Artigo Revisado por pares

Wielding Finance as a Weapon of Diplomacy: France and Britain in the 1920s

2011; Routledge; Volume: 25; Issue: 1 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1080/13619462.2011.546098

ISSN

1743-7997

Autores

John F. V. Keiger,

Tópico(s)

Global Financial Crisis and Policies

Resumo

Abstract France had long conceived of finance as an instrument of diplomacy. The role of French finance in the sealing of the Franco-Russian Alliance in 1892 is well known; the Quai d'Orsay's use of access to the French financial markets and the Bourse as an arm of foreign policy before the War was the subject of much research in the early 1970s. However, the use of currency speculation as a diplomatic instrument has received little attention. Of course, under a regime of fixed rate parities as existed before the Great War—the Gold Exchange Standard—currency fluctuation was uncommon; it was extremely difficult to attack currencies in a concerted manner on the international money markets for any reason, let alone for diplomatic advantage. But following the outbreak of the Great War, many currencies came off the gold standard, and a state of financial turmoil prevailed in the post-war period. The French franc was not alone in being buffeted on the international market. Currency vulnerability and the ramifications it had for national economic policies became all too obvious. Friends and foe alike could not ignore how short-term concerted action by banks and financial institutions on a currency by heavy selling or buying could undermine governments and their policies. It was not long before governments would view currency speculation as a means of influencing policy. The question of stabilising the French franc in the 1920s and returning it to a fixed parity against gold has been studied from economic and political dimensions; the diplomatic has been the missing dimension. This article looks at the stabilisation of the French currency in 1926 under Raymond Poincaré and the manner in which finance was wielded as an instrument of diplomacy against Britain. It first analyses how France perceived herself to be the object of currency manipulation for political aims by Germany and Britain in the early 1920s, and then it analyses how during the stabilisation of the franc after 1926 under Premier and Finance Minister Raymond Poincaré she was able to turn the tables and use short-term financial advantage as leverage against Britain on important policy matters. Keywords: Quai d'OrsayAnglo-French RelationsInternational CommerceBankingForeign OfficeTreasury Notes [1] See Poidevin Poidevin, R. 1969. Les Relations économiques et financières entre la France et l'Allemagne de 1898 à 1914, Paris: Armand Colin. [Google Scholar], Les Relations économiques et financières entre la France et l'Allemagne de 1898 à 1914; Ibid. Poidevin, R. 1970. Finances et Relations Internationales, 1887–1914, Paris: Armand Colin. [Google Scholar], Finances et relations internationales; Girault Girault, R. 1973. Emprunts russes et investissements français en Russie, 1887–1914, Paris: Armand Colin. [Google Scholar], Emprunts russes et investissements français en Russie. [2] The exception is the pioneering work by Jeanneney Jeanneney, J.-N. 1981. L'argent caché. Milieux d'affaires et pouvoirs politiques dans la France du XXe siècle, Paris: Fayard. [Google Scholar], L'argent caché. [3] Von Lumm (Reichsbank board member) to the Revue économique internationale, August 1913, 297, document in Poidevin, Finances et relations internationales, 175. The Germans knew of this by bitter experience as France had withdrawn large sums from German markets during the Agadir Crisis producing a serious squeeze on German credit. [4] Scammell Scammell, W. M. 1985. "The Working of the Gold Standard". In The Gold Standard in Theory and History, Edited by: Eichengreen, B. New York: Methuen. [Google Scholar], 'The Working of the Gold Standard', 105. It would be wrong, however, to suggest that the pre-war period did not have its flaws, as Eichengreen Eichengreen, B. 1985. "Editor's Introduction". In The Gold Standard in Theory and History, Edited by: Eichengreen, B. New York: Methuen. [Google Scholar] points out in his 'Editor's Introduction', 22–4. [5] Triffin Triffin, R. 1985. "The Myth