolitionist missionaries in Jamaica. Contentious Liberties: American Abolitionists in Post-Emancipation Jamaica, 1834–1866 (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2010).[23] Gates, Wonders of the African World, 7. Martin writes that Douglass ‘exploited debasing Western stereotypes of Africans, displaying the typical Western insensitivity to sociocultural differences between the West and Africa’, The Mind of Frederick Douglass, 208.[24] Curtin, The Image of Africa, chap 3.[25] ‘Character and Habits of the Africans’, African Repository 2, no. 1 (March 1826), 19. The article claimed to be based on ‘Golberry's Travels’, presumably Travels in Africa, Performed by Silvester Meinrad Xavier Golberry, in the Western Parts of that Vast Continent … trans. W. Mudford, 2 vols. (London: Jones and Bumford, 1808).[26] Douglass, My Bondage and My Freedom, 101. Ronald G. Walters, ‘The Erotic South: Civilization and Sexuality in American Abolitionism’, American Quarterly 25, no. 2 (May 1973): 177–201.[27] ‘Work and Self-Elevation: An Address Delivered in Cincinnati, Ohio, on 14 April 1854’, in Blassingame, ed., Douglass Papers, Ser. 1, Vol. 2, 476–7; ‘Citizenship and the Spirit of Caste: An Address Delivered in New York, New York on 11 May 1858’, Douglass Papers, Ser. 1, Vol. 3, 1855–63, 212; ‘Another Niger Expedition’, Frederick Douglass' Paper, December 17, 1852.[28] Quoted in Marcus Rediker, The Slave Ship: A Human History (New York: Penguin, 2008), 7; Charles Dickens, Bleak House (London: Bradbury and Evans, 1853), 27. On the long history of the British struggle with ‘fevers’, see Curtin, The Image of Africa, esp. chapters 3, 7, 14; also Curtin, ‘‘The White Man's Grave’: Image and Reality, 1780–1850’, Journal of British Studies 1, no. 1 (November 1961): 94–110.[29] ‘Captain Weaver's Letter in Regard to the Colony’, African Repository and Colonial Journal 7 (January 1832): 341; Delany, Official Report of the Niger Valley Exploring Party (New York: Thomas Hamilton, 1861), 28. For an analysis of Delany's travels, particularly his discourse of ‘improvement’, see Campbell, Middle Passages, 88–91. Both Delany and the various writers contributing to the Repository repeated the conventional – and completely uninformed – wisdom that conditions improved in the interior of the continent. ‘All travellers agree in representing the elevated country of interior Africa as healthy’, claimed one report, ‘and this will in a few years be the dwelling place of civilized men. Men of color from the lower country of Virginia and North Carolina, and from all the more southern states, may settle in Monrovia, without apprehension’. ‘Health of Liberia’, African Repository 7 (July 1831), 158.[30] ‘A Nation in the Midst of a Nation’, in Blassingame, ed., Douglass Papers, Ser. 1, Vol. 2, 437; ‘Liberia’, Frederick Douglass' Paper, December 14, 1854; ‘Liberian Colonization’, North Star, September 8, 1848. The progress of the Morgan Dix was charted by the African Repository: ‘Items from the Liberian Herald’, 28, no. 4 (April 1852), 124; ‘Latest Intelligence from Liberia’, 28, no. 2 (August 1852), 226.[31] ‘The Claims of the Negro Ethnologically Considered: An Address Delivered in Hudson, Ohio, On 12 July 1854’, in Douglass Papers, Ser. 1, Vol. 2, 517, 520.[32] ‘Pioneers in a Holy Cause’, 75; on the ‘foul blot’, see David Brion Davis, Inhuman Bondage: The Rise and Fall of Slavery in the New World (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), 102.[33] ‘African Civilization Society’, Douglass' Monthly, February 1859; Gates, Wonders of the African World, 7. On US involvement in the post-1808 Atlantic slave trade, see Gerald Horne, The Deepest South: The United States, Brazil, and the African Slave Trade (New York: New York University Press, 2007); Don Fehrenbacher, The Slaveholding Republic: An Account of the United States Government's Relations to Slavery, ed. Ward M. McAfee (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001).[34] John Beecham, Ashantee and the Gold Coast: Being A Sketch of the History, Social State, and Superstitions of the Inhabitants of those Countries … (London: John Mason, 1841), 196; John Smith, Trade and Travels in the Gulph of Guinea … 2 Vols. (London: Simpkin, Marshall, and Co., 1851), 83; Livingstone, Missionary Travels, 217.[35] ‘The Colonization Scheme’, Frederick Douglass' Paper, January 22, 1852 (‘wilds’); ‘The Witch-Doctor of the Kaffirs’, Frederick Douglass' Paper, September 29, 1854.[36] The Looking-Glass: Being a True Report and Narrative of the Life, Travels, and Labors of the Rev. Daniel H. Peterson … (New York: Wright, 1854), 125; ‘The Philomethean Society’, North Star, February 8, 1848. On colonization, emigration, and the mission to Africa, see Sidbury, Becoming African in America, chap. 7.[37] ‘African Civilization Society’, Douglass' Monthly, February, 1859.[38] Daniel Hack, ‘Close Reading at a Distance: The African Americanization of Bleak House’, Critical Inquiry 34, no. 4 (Summer 2008), 729–53, argues not only that the decision to publish the novel ‘was made with very limited knowledge of [its] contents’, but that the knowledge of it that Douglass and his collaborator Julia Griffiths did have – the introduction of Mrs. Jellyby in the final chapter of the first published installment – makes this choice ‘jarring’, since Hack thinks that Douglass the cosmopolitan reformer would be offended by Dickens's case for prioritizing local and national needs. Considering Douglass' attitude to Africa and ‘schemes’ for its uplift, however, his decision to publish Bleak House makes perfect sense (quotations on 732, 733).[39] Douglass could only have been appalled by Harris's declaration that ‘The desire and yearning of my soul is for an African nationality … . I go to my country, – my chosen, my glorious Africa!’ However, Douglass would have been held back by his friendship with Stowe and by awareness of the novel's efficacy at awakening anti-slavery sentiment in the hitherto apathetic North. Under pressure to repudiate Stowe's novel, Douglass said that he would not ‘allow the sentiments put in the brief letter of George Harris … to vitiate forever Mrs. Stowe's power to do us good’. Harriet Beecher Stowe, Uncle Tom's Cabin; A Tale of Life Among the Lowly (London: George Routledge & Co., 1852), 463–4, 466; ‘The Letter of Mr. Delany’, Frederick Douglass Paper, May 6, 1853.[40] On Dickens and philanthropy, see Grace Moore, Dickens and Empire: Discourses of Class, Race and Colonialism in the Works of Charles Dickens (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2004), 68–70; Bruce Robbins, ‘Telescopic Philanthropy: Professionalism and Responsibility in Bleak House’, in Nation and Narration, ed. Homi K. Bhabha (London: Routledge, 1990), 213–30; Frank Christianson, Philanthropy in British and American Fiction: Dickens, Hawthorne, Eliot, and Howells (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2007), 75–103; Rodger L. Tarr, ‘The ‘Foreign Philanthropy Question’ in Bleak House: A Carlylean Influence’, Studies in the Novel 3 (1971): 275–83; Tarr, ‘Foreign Philanthropy and the Thematic Art of Bleak House’, Dickens Studies Newsletter 8 (1977): 100–4; and Ben W. Griffith Jr., ‘Dickens the Philanthropist: An Unpublished Letter’, Nineteenth-Century Fiction 12, no. 2 (September 1957): 160–3.[41] Bleak House, 26, 452; the ‘hell-invented scheme of colonization’, North Star, April 20, 1849.[42] North Star, May 11, 1849 (‘benighted’). Brahma Chaudhiri, ‘Dickens and the Women of England at Strafford House’, English Language Notes 25, no. 4 (June 1988), 54–60 (quotes on 55).[43] Augustus Washington, ‘Liberia as It Is, 1854’, in Liberian Dreams: Back-to-Africa Narratives from the 1850s, ed. Wilson Jeremiah Moses (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1998), 207; Frederick Douglass' Paper, March 10, 1854.[44] Douglass on Delany quoted in Robert S. Levine, Martin R. Delany: A Documentary Reader (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003), 3; ‘The Free Negro's Place is in America: An Address Delivered in Buffalo, New York, on 18 September 1851’, in Blassingame, ed., Douglass Papers, Ser. 1, Vol. 2, 340.