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The Media Prism and Reflections on Insécurité

2005; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 13; Issue: 4 Linguagem: Francês

10.1080/09639480500329465

1469-9869

Pamela M. Moores,

Asian Culture and Media Studies

Abstract This article considers media coverage of the theme of insécurité in the French presidential election of 2002, at which the National Front leader Jean-Marie Le Pen shocked the French nation by winning a place in the second round contest against the incumbent President Jacques Chirac. We examine the much-publicised accusation that the media contributed to Le Pen's success by excessive, distorting coverage of insécurité, the polemic surrounding this charge, and issues of media responsibility. While much writing on the topic has focused on thematic media analysis or on the interaction of politicians, the media and the electorate in setting the election agenda, this article discusses the findings of a number of quantitative media studies and focuses on the terms and nature of media discourse. Through a discussion of insécurité, the article highlights the misleading potential of simplistic labelling and vague emotive terminology, amplified in sensational coverage by competing media outlets. Notes [1] The French term is retained because it is widely used in public discourse to denote fear of crime and threats to law and order. Its strongest contemporary connotations, therefore, are not adequately conveyed by the English expression 'insecurity'. [2] Dray was author in 1992 of the first report for the Commission des affaires sociales on youth violence in poor urban areas. He also wrote Etat de violence (1999, J'ai Lu, Paris). Elected Vice-President of Ile-de-France in 1998, he was responsible for many initiatives against crime in the Paris region. [3] Quoted in Le Monde, Libération and other newspapers, 11 May 2002. [4] Reported by D. Psenny, '"Les perdants ont tort de chercher des boucs émissaires"; Entretien avec Etienne Mougeotte, vice-président de TF1', Le Monde, 4 May 2002. [5] Full statistical reports are available from the Ministère de l'Intérieur at http://www.interieur.gouv.fr [6] According to Recorded Crime Statistics 1898–2002/03, the totals were 5,170,843 crimes in 2000/01; 5,525,316 in 2001/02 and 5,899,450 in 2002/03 (http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk/rds/recordedcrime1.html). [7] 'L'insécurité, plus forte que tout', Médias, 2, June–July 2002: 22–23. [8] 'L'insécurité, plus forte que tout', Médias, 2, June–July 2002: 22–23 [9] 'Le grand dossier: La France est-elle un pays dangereux?', Le Monde, 31 March– 1 April 2002. [10] See Trésor de la Langue française, also Robert, and the Dictionnaire de l'Académie française. [11] Cited by L. Girault, 'C'est une erreur de faire le procès des journalistes', Le Monde, 28 May 2002. [12] Quoted by A. Garcia, 'Remettre l'insécurité à sa juste place', Le Monde, 27 May 2002. [13] See J-M. Leclerc, 'Délinquance. Les détonants résultats d'une comparaison entre les statistiques criminelles du ministère de l'Intérieur et celles du FBI; La France plus criminogène que les Etats-Unis', Le Figaro, 18 June 2001. [14] See Mucchielli Citation2001 and his personal website at http://laurentmucchielli.free.fr [15] 'Clarifier le débat public sur l'insécurité; au lieu de hurler avec les loups, médias et politiques feraient mieux de réfléchir aux raisons de la violence', Libération, 30 January 2002. [16] See I. Roberts, '"Le parti pris: faire monter l'anxiété et l'adrenaline"; Télévision. Comment traite-t-on l'insécurité dans les JT?', Libération,13 April 2002; also Garrigos and Roberts, Citation2002a. [17] 'Les confessions de Durn qui voulait vivre en tuant. L'auteur de la tuerie de Nanterre tenait un journal intime depuis 1998. Extraits', Le Monde, 10 April 2002. [18] R. Solé,'Manchette posthume', Le Monde, 20 April 2002. [19] See for example R. Guyotat, 'Saint Paul Voise martyr des médias', Le Monde, 23 April 2003 and Gautier, A. (2003) 'Affaire Paul Voise'. Enquête sur un fait divers qui a bouleversé la France à la veille de la présidentielle, L'Harmattan, Paris. [20] See 'Changements de programmes', Le Monde, 27 April 2002. [21] This importance is reflected in the following titles: Cohen, P. and Salmon, J-M. (2003) 21 avril 2002: Contre-enquête sur le choc Le Pen, Denoël Impacts, Paris; Le Gall, G. (2003) 'Pourquoi le 21 avril?' in Duhamel, O. and Méchet, P., (eds.), L'Etat de l'opinion 2003, Seuil, Paris; and Lemieux, C. (2003) 'Faux débats et faux fuyants. De la responsabilité des journalistes dans l'élection du 21 avril 2002' in Duclert, V., Prochasson, C. and Simon-Nahum, P. (eds.), Il s'est passé quelque chose…, Denoël, Paris. [22] See Libération, 22 April 2002; the front page was used in similar fashion to declare 'OUI' to Chirac on the weekend of the second ballot, 4–5 May, and subsequently modified to an 'OUF' of relief, accompanied by a view of a departing Le Pen on 6 May. [23] For an account of candidates' use of Internet, see also P. Le Hir, 'Internet fait son entrée dans la campagne présidentielle', Le Monde, 19 April 2002 and G. Fraissard, 'Les sites de la plupart des candidates font bonne mine', Le Monde, 19 April 2002. [24] See Vedel, cited by Mandard, 'Internet n'a pas eu d'influence décisive sur le cours de la campagne présidentielle', Le Monde, 19 April 2002. [25] Vedel, interviewed by Mandard, 'Le Web reproduit les rapports de force', Le Monde, 19 April 2002. [26] See 'La Toile contre le FN', Libération, 24 April 2002; N. Bourcier and S. Mandard, 'Sur Internet, les sites de mobilisation anti-Le Pen se multiplient', Le Monde, 26 April 2002; and A. Rivoire, 'Front contre le Front', Libération, 27 April 2002. [27] See 'Front contre le Front', Libération, 2 May 2002. A sample of websites gives an impression of the lively anti-Le Pen campaign: www.lapincealinge.org; www.liberte-egalite-fraternite.net; www.eteignonslaflamme.fr.st; www.nopasaran.net [28] See extract from Le Pen's message: 'Pour les patriotes, voter est un devoir', downloaded from http://www.lepen.tv/democratie.htm, 30 April 2002: 'Militer sur Internet. Comme durant les pires heures de l'Union Soviétique, certains médias nationaux tentent d'imposer au peuple leur choix pour le second tour… Internet est un des derniers espaces de libertés'. [29] Acrimed stands for 'Appel pour une action démocratique sur le terrain des médias', launched with the support of media figures such as Serge Halimi, Patrick Champagne, and David Benichou in February 1996 in reaction to media coverage of the unrest of autumn 1995. The group publishes critical analyses of journalism at http://www.samizdat.net/acrimed. Claris was founded by Mucchielli and like-minded intellectuals in January 2002 to campaign against misleading discourse on insécurité, as indicated in newsletters available at http://www.groupeclaris.com. The watchdog Chiennes de garde (http://www.chiennesdegarde.org), led by Isabelle Alonso, has campaigned since the late 1990s against sexist, racist and homophobic discourse.