and Realities of the So-called Gold Standard". In The Gold Standard in Theory and History Edited by: Eichengreen, B. New York: Methuen [Google Scholar], 'The Myth and Realities of the So-called Gold Standard', 121. See also on the working of the gold standard, Eichengreen Eichengreen, B. V. 1992. Golden Fetters: The Gold Standard and the Great Depression, 1919–1939, Oxford: Oxford University Press. [Crossref] , [Google Scholar], Golden Fetters. On European financial reconstruction: Orde Orde, A. 1990. British Policy and European Reconstruction after the First World War, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 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[Google Scholar], 'Currency Stabilisation in the 1920s: Success or Failure?', 83–102. [6] In his recent book, Robert Boyce has rightly pointed out how the history of the inter-war period has too often been written either by economic historians concentrating on the financial aspects or by diplomatic historians concentrating on the diplomatic, when greater integration of the two might have produced alternative explanations for the international history of the period. Boyce Boyce, R. 2009. The Great Interwar Crisis and the Collapse of Globalization, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. [Crossref] , [Google Scholar], The Great Interwar Crisis and the Collapse of Globalization, ix–x, 5–6. More surprisingly, elsewhere Boyce states that it is 'fanciful to imagine that the major powers wielded finance as an instrument of diplomacy'. He states that Britain, the USA and France 'had liberal states that for the most part abstained from interfering in the activities of commercial banks or other firms and resisted the temptation to lean on their central banks for political purposes', Boyce Boyce, R. 2010. "Why International Finance Mattered: 1919–1939". In A Companion to International History 1900–2001, Edited by: Martel, G. Oxford: Wiley Blackwell. [Google Scholar], 'Why International Finance Mattered: 1919–1939', 182. This article demonstrates that the liberal states of Britain and France did lean on their central banks for political purposes and used finance as an instrument of diplomacy. [7] Skidelsky Skidelsky, R. Politicians and the Slump. The Labour Government of 1929–1931 London Macmillan, 1967, Papermac edition, 1994 [Google Scholar], Politicians and the Slump, 2. [8] The post-war decision to return to gold in 1821 was done with little debate as to the exchange rate, Moggridge Moggridge, D. E. 1969. The Return to Gold 1925. The Formulation of Economic Policy and its Critics, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. [Google Scholar], The Return to Gold 1925, 11. [9] Turner Turner, A. 1998. The Cost of War. British Policy on French War Debts, 1918–1932, Brighton: Sussex Academic Press. [Google Scholar], The Cost of War, 4. [10] Skidelsky, Politicians and the Slump, 3. [11] Poidevin, Finances et relations internationales, 11. [12] Finance (Joseph Caillaux) to Foreign Affairs (Stephen Pichon), 23 December 1908, document in Poidevin, Finances et relations internationales, 34–5. [13] Turner Turner, A. 1998. The Cost of War. British Policy on French War Debts, 1918–1932, Brighton: Sussex Academic Press. [Google Scholar], Cost of War, 4–5. [14] Jeanneney Jeanneney, J.-N. 1977. Leçon d'histoire pour une gauche au pouvoir. La faillite du Cartel 1924–1926 Paris [Google Scholar], Leçon d'histoire pour une gauche au pouvoir, 42, 48; Ibid., L'argent caché, 199–203. [15] Cahiers inédits de François de Wendel, C.XIII, 11 mars 1924, quoted in Jeanneney, L'argent caché, 202–3. [16] On this, see Jeanneney, L'argent caché, 204, which provides both corroborative evidence for German strategy and suspicion as to the motives of the supplier of the document; for French intelligence reports on Germany's encouragement of left-wing parties in France, see Ministère des Affaires Etrangères, Paris (MAE), Europe 1918–40, Allemagne, vol. 414, 'Propagande et espionnage allemands en France, février 1919—oct 1929', ff. 160, 166, 173–4; for French reports on foreign speculative action against the franc, see MAE, Série Y, Internationale 1918–40, vol. 226, Finances publiques françaises. [17] Poincaré's second and third cabinets ran from 15 January 1922 to 1 June 1924 combining