Portal de Periódicos da CAPES

The Growth of Civil Society in Timor-Leste: Three Moments of Activism

2012; Routledge; Volume: 43; Issue: 1 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1080/00472336.2012.735545

1752-7554

Ann Wigglesworth,

Global Peace and Security Dynamics

Abstract During the dramatic upheavals and conflicts that have accompanied political independence in Timor-Leste, Timorese activists have made an important, sometimes overlooked, contribution. This paper highlights the significant roles they played at three major turning points over the past 15 years – the Santa Cruz massacre in 1991, the UN-sponsored independence ballot in 1999 and the political-military crisis in 2006. Each one of these events was a starting point for a new phase in Timorese development history and a new phase in the growth of Timorese civil society. The personal reflections of Timorese activists provide poignant insight into their changing focus of activism as Timor-Leste became independent. Their “active citizenship” provided a mechanism to both contribute to and contest the mainstream nation-building processes which were, in some cases, perceived to be overly influenced by Western standards and often failed to acknowledge or respect Timorese culture and traditions. Key Words: Civil societyactive citizenshipTimor-Lesteyoung peoplepost-conflict Notes By “Timorese,” I refer to the people of East Timor, known post-independence as Timor-Leste. This excludes the people of West Timor, which constitutes part of the nation of Indonesia. In this paper the term East Timor will be used for the period up to the end of the Indonesian occupation. The term CSO is used rather than the more commonly used NGO because some of the organisations referred to are community-based organisations not registered as NGOs in Timor Leste and, therefore, consider themselves CSOs. The interviews were undertaken for the author's doctoral research in 2005–06, with a number of follow-up conversations with the interviewees in 2007–08, particularly in relation to the 2006 crisis and its aftermath. The Timorese Social Democratic Association (ASDT) was the precursor of the Revolutionary Front for Independent East Timor (FRETILIN) which wanted full independence. The National Democratic Union (UDT) represented the landowning and conservative elite, which favoured remaining with Portugal with greater autonomy, and the minor APODETI party formed by people with vested interests or family linkages with Indonesia, favoured local autonomy under Indonesian rule. FALINTIL (Forças Armadas de Liberação Nacional de Timor Leste), Armed Forces for the Liberation of East Timor, was the armed wing of the FRETILIN party, until FALINTIL leader Xanana Gusmão formed a united pro-independence front including FRETILIN and UDT in 1986. RENETIL (Resistencia Nacional dos Estudantes de Timor Leste), OJECTIL (Organização da Juventude e Estudante Catolica de Timor Leste) and FITUN were some of the organisations set up in response to Gusmão's call for student action. They became known as the Quadros de Resistencia, the third front of the clandestine movement together with the FALINTIL armed resistance and the diplomatic front overseas. OJECTIL became Organização Juventude Estudante de Timor Leste (OJETIL) in 1990 to embrace all pro-independence youth, not just Catholic youth. The figure of 271 killed has been widely used as a result of a survey by the Portuguese solidarity group A Paz é Possível em Timor Leste of the massacre's victims, listing 271 killed, 278 wounded, and 270 disappeared (see ETAN website, www.etan.org). One the basis of the evidence provided to the Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation (CAVR) “at least 75 civilians, and almost certainly many more, were killed at the cemetery and afterwards” (CAVR Citation2005). I was at a meeting held in Bali with my Caritas Dili colleagues at the time because it was unsafe for them to hold a meeting with foreigners in Dili. As we watched the events unfold on Indonesian television, my Timorese colleagues were amazed and excited to hear interviews of rebellious Javanese youth being broadcast on TV. It was their first time to hear alternative opinions to the inevitable government line expressed in the media. This was related by Caritas Dili colleagues and personal observation during visits to East Timor in 1997–98. These quotes were recorded in an interview on the Australian Broadcasting Corporation's “7.30 Report” on August 31, 1999 when I was Caritas Australia Program Manager for East Timor (see http://www.abc.net.au/7.30/stories/s48233.htm). This was a few days after INTERFET arrived in Dili on September 20, 1999. The Australian Government always insisted that “rogue elements” of the Indonesian military (TNI) were behind the violence. The final report of the Commission for Truth and Friendship Indonesia–Timor Leste which was set up to investigate the events of 1999 has confirmed that the TNI was behind the atrocities and had backed the Timorese militia groups in the killing, rape and destruction that took place in 1999. FKSH or Feto Kiik Serviso Hamutuk (Young women working together) was later changed to Feto iha Kbiit Servico Hamutuk (Strong women working together) maintaining the same acronym. Jose Ramos Horta was an independence activist and a founding member of FRETILIN. After the Indonesian invasion he was mandated as the diplomatic representative of East Timor, a role he served from 1975–99. At independence he became the first Minister for Foreign Affairs. As a result of the political crisis in 2006 he briefly became the second (but unelected) Prime Minister. Jose Ramos Horta ran for the Presidential elections on June 9, 2007. Xanana Gusmão had stepped down as President in order to form a separate party to contest FRETILIN in the national elections. Xanana Gusmão had stepped down as President in order to form a separate party to contest FRETILIN in the national elections. During this period a third interim government was formed which ran from April 2007 until the formation of a new government after the parliamentary elections on June 30, 2007. FRETILIN received the largest vote but lacked a clear majority. Agreement could not be reached on the leadership, resulting in a political deadlock until President Ramos Horta finally called on Xanana Gusmão to form a government in a coalition with the minority parties. Gusmão became the Prime Minister of what is named the Fourth Constitutional Government in August 2007.