[45] Harper Twelvetrees, The Story of the Life of John Anderson, the Fugitive Slave (London: William Tweedie, 1863), 112; ‘Country, Conscience, and the Anti-Slavery Cause: An Address Delivered in New York, New York, on 11 May 1847’, in Blassingame, ed., Douglass Papers, Ser. 1, Vol. 2, 60 (Garrison quoted in note 1); ‘American Slavery is America's Disgrace: An Address Delivered in Sheffield, England, on 25 March 1847’, in Blassingame, ed., Douglass Papers, 11; ‘Inhumanity of Slavery: Extract from a Lecture on Slavery, At Rochester, December 8, 1850’, in My Bondage and My Freedom, 439. On abolitionists and nationalism, see McDaniel, The Problem of Democracy, chap. 5 (Garrison quoted on 127); on Douglass and nationalism, Oakes, The Radical and the Republican, 31–5; Eric J. Sundquist, To Wake the Nations: Race in the Making of American Literature (Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1993), 83–92.[46] James A. Colaiaco, Frederick Douglass and the Fourth of July (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), 115–6; Oakes, The Radical and the Republican, 28–38; Blight, Frederick Douglass' Civil War, chap. 2.[47] ‘Are We Ready for the Conflict?’ Frederick Douglass' Paper, February 9, 1855 (‘escutcheon’); Frederick Douglass to Horace Greeley, April 15, 1846, in The Liberator, June 26, 1846, in Philip S. Foner, ed., Life and Writings of Frederick Douglass, Vol. 1: Early Years, 1817–1849 (New York: International Publishers, 1950), 148–9. On the Crummell–Douglass debate, see Wilson Jeremiah Moses, Alexander Crummell: A Study of Civilization & Discontent (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1992), 139–40.[48] ‘Persecution on Account of Faith, Persecution on Account of Color: An Address Delivered in Rochester, New York, on 26 January 1851’, 302 (‘products’); ‘Henry Clay and Colonization Cant, Sophistry, and Falsehood: An Address Delivered in Rochester, New York, on 2 February 1851’, 322 (‘barbarism and darkness’), both in Blassingame, ed., Douglass Papers, Ser. 1, Vol. 2; ‘Liberian Colonization’, North Star, September 8, 1848 (‘absurd and abominable’).[49] ‘Work and Elevation’, in Blassingame, ed., Douglass Papers, Ser. 1, Vol. 2, 476. On Douglass' faith in American political institutions, see ‘What to the Slave is the Fourth of July?’ and ‘The Dred Scott Decision: An Address Delivered, in Part, in New York, New York, in May 1857’, in Blassingame, ed., Douglass Papers, Ser. 1, Vol. 2, 359–88; Vol. 3, 163–83 (esp. 174–82). Also Oakes, The Radical and the Republican, 31–4; Colaiaco, Frederick Douglass and the Fourth of July. Not surprisingly, Douglass' nationalism surged in the 1860s and early 1870s, when it appeared that the United States might actually wipe away slavery and racism. When it became apparent that the latter would be central to post-bellum national identity, Douglass became once again an American Jeremiah, readopting the critical nationalism of his antebellum days. Oakes, The Radical and the Republican, chap. 7; Blight, Frederick Douglass' Civil War, esp. chap. 10.[50] Daniel Walker Howe, ‘American Victorianism as a Culture’, American Quarterly 27, no. 5 (December 1975), 507–32; Howe, What Hath God Wrought: The Transformation of America, 1815–1848 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007), esp. chaps. 7 and 8. See also Richard L. Bushman, The Refinement of America: Persons, Houses, Cities (New York: Vintage, 1992).[51] Temperley, White Dreams, Black Africa, 105 (also 81–82); ‘Henry Clay and Colonization’, Douglass Papers, Ser. 1, Vol. 2, 322 (‘influences’); ‘Tribute for the Negro’, North Star, April 7, 1849 (‘improvement’); ‘African Colonization – The Other Side’, Frederick Douglass' Paper, September 25, 1851. On Douglass as an Anglophile, see Elisa Tamarkin, Anglophilia: Deference, Devotion, and Antebellum America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2008), chap. 3.[52] Frederick Douglass Diary, February 11, 1887 (Joseph); February 19 (women); February 20 (Unitarian service); February 16 (negroes), Frederick Douglass Collection (Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, DC).[53] ‘Lessons of the Hour: An Address Delivered in Washington, D.C., on 9 January 1894’, in Blassingame and McGivigan, eds., Douglass Papers, Ser. 1, Vol. 5, 592. On Douglass at the fair, see Christopher Robert Reed, All the World is Here!: The Black Presence at White City (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2000), 167–8.[54] ‘Lessons of the Hour’, 597–8.[55] Yannielli, ‘George Thompson Among the Africans’, 1000.
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