premiership with foreign affairs; his fourth cabinet ran from 23 July 1926 to 6 November 1928 combining premiership with finance; his fifth cabinet ran from 11 November 1928 to 27 July 1929, when he was Premier with no other portfolio. [18] Jeanneney, L'argent caché, 195, 199–201. For details of the international speculation against the franc, see Schuker Schuker, S. 1976. The End of French Predominance in Europe. The Financial Crisis of 1924 and the Adoption of the Dawes Plan, Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. [Google Scholar], The End of French Predominance in Europe, 92–108. [19] On the impression that 'Anglo-Saxon' finance was partly to blame, see Jeanneney, Cartel, 48; Jeanneney, L'argent caché, 201, 205–6, 215, 218, though he believes that French speculators were the most to blame; Miquel Miquel, P. 1961. Poincaré, Paris: Fayard. [Google Scholar], Poincaré, 494. Close links between British and German bankers were a deep-seated source of frustration and irritation for the French. After a meeting with his British counterpart, the Governor of the Bank of France recorded in his diary: 'He does not like the French…on the other hand, he seems to have the greatest sympathy for the Germans. He is very linked to Dr Schacht [Governor of the German Reichsbank] whom he sees often and with whom he draws up secret plans; this leaning moreover conforms with the general feeling of the City', Moreau, Souvenirs, 48–9, quoted in Turner, The Cost of War, 241. Boyce states that 'The City actively supported the British government's policy of pressuring France to abandon or reduce its reparations demands on Germany', Boyce, A Companion to International History, 182. [20] Quoted in Jeanneney, L'argent caché, 205–6. [21] Andrew Andrew, C. 1985. Secret Service. The Making of the British Intelligence Community, London: Sceptre. [Google Scholar], Secret Service, 375. [22] Poincaré to Ministre des Finances, 31 January 1924, Archives Economiques et Financières, Bercy, Paris (AEF), Fonds Administration Générale, B34015. [23] Jeanneney Jeanneney, J.-N. 1976. François de Wendel en République. L'Argent et le pouvoir, 1914–1940, Paris: Seuil. [Google Scholar], François de Wendel en République, 195. [24] Cited in Jeanneney, François de Wendel en République, 190. [25] For details of the German, Austrian and Dutch financial institutions that had speculated against the franc and that now got their fingers burnt, see Jeanneney, L'argent caché, 223–7; also Maier Maier, C. 1975. Recasting Bourgeois Europe: Stabilization in France and Italy after World War 1, Princeton: Princeton University Press. [Google Scholar], Recasting Bourgeois Europe, 459–62. [26] Mouré Mouré, K. 2002. "The Gold Standard Illusion: France and the Gold Standard in an Era of Currency Instability, 1914–1939". In Crisis and Renewal in France 1918–1962, Edited by: Mouré, K. and Alexander, M. 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For other examples of Poincaré's preference for states of a 'latin' culture above the Anglo-Saxons, see Keiger Keiger, J. 2008. "Raymond Poincaré". In Mental Maps in the Era of Two World Wars, Edited by: Casey, S. and Wright, J. London: Palgrave. [Crossref] , [Google Scholar], 'Raymond Poincaré', 10–11. [31] Mouré Mouré, K. 1996. Undervaluing the Franc Poincaré. Economic History Review, XLIX(I): 137–53. [Google Scholar], 'Undervaluing the Franc Poincaré', 137. [32] See AEF, B 32335, Fonds Trésor, Bulletins mensuels de la Direction Générale du Mouvement des Fonds, no. 6, 10 June 1927, 4; no. 11, 20 January 1928, 4. These extremely informative secret bulletins on French financial policy were started on 10 January 1927 for internal Ministry use and that of France's financial attachés in embassies abroad. [33] Ibid., Bulletin no. 11, 20 January 1928, 6. [34] See diplomatic despatches and reports by the Deuxième Bureau of the War Ministry in MAE, Série Y, Internationale 1918–1940, vol. 226, Finances publiques françaises. [35] Nurkse Nurkse, R. 1985. "The Gold Exchange Standard' (reprinted from the League of Nations, International Currency Experience, Geneva, League of Nations, 1944, pp. 27–46)". In The Gold Standard in Theory and History Edited by: Eichengreen, B. New York: Methuen [Google Scholar], 'The Gold Exchange Standard', 205. [36] Skidelsky, Politicians and the Slump, 283; Boyce, Great Interwar Crisis, 159 for examples of Montagu Norman's opposition to loans to the French, 159. [37] AEF, B 32335, Fonds Trésor, Bulletins mensuels DGMF, no. 6, 10 June 1927, 4. [38] Skidelsky, Politicians and the Slump, 283. [39] Turner, The Cost of War, 238. [40] On this, see Turner, The Cost of War, 232–64. [41] Paul Cambon-Affaires étrangères, 11 November 1902, Ministère des Affaires étrangères (MAE), Grande Bretagne, Nouvelle série (N.S.) 31, document in Poidevin, Finances et relations internationales, 74. [42] Paul Cambon-Presidence du conseil (Rouvier), 20 October 1905, document in Ibid., 77. [43] Paul Cambon-Affaires étrangères, 20 October 1906, document in Ibid., 78–9. [44] Paul Cambon-Affaires étrangères, 23 January 1907, document in Ibid., 79. [45] Paul Cambon-Affaires étrangères, 26 November 1907, document in Ibid., 80–1. [46] Germain Germain, R. A. 'Financial Governance in Historical Perspective: Lessons from the 1920s'. [cited 25 September 2009]. Available from http://www.cpsa-acsp.ca/papers-2008/Germain.pdf; INTERNET. [Google Scholar], 'Financial Governance in Historical Perspective: Lessons from the 1920s', 6. [47] Boyce, 'Why International Finance Mattered', 182; Boyce, Great Interwar Crisis, 145. 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The Decline and Fall of a Great Power, Edited by: Boyce, R. London: Routledge. [Google Scholar], 'Business as Usual', 108–9. [54] On this, see Boyce, Great Interwar Crisis, 162–4. [55] Ibid., 165. [56] Nurkse, 'The Gold Exchange Standard', 209–13, which blames France for sealing the fate of the gold exchange standard when she decided in 1928 to take nothing but gold in settlement of the enormous capital inflows to Paris. [57] League of Nations, World Economic Survey, 1931–1932, 39, cited in Skidelsky, Politicians and the Slump, 116. [58] Quoted in Turner, The Cost of War, 240; for other examples of Montagu Norman's Francophobia and frustration at France's new financial power, Ibid., 240–3. [59] Bank of France (1932), 9, quoted in Nurkse, 'The Gold Exchange Standard', 224, note 6, 212. [60] Boyce, 'Business as Usual', 117. [61] Skidelsky, Politicians and the Slump, 116, quoting Clay, Lord Norman, 252. By 20 September 1929, the Bank Rate had been raised to 6.5% to defend sterling. [62] Skidelsky, Politicians and the Slump, 117. The Bank Rate gradually eased to 3%; Boyce, 'Why International Finance Mattered', 188. [63] Nurkse, 'Gold Exchange Standard', 213. [64] Robert Boyce cites other examples of French officials wishing to wield the financial weapon against Germany and Britain in 1930 and 1931, only to be halted by more cautious French political leaders, Boyce, 'Business as Usual', 118–22. He also cites examples from the spring of 1931 'when France did in fact seek to use its massive financial resources to reinforce aspects of its foreign policy' first against Austria, by attaching political demands to Austria's request for help in supporting its currency, and then against Germany which was required by French premier Pierre Laval and finance minister Pierre-Etienne Flandin to make a commitment to adhere to the post-war political settlement in exchange for granting a large international loan to enable Germany to remain on the gold standard. In the face of financial pressure threatening to drive sterling off the gold standard in July 1931, French political leaders wished to use French advantage to secure a tighter political entente with her, something they had vainly sought since the end of the war. Boyce, 'Why International Finance Mattered', 188–9. [65] Skidelsky, Politicians and the Slump, 141; Eichengreen, 'Editor's Introduction', 22. [66] Eichengreen, 'Editor's Introduction', 22. [67] Ibid., 24. [68] Boyce, Great Interwar Crisis, 17, but he claims that French action was inadvertent. [69] Boyce demonstrates that the great interwar crisis, which included the slump and led to the Second World War, was not merely the coincidence of two discrete crises, one economic and the other political, but a single crisis in which economic and political events reacted upon one another' in both directions leading to a radical breakdown of the international order, Great Interwar Crisis, 7–8.

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