The State in Times of Statebuilding
2008; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 10; Issue: 4 Linguagem: Inglês
10.1080/13698240802354466
ISSN1743-968X
Autores Tópico(s)Global Peace and Security Dynamics
ResumoAbstract This article explores the effects of the contemporary politics of statebuilding on the non-western state. The main argument is that the corresponding strategies of external institution building and/or the international substitution of state functions entail contradictions that inherently limit the chances of an external strengthening of stateness. Statebuilding is constrained, first, by the statebuilders' own social logics limiting their scope and, second, by the incapacity of statebuilding practices to generate the local legitimacy necessary for stable political rule. Despite these limits, statebuilding discourses and practices nonetheless have a strong influence on the non-western state. The state-in-society conception applied to study these effects suggests that statebuilding results in a simultaneous internationalisation and informalisation of the non-western state, i.e., in its enduring determination by international agencies and its constant bending, circumvention and contestation by informal local practices. Notes 1. See, e.g., the contributions in David Chandler (ed.) Peace without Politics? Ten Years of International State-Building in Bosnia (London: Routledge 2006). 2. Cf. in more detail Christopher J. Bickerton, 'State-building: Exporting State Failure' in Christopher J. Bickerton, Philip Cunliffe and Alexander Gourevitch (eds) Politics without Sovereignty: A Critique of Contemporary International Relations (Abingdon and New York: UCL P 2007) pp.94–96; David Chandler, Empire in Denial: The Politics of State-Building (London: Pluto P 2006) pp.2–4; Neil Robinson, 'State-building and International Politics: The Emergence of a "New" Problem and Agenda' in Aidan Hehir and Neil Robinson (eds) State-building: Theory and Practice (London: Routledge 2007) pp.1–28. 3. Francis Fukuyama, Staaten bauen. Die neue Herausforderung internationaler Politik (Berlin: Propyläen 2004). 4. World Bank, The State in a Changing World 1997. World Development Report 1997 (New York: Oxford UP 1997) p.1. 5. UN Millennium Project, Investing in Development: A Practical Plan to Achieve the Millennium Development Goals (London: Earthscan 2005) pp.110–25. 6. E.g., UN, A more secure world: Our shared responsibility, Report of the Secretary-General's High-Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change (New York, Dec. 2004), online at < http://www.un.org/secureworld/report2.pdf>, p.14. 7. For example Robert I. Rotberg, 'The Failure and Collapse of Nation States' in Marianne Beisheim and Gunnar Folke Schuppert (eds) Staatszerfall und Governance (Baden-Baden: Nomos 2007) p.85; Fukuyama (note 3) pp.168–69. 8. US Government, The National Security Strategy of the United States of America (Washington, DC, Sept. 2002, online at < http://www.whitehouse.gov/nsc/nss.pdf>, p.1.; EU, A Secure Europe in a Better World: European Security Strategy (Brussels, 12 Dec. 2003), online at < http://ue.eu.int/uedocs/cmsUpload/78367.pdf>, p.4. 9. Michael Ignatieff, 'State Failure and Nation-building' in J. L. Holzgrefe and Robert O. Keohane (eds) Humanitarian Intervention: Ethical, Legal, and Political Dilemmas (Cambridge: Cambridge UP 2003) p.306. 10. Roger MacGinty and Oliver P. Richmond, 'Myth or Reality: Opposing Views on the Liberal Peace and Post-war Reconstruction', Global Society 21/4 (2007) p.491. See further Oliver P. Richmond, The Transformation of Peace (Basingstoke: Palgrave 2005); Mark Duffield, Global Governance and the New Wars: The Merging of Development and Security (London and New York: Zed 2001); Roland Paris, 'Peacebuilding and the Limits of Liberal Internationalism', International Security 22/2 (1997) pp.54–89. 11. Francis Fukuyama, '"Stateness" First', Journal of Democracy 16/1 (2005) p.84. 12. Roland Paris, At War's End: Building Peace after Civil Conflict (Cambridge: Cambridge UP 2004) p.205. 13. Bickerton (note 2) p.107. 14. Marina Ottaway, 'Rebuilding State Institutions in Collapsed States', Development and Change 33/5 (2002) p.1004. 15. The World Bank's shift in 1999 from Structural Adjustment Programmes to Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers exemplifies this; see Rita Abrahamsen, 'The Power of Partnerships in Global Governance', Third World Quarterly 25/8 (2004) pp.1452–67; Alastair Fraser, 'Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers: Now Who Calls the Shots?', Review of African Political Economy 104/5 (2005) pp.317–40. 16. Klaus Schlichte and Alex Veit, Coupled Arenas: Why State-building is So Difficult (Berlin: Junior Research Group 'Micropolitics of Armed Groups', Humboldt U 2007), online at < http://www2.hu-berlin.de/mikropolitik/downloads/03-07_Coupled_Arenas.pdf>, p.2. 17. Klaus Schlichte and Alex Veit, Coupled Arenas: Why State-building is So Difficult (Berlin: Junior Research Group 'Micropolitics of Armed Groups', Humboldt U 2007), online at http://www2.hu-berlin.de/mikropolitik/downloads/03-07_Coupled_Arenas.pdf p.12. 18. Cf., e.g., Jens Stilhoff Sörensen, 'Balkanism and the New Radical Interventionism: A Structural Critique', International Peacekeeping 9/1 (2002) pp.1–22. 19. Cf. the critique of master cleavages by Stathis N. Kalyvas, 'The Ontology of "Political Violence": Action and Identity in Civil Wars', Perspectives on Politics 1/3 (2003) pp.475–94. 20. Schlichte and Veit (note 16) p.13. 21. Schlichte and Veit (note 16) p.13 22. Chandler (note 2) p.72. 23. James C. Scott, Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed (New Haven and London: Yale UP 1998); cf. also John D. Heathershaw, Seeing like the International Community: How Peacebuilding Failed (and Survived) in Tajikistan, Paper presented to the Special Section 'Post-conflict Spaces in IR', Annual Meeting of the International Studies Association, Chicago, 28 Feb.–3 Mar. 2007. 24. International Monetary Fund, Bosnia and Herzegovina: Selected Economic Issues, Country Report 05/198 (2005) pp.87–96. Cf. also Berit Bliesemann de Guevara, 'Material Reproduction and Stateness in Bosnia and Herzegovina' in Michael Pugh, Neil Cooper and Mandy Turner (eds) Whose Peace? Critical Perspectives on the Political Economy of Peacebuilding (Basingstoke: Palgrave 2008, forthcoming). 25. Working Group Political Analysis, Arithmetic of Irresponsibility: When and How to Make a Functional Transition of Responsibilities from the International Community to the Local Authorities (Sarajevo: Friedrich Ebert Foundation 2005) pp.12–16. 26. Schlichte and Veit (note 16) p.14. 27. Interviews: OSCE officers, Sarajevo, Sept. 2005. 28. Michael Martens, 'Teures Experiment mit Milch und Brot. Die bosnische Regierung stürzt über die Mehrwertsteuer', Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung 8 Nov. 2004 p.8. 29. Interview: World Bank, Sarajevo, Aug. 2005. 30. For a comprehensive account of local opinions on external peacebuilding see Roland Kostić, Ambivalent Peace: External Peacebuilding, Threatened Identity and Reconciliation in Bosnia and Herzegovina (Uppsala: Department of Peace and Conflict Research, Uppsala U 2007). 31. Interviews: International Community members, Sarajevo, Sept. 2005. 32. Interviews: International Community members, Sarajevo, Sept. 2005 33. Cf. David Chandler, 'The State-building Dilemma: Good Governance or Democratic Government?' in Aidan Hehir and Neil Robinson (eds) State-building: Theory and Practice (London: Routledge 2007) p.71. 34. Schlichte and Veit (note 16) p.18. 35. Cf. in much more detail Béatrice Pouligny, Peace Operations Seen from Below: UN Missions and Local People (London: Hurst 2006). 36. Schlichte and Veit (note 16) p.20. 37. The Bosnian Constitutional Court's 'Three Constituent Peoples' decision could be seen as a case in point, laying the basis for a sustained cementation of the ethnic principle in all state bureaucracies; see International Crisis Group, Implementing Equality: The 'Constituent Peoples' Decision in Bosnia and Herzegovina (Sarajevo and Brussels: International Crisis Group 2002); David Chandler, 'Imposing the "Rule of Law": The Lessons of BiH for Peacebuilding in Iraq', International Peacekeeping 11/2 (2004) pp.312–33. 38. Kimberley Coles, 'Ambivalent Builders: Europeanization, the Production of Difference, and Internationals in Bosnia-Herzegovina' in Xavier Bougarel, Elissa Helms and Ger Duijzings (eds) The New Bosnian Mosaic: Identities, Memories and Moral Claims in a Post-War Society (Aldershot: Ashgate 2007) pp.255–72. 39. Schlichte and Veit (note 16) p.18. 40. Norbert Elias, Über den Prozeß der Zivilisation. Zweiter Band: Wandlungen der Gesellschaft. Entwurf zu einer Theorie der Zivilisation (Frankfurt a.M.: Suhrkamp 1976) pp.123–311. 41. Jens Siegelberg, 'Staat und internationales System – ein strukturgeschichtlicher Überblick' in Jens Siegelberg and Klaus Schlichte (eds) Strukturwandel internationaler Beziehungen. Zum Verhältnis von Staat und internationalem System seit dem Westfälischen Frieden (Wiesbaden: Westdeutscher Verlag 2000) pp.11–56. 42. Paris (note 12). In the case of Afghanistan, for example, a simultaneous strategy is applied which is equally problematic; see Florian P. Kühn, 'Das Engagement der Europäischen Union zur Demokratisierung Afghanistans' in Annette Jünemann and Michèle Knodt (eds) Externe Demokratieförderung durch die Europäischen Union: European External Democracy Promotion (Baden-Baden: Nomos 2007) pp.161–66. 43. Pierre Bourdieu, Praktische Vernunft. Zur Theorie des Handelns (Frankfurt a.M.: Suhrkamp 1998) p.108. 44. E.g., Conrad Schetter, 'Das Dilemma der Drogenbekämpfung', E + Z Zeitschrift für Entwicklung und Zusammenarbeit 2 (2005). 45. Klaus Schlichte, Der Staat in der Weltgesellschaft. Politische Herrschaft in Asien, Afrika und Lateinamerika (Frankfurt and New York: Campus 2005) p.288. 46. Simon Chesterman, You, The People: The United Nations, Transitional Administration, and State-Building (Oxford: Oxford UP 2004) p.127. 47. Paris (note 12) p.209. 48. E.g., Richard Caplan, 'Who Guards the Guardians? International Accountability in Bosnia' in David Chandler (ed.) Peace without Politics? Ten Years of International State-Building in Bosnia (London: Routledge 2006) pp.157–70. 49. Hence the terms 'protectorate democracy' (Pugh) and 'authoritarian statebuilding' (Knaus and Cox). Cf. Michael Pugh, 'Protectorates and Spoils of Peace: Political Economy in South-east Europe' in Dietrich Jung (ed.) Shadow Globalization, Ethnic Conflicts and New Wars: A Political Economy of Intra-state War (London: Routledge 2003) pp.47–69; Gerald Knaus and Marcus Cox, 'The "Helsinki Moment" in Southeastern Europe', Journal of Democracy 16/1 (2005) pp.39–53. 50. Ashdown was HR between May 2002 and January 2006. 51. E.g., Paris (note 12) p.209. 52. Richmond (note 10) p.227. 53. Fukuyama (note 3) p.57. Cf. Charles Tilly, 'War Making and State Making as Organized Crime' in Peter B. Evans, Dietrich Rueschemeyer and Theda Skocpol (eds) Bringing the State Back In (Cambridge: Cambridge UP 1985) pp.169–91. 54. Cf. in detail Schlichte (note 45). 55. For the case of B-H, see in more detail Bliesemann de Guevara (note 24). 56. Fukuyama (note 3) pp.96–97. 57. Ottaway (note 14) p.1016. 58. Fukuyama (note 11) p.85. 59. Interviews: Sarajevo, Aug. and Sept. 2005. 60. Chesterman (note 46) p.243. 61. Stephen D. Krasner, 'Sharing Sovereignty: New Institutions for Collapsed and Failing States', International Security 29/2 (2004) pp.85–120. 62. Stephen D. Krasner, 'Sharing Sovereignty: New Institutions for Collapsed and Failing States', International Security 29/2 (2004) p.108. 63. Chandler (note 2). 64. Joel S. Migdal and Klaus Schlichte, 'Rethinking the State' in Klaus Schlichte (ed.) The Dynamics of States: The Formation and Crises of State Domination (Aldershot: Ashgate 2005) p.15; cf. also Joel S. Migdal, 'The State in Society: An Approach to Struggles for Domination' in Joel S. Migdal, Atul Kohli and Vivienne Shue (eds) State Power and Social Forces: Domination and Transformation in the Third World (Cambridge: Cambridge UP 1994) pp.7–34; Joel S. Migdal, State in Society: Studying How States and Societies Transform and Constitute One Another (Cambridge: Cambridge UP 2001); Schlichte (note 45). 65. Schlichte (note 45) p.106. 66. Schlichte (note 45) pp.106, 109–10. 67. Migdal and Schlichte (note 64) pp.16–18. 68. Thomas Blom Hansen and Finn Stepputat, 'Introduction: States of Imagination' in Thomas Blom Hansen and Finn Stepputat (eds) States of Imagination: Ethnographic Explorations of the Postcolonial State (Durham, NC, and London: Duke UP 2001) p.34; cf. Jutta Bakonyi and Kirsti Stuvøy, 'Zwischen Warlordfiguration und Quasi-Staat – Ansätze zu einer Typologie bewaffneter Gruppen' in Jutta Bakonyi, Stephan Hensell and Jens Siegelberg (eds) Gