Beyond Christian Democracy? Welfare State Politics and Policy in a Changing CDU
2013; Routledge; Volume: 22; Issue: 1-2 Linguagem: Inglês
10.1080/09644008.2013.787595
ISSN1743-8993
Autores Tópico(s)Social Policy and Reform Studies
ResumoAbstract Germany's CDU encapsulates the core dilemma facing all of continental European Christian Democracy. The religiously based brand of welfare capitalism that traditionally set these parties apart is being undermined by broad socio-economic and political trends. Yet resulting pressures to shift towards neoliberalism have run up against public ambivalence, partisan competition, and – above all – a consensual dynamic within Christian Democratic factionalism. In the CDU's case, cross-cutting external pressures on its social market model have undercut a long dominant internal factional coalition, which has made way for shifting, ad hoc internal alliances under a leadership only vaguely committed to the classic Christian Democratic welfare state, yet leery of fully abandoning it. Since 2000 the CDU has thus lurched towards neoliberalism, pulled back, and even embraced some social democratic recipes. This article examines this programmatic and policy experimentation in order to help assess whether Christian Democracy in Germany (and beyond) remains a distinct force, or is instead degenerating into mere opportunistic centrism. Notes R. Harmel and A. Tan, 'Party Actors and Party Change: Does Factional Dominance Matter?', European Journal of Political Research 42/3 (2003), pp. 409–24, here p. 419. A. Panebianco, Political Parties: Organisation and Power (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), p. 242. Panebianco defines the dominant coalition as more than leaders of formal party organs, e.g. its executive or legislative caucus, but also as those who head up its affiliated organisations or at local branch levels and together control its 'vital zones of uncertainty'. Ibid., pp. 37–40, 168–73. Harmel and Tan, 'Party Actors', p. 419. S. Kalyvas, The Rise of Christian Democracy in Europe (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1996), p. 256. P. Alberti and R. Leonardi, 'The Consociational Construction of Christian Democracy', in S. van Ecke and E. Gerard (eds), Christian Democratic Parties in Europe since the End of the Cold War (Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2004), pp. 21–42. M. Gallagher, M. Laver and P. Mair, Representative Government in Modern Europe: Institutions, Parties and Governments (Boston, MA: McGraw Hill, 2006), p. 245. Kalyvas, The Rise of Christian Democracy, p. 1; K. van Kersbergen, 'The Distinctiveness of Christian Democracy', in M. Hanley (ed.), Christian Democracy in Europe: A Comparative Perspective (London: Pinter, 1994), pp. 32–5. Ibid, p. 36. Alberti and Leonardi, 'The Social Construction of Christian Democracy', p. 34. T. Frey, Die Christdemokratie in Westeuropa: Der schmale Grat zum Erfolg (Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2009), p. 161. The Christian Democratic model will be used here interchangeably with van Kersbergen's term social capitalism; see K. van Kersbergen, Social Capitalism: A Study of Christian Democracy and the Welfare State (London: Routledge, 1995). It can be considered a subset of Esping-Andersen's continental conservative welfare state, leaning more towards the latter's corporatist variant than to its etatist Bismarckian version. See also G. Esping Andersen, The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1990), pp. 38–41. While these core concepts mainly come from Catholic doctrine, it has been argued that they could also have roots in state Lutheranism or even Calvinism, but in any case are at least compatible with Protestant ethics. K. van Kersbergen and P. Manow (eds), Religion, Class Coalitions, and Welfare States (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009). Van Kersbergen, Social Capitalism, p. 190. M. Seeleib-Kaiser and S. van Dyk, Party Politics and Social Welfare: Comparing Christian and Social Democracy in Austria, Germany and the Netherlands (Cheltenham: Edward Elgar, 2009), p. xvii. Van Kersbergen, Social Capitalism, pp. 188–90. Ibid., p. 245; K. van Kersbergen, 'The Christian Democratic Phoenix and Modern Unsecular Parties', Party Politics 14/3 (2008), pp. 259–79, here p. 264; emphasis original. S. Stjerno, Solidarity in Europe: The History of an Idea (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), p. 330. Frey, Die Christdemokratie, pp. 36–8. F. Duncan, 'A Decade of Christian Democratic Decline: The Dilemmas of the CDU, ŐVP and CDA in the 1990s', Government and Opposition 41/4 (2006), pp. 469–90, here p. 471. E. Gerard and S. van Hecke, 'European Christian Democracy in the 1990s: Toward a Comparative Approach', in Gerard and van Hecke (eds), Christian Democratic Parties in Europe, p. 308. Cited in D. Hanley, 'Christian Democracy and the Paradoxes of Europeanization: Flexibility, Competition and Collusion', Party Politics 8/4 (2002), pp. 463–81, here p. 465; Duncan, 'A Decade of Christian Democratic Decline', p. 483. S. Häuserman, The Politics of Welfare State Reform in Continental Europe: Modernization in Hard Times (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), p. 2; emphasis original. N. Huntington and T. Bale, 'New Labour: New Christian Democracy?', Political Quarterly 73/1 (2002), pp. 44–50; Seeleib-Kaiser and van Dyk, Party Politics and Social Welfare, p. 161. K. van Kersbergen and A. Hemerijck, 'Christian Democracy, Social Democracy and the Continental "Welfare without Work" Syndrome', Social Policy Review 16 (2004), pp. 167–86, here p. 183. Ahlen's preamble declared: 'The capitalist economic system is not suitable for the state and social interests of the German people … The content and goal of our new social and economic order cannot be the capitalist quest for profit and power, but only the well-being of our people.' It went on to call for a 'communal economic order' that respected human rights and dignity, including specific measures for protecting workers and limiting big industry. See P. Hintze (ed.), Die CDU Parteiprogramme: Eine Dokumentation der Ziele und Aufgaben (Bonn: Bouvier, 1995), pp. 15–27. This reservation was most famously expressed in Erhard's own insistence that the market was already in effect social and did not need to be made social. See A. Mierzejewski, Ludwig Erhard: A Biography (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2004), p. 31. The more pragmatic view was more associated with Erhard's colleague, economist Ferdinand Muller-Armack, often credited with first defining the social market concept. See J. van Hook, Rebuilding Germany: The Creation of the Social Market Economy, 1945–1957 (Cambridge: Cambridge Press, 2004). 'As might be expected, the Catholic demand for "Christian socialism" could be found in just about none of the [CDU's] predominantly Protestant founding groups. Instead protection of private property had a higher value. Yet the Protestant founders also by no means propagated unbridled liberalism. As with the Weimar conservatives, they also called for a social balance, albeit implying this with only vague formulations.' See F. Bösch, Die Adenauer CDU: Gründung, Aufstieg und Krise einer Erfolgspartei, 1945–1969 (Stuttgart: DVA, 2001), p. 41. On the CSU, see the contribution by Zolleis and Wertheimer in this collection. Alberti and Leonardi, 'The Social Construction of Christian Democracy', pp. 36–7. K. Dümig, M. Trefs and R. Zohlnhöfer, 'Die Faktionen der CDU: Bändigung durch institutionalisierte Einbindung', in P. Köllner, M. Basedau and G. Erdmann (eds), Innerparteiliche Machtgruppen: Faktionalismus im internationalen Vergleich (Frankfurt: Campus Verlag, 2006), pp. 119–20; S. Wiliarty, The CDU and the Politics of Gender in Germany: Bringing Women to the Party (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010). J. Schmid, Die CDU: Organisationsstrukturen, Politiken und Funktionswesen einer Partei im Föderalismus (Opladen: Leske + Budich, 1990), pp. 256–88. The first Grand Coalition, for example, supplemented insurance-based transfers with tax revenue, granted workers sick pay closer to that of salaried employees and even flirted with Keynesian stimulus. The SPD–FDP government extended social insurance to new recipients, and raised benefits by indexing more of them to prices. Stjerno, Solidarity in Europe, pp. 212–16. J. Schmid, 'Mehrfache Desillusionierung und Ambivalenz: Eine sozialpolitische Bilanz', in G. Wewer et al. (eds), Bilanz der Ära Kohl (Opladen: Leske + Budrich, 1998), p. 91. '[The program was] shaped in essence by ordo-liberal and Christian-social maxims … and is thus mainly a document of continuity.' U. Sarcinelli, 'Das Grundsatzprogramm der CDU', in H. Knaack and R. Roth (eds), Handbuch des deutschen Parteiensystems, Vol. 2 (Opladen: UTB Leske, 1980), pp. 57–82. Hintze, Die CDU, pp. 203–29. Based on a content analysis of CDU programmes, Padgett notes that 'its strongest market orientation was in the election of 1983, when a return to government was accompanied by a rhetorical commitment to economic liberalism. Even then, however, market advocacy (20 percent of programme content) was tempered with continued emphasis on welfare (10 percent).' S. Padgett, 'The Party Politics of Economic Reform: Public Opinion, Party Positions and Partisan Cleavages', German Politics 14/2 (2005), pp. 248–74, here p. 258. Schmid, 'Mehrfache Desillusionierung', p. 91. As Schmid adds, the ambiguity of subsidiarity so fit Kohl's style that 'had it not long been a CDU concept [he] would have to have invented it'. 'Social-market economics has permitted a basic societal consensus, upon which we became one of the world's leading industrialised nations … we do not want to leave the weakest among us on the roadside. For us that is a natural imperative of humane solidarity.' CDU-Bundesgeschäftsstelle, Protokoll: 33. Bundesparteitag, Essen, 20–22 March 1985, p. 28. 'Advocates of a very pure doctrine of market economics – frequently without the preface "social" – naturally have it easier when they speak about our actions from the ivory tower of a university. They will encourage us to proceed very decisively to cut the social-safety net deeply. And when the election is over we will get a front-page obituary … CDU-Bundesschäftsstelle, Protokoll, Wiesbaden, 1988, p. 110. F. Bösch, Macht und Machtverlust: Die Geschichte der CDU (Stuttgart: DVA, 2002), p. 48. Ibid., pp. 55–6. M. Schmidt, 'Sozialstaatliche Politik in der Ära Kohl', in Wewer et al. (eds), Bilanz der Ära Kohl, p. 71. U. Götting, K. Haug and K. Hinrichs, 'The Long Road to Long-Term Care Insurance in Germany', Journal of Public Policy 14/3 (1994), pp. 285–309, here pp. 287, 292–3, 302–03. I. Reichart-Dreyer, Macht und Demokratie in der CDU: Dargestellt am Prozess und Ergebnis der Meinungsbildung zum Grundsatzprogramm 1994 (Wiesbaden: VS Verlag, 1994). Schmidt, 'Sozialstaatliche Politik in der Ära Kohl', pp. 76–82. Ibid., pp. 78, 76. Schmid, 'Mehrfache Desillusionierung', p. 106. In 2004, 82 per cent of CDU voters agreed that 'The state must see to it that one is taken care of in cases of sickness, emergency, joblessness and old age' – down from 91 per cent in 1984 and 82 per cent in 1994, but still overwhelming. Shares for easterners were 97 per cent in 1994 and 91 per cent in 2004. Data from Allbus cited in F. Pappi, 'CSU und CDU-Wählerschaften im sozialstrukturellen Vergleich', Aktuelle Analysen 57 (2011), Hanns-Seidel-Stiftung, p. 19. F. Merz, Mut zur Zukunft: Wie Deutschland wieder an die Spitze kommt (Munich: Goldmann, 2002); F. Merz, Mehr Kapitalismus wagen: Wege zu einer gerechten Gesellschaft (Munich: Piper, 2008). According to one in-depth study, the share of upper-level salaried employees among CDU members had risen to 29 per cent by 1993 and would soar to 46 per cent by 2006, while corresponding percentages of lower-level employees, self-employed, workers and farmers were steadily dropping. V. Neu, Die Mitglieder der CDU: Eine Umfrage der Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung Zukunftsforum Politik (Sankt-Augustin: KAS, 2007), p. 15. C. Trampusch, Der erschöpfte Sozialstaat: Transformation eines Politikfeldes (Frankfurt: Campus, 2009), p. 190. The CDU member analysis put those in the market wing at about one-third, with the social wing and conservatives at around a quarter each, and progressives about one-fifth. Neu, Die Mitglieder der CDU, pp. 15, 45–6. Schmid, 'Mehrfache Desillusionierung', p. 103. M. Lohmann, Das Kreuz mit dem C: Wie christlich ist die Union? (Kevelear: Butzen und Bercker, 2009), p. 92. As one analyst noted, for CDU conservatives, neoliberal globalised capitalism 'restricts the space for the old Heimat, reduces time for the conventional family, shrinks the sovereignty of the overwhelmed nation state, and leaves little spiritual room for the Christian mystery'. Especially among the CDU's most loyal backers, older conservatives, there were few 'radical deregulators and bold apostles of competition', and little passion for 'exhortations for self-responsibility', but instead fans of 'security within one's own four walls and state protection from poverty in old age', indeed a state that is 'compassionate, protective'. In short, the Union's conservatives were marked by scepticism of modernity and 'cultural distance to a value free reduction of everything to economics'. F. Walter, Baustelle Deutschland (Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, 2008), pp. 169–71. U. Schmidt, Von der Blockpartei zur Volkspartei? Die Ost-CDU in Umbruch 1989–94 (Opladen: VS Verlag, 1997), pp. 139; C. Trampusch, 'From Interest Groups to Parties: The Change in the Career Patterns of the Legislative Elite in German Social Policy', German Politics 14/1 (2005), pp. 14–32, here pp. 18, 25. Trampusch, Der erschöpfte Sozialstaat. J. Möller, 'Es war ein Hauch von Leipzig', Welt-online, 24 Oct. 2005, available from http://www.welt.de/172947. Trampusch, Der erschöpfte Sozialstaat, p. 188. Merkel had divorced her first husband and lived with Joachim Sauer for years before they married; neither couple had children. W. Ockenfels, Das hohe C: Wohin steuert die CDU? (Augsburg: Sankt Ulrich Verlag, 2009), pp. 74–84. Early on the former included her first general-secretary, Laurenz Meyer, and close confidante Hildegard Müller, while the latter included Ronald Pofalla – who notably would remain within her coterie much longer. Bösch, Macht und Machtverlust, pp. 62–3. Schmid, 'Mehrfache Desillusionierung', pp. 102–07. One editorial entitled 'Trading Places' observed: 'It is as if opposing armies have marched past one another in the fog, and each finds itself in the other's lines.' Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 24 June 2001, p. 1; another proclaimed 'Union in the Left Lane' (Die Welt, 11 Aug. 1999, p. 10). Cited in D. Siems, 'Von Schröders Schelte zur Merz-Revolution', Die Welt, 21 April 2001, p. 4. CDU, Beschluss des 13. Parteitages der CDU Deutschlands zur 'Essener Erklärung', available from http://www.kas.de/upload/ACDP/CDU/Programme_Beschluesse/2000_1_essener_erklaerung.pdf. CDU, 'Beschluss des Bundesvorstandes: Riesters Rentenpläne sind nach wie vor nicht akzeptabel', Mainz, 15 Jan. 2001, available from http://www.cdu.de/doc/pdfc/riesters_rentenplaene.pdf (accessed 1 March 2012). On pensions, for example, the Union manifesto merely stated that 'capitalized elements of company-based and individual private coverage will have a bigger role in the future', and promised 'necessary corrections' in the 'insufficient' demographic factor. CDU, 'Für Wachstum -Sozial ist, was Arbeit schafft. Gemeinsamer Beschluss der Präsidien von CDU und CSU', 4 May 2003, available from http://www.cdu.de/tagesthema/beschluss_strukturreformen.pdf (accessed 1 March 2012). This slogan is often said to date from the Weimar era German right, but was also later used by a business group for its pro-social market economics initiative launched in 2000 and in the Union's 2002 campaign. Critics call it an effort to redefine job creation generated by the quest for profit as a substitute for genuine social protection. CDU, 'Bericht der Kommission "Soziale Sicherheit" zur Reform der sozialen Sicherungsysteme', 29 Sept. 2003, available from http://www.cdu.de/tagesthema/30_09_03_soziale_sicherheit.pdf (accessed 1 March 2012). A. Merkel, 'Quo vadis Deutschland? Gedanken zum 13. Jahrestag der Deutschen Einheit', speech given at Deutsches Historisches Museum Berlin, 1 Oct. 2003, available from http://www.cdu.de/tagesthema/01_10_03_quo_vadis_deutschland_rede_fv.pdf (accessed 1 March 2012). U. Schemmer cited in Agence-France-Presse, 'CDU-Spitze nimmt Reformvorschläge der Herzog-Kommission an', 6 Oct. 2003 (accessed online via LexisNexis Academic, 16 April 2013). Cited in taz, 9 Oct. 2003, p. 4; Agence France Presse, 7 Oct. 2003 (accessed online via LexisNexis Academic, 16 April 2013). Beschluss des 17. Parteitages der CDU Deutschlands 2003, 'Deutschland fair ändern', available from http://www.grundsatzprogramm.cdu.de/doc/deutschlandfairaendern.pdf; Protokoll, 17. Parteitag der CDU Deutschlands, Leipzig, 1–2 Dec. 2003, Leipzig, 116ff, available from http://www.kas.de/upload/ACDP/CDU/Protokolle_Parteitage/2003-12-01+02_Protokoll_17.Parteitag_Leipzig.pdf. Interview in Der Spiegel, 6 Dec. 2004, p. 24. 'No sooner does the Union get the reputation of forcing bold and socially unbalanced reforms, than its internal power balance is thrown into disequilibrium and externally its voting base erodes', forcing the party to try 'preserving its compassionate profile'. J. Schneider, 'In einem Land vor unserer Zeit', Süddeutsche Zeitung, 26 April 2005, p. 4. C. Schütte, 'Zutrauen oder zumuten?', Financial Times-Deutschland, 27 June 2005, available from http://www.ftd.de/premium/audio/kolumne/:christian-schuette-zumuten-oder-zutrauen-audio/12028.html (accessed April 2013). One report even quoted Merkel as asking colleagues 'We want to win the election, right?', and adding 'My courage reaches far, but not so far as to cut pensions'. Cited in 'Reformerin-light', Der Spiegel, 11 July 2005, available from http://www.spiegel.de/spiegel/print/d-41028259.html (accessed April 2013). 'The Union did not succeed in conceiving a governing programme that could be presented as socially balanced. Its social component was limited to the slogan "that which creates jobs is social" – and that "minimalist strategy" failed.' M. Jung and A. Wolf, 'Die Wählerwille erzwingt die grosse Koalition', Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte B51–2 (2005), p. 5. P. Missfelder, cited in Die Welt, 21 Oct. 2005; Party officials cited in Die Welt, 6 Oct. 2005 (accessed online via LexisNexis Academic, 16 April 2013). The SPD's concept of citizens' insurance envisioned a much broader financing pool, namely one that required contributions not just from employers and employees, but from two groups outside the statutory system: civil servants and those wealthy enough to afford fully private coverage. MIT chair J. Schlarmann cited in Focus, 21 Oct. 2005, p. 32. E. Lohse and M. Wehner, Rosenkrieg: Die grosse Koalition 2005–2009 (Cologne: Fackelträger, 2009), p. 75. Initiative neue Soziale Marktwirtschaft, 'Rente mit 67 – Norbert Blüm contra Philipp Mißfelder', 12 June 2007, Kaiserin Friedrich Stiftung, Berlin. M. Haverland and S. Stiller, 'The Grand Coalition and Pension and Health Care Reform', German Politics 19/3–4 (2010), pp. 429–45, here pp. 434–5. See also Laumann's comment in Soziale Ordnung 4 (2010), p. 3. A. Hartmann, 'Die Gesundheitsreform der Grossen Koalition: Kleinster gemeinsamer Nenner oder offenes Hintertürchen?' in C. Egle and R. Zohlnhöfer (eds), Die zweite Grosse Koalition: Eine Bilanz der Regierung Merkel, 2005–2009 (Wiesbaden: VS Verlag, 2010), p. 344; Trampusch, Die erschöpfte Sozialstaat, p. 15. N. Bandelow, F. Eckert and R. Rüsenberg, 'Reform (un)möglichkeiten in der Gesundheitspolitik', Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte B/45 (2010), p. 8. F. Walter, 'Troubadour gegen den Neoliberalismus', Focus, 10 Sept. 2007, available from http://www.spiegel.de/politik/deutschland/buchautor-ruettgers-troubadour-gegen-den-neoliberalismus-a-504798.html (accessed April 2013). J. Rüttgers, Die Marktwirtschaft muss sozial bleiben: Eine Streitschrift (Cologne: Kiepenhauer and Witsch, 2007). P. Müller in CDU, Protokoll des 20. Parteitag der CDU Deutschlands, 27–28 Nov. 2006, Dresden, p. 50. A. Merkel, Speech to the Federal Committee of the CDU, 20 Feb. 2006. G. Mayntz, 'Hannover ist programmatisch weit von Leipzig entfernt', Rheinische Post, 4 Dec. 2007 (accessed online via LexisNexis Academic, 16 April 2013). 'Die Rente mit 67 muss flexibel werden', Die Welt, 30 Nov. 2007 (accessed online via LexisNexis Academic, 16 April 2013). Walter, 'Troubadour gegen den Neoliberalismus'. 'Zwei Jahre schwarz-gelbe Koalition: Von der Leyens Bürokratie-Monster', Süddeutsche Zeitung, 28 Oct. 2011, available from http://www.sueddeutsche.de/politik/zwei-jahre-schwarz-gelbe-koalition-sie-wollten-viel-wir-bekamen-wenig-1.1175717-4 (accessed April 2013). CDU-backed maternity leave and benefit made it easier for women to balance work with child-rearing, but also 'reinforced the traditional [male–female] division of labour' and was biased towards 'supporting families that chose to personally care for their children'. M. Seeleib-Kaiser, 'Socio-Economic Change, Party Competition and Intra-Party Conflict: The Family Policy of the Grand Coalition', German Politics 19/3–4 (2010), pp. 416–28, here pp. 417–18. 'Lust auf Familie, Lust auf Verantwortung: Beschluss des Bundesausschusses der CDU Deutschlands', Berlin, 13 Dec. 1999. One pro-business editorial board insisted that Germany's economic competitiveness required getting more qualified women in the workforce, which in turn necessitated treating child care more 'as a task for the state and no longer primarily as a private pleasure'. It took the Union to task for still clinging to a traditional family model and supporting only subsidies for mothers rather than expanded day care, noting that without such facilities women really had few choices. 'Kinder und Karriere', Financial Times-Deutschland, 3 Sept. 2002, available from http://www.ftd.de/politik/deutschland/:familienpolitik-kinder-und-karriere/1030954730175.html (accessed April 2013). Saxony's culture minister Steffen Flath cited in ibid, p. 78. A. Henninger and A. von Wahl, 'Das Umspielen von Veto-Spielern: Wie eine konservative Familienministerin den Familialismus des deutschen Wohlfahrtstaates unterminiert', in Egle and Zohlnhöfer (eds), Die Zweite Grosse Koalition, pp. 361–78. Ibid., p. 361; Seeleib-Kaiser, 'Socio-Economic Change', pp. 423–5. The CDU's Catholic Centre predecessor, which survived as a splinter party, condemned von der Leyen's reforms as 'damaging subsidiarity, as the state takes on more and more of the task of raising children that the family could perform just as well'. Federal Executive of the German Centre Party, 'Resolution der deutschen Zentrumspartei zur aktuellen Familienpolitik', 27 April 2008, available from http://www.zentrum-rlp.de/programme/resolution/index.php, accessed 1 March 2012. A study chaired by Biedenkopf cited these reforms in calling for a new concept of subsidiarity, based no longer solely on the nuclear family, but on 'small living circles' that might include extended family, friends, neighbours, volunteer groups, charities, etc. all supported legally and financially by local government. K. Biedenkopf, H. Bertram and E. Niejahr, Starke Familie: Solidarität, Subsidiarität und kleine Lebenskreise: Bericht der Kommission 'Familie und demographischer Wandel' (Robert Bosch Stiftung, 2008), available from http://www.bosch-stiftung.de/content/language1/html/25177.asp (accessed 1 March 2012). See Ockenfels, Das hohe C and Lohmann, Das Kreuz mit dem C. One large party pamphlet offered the thoughts of every federal executive committee member on this topic. CDU Bundesgeschäftsstelle, Was das 'C' für mich bedeutet [date unknown]. Agence France Presse, quoting Handelsblatt, 6 Oct. 2003, (accessed online via LexisNexis Academic, 16 April 2013). M. Schmidt, 'Die Sozialpolitik der zweiten Grossen Koalition (2005 bis 2009)', in Egle and Zohlnhöfer, Die zweite Grosse Koalition, p. 307. S. Reinecke, 'Angela Merkel sitzt die Union aus', Die Tageszeitung, 7 Sept. 2009, available from http://vlex.de/vid/angela-merkel-sitzt-die-union-aus-66294873 (accessed April 2013).
Referência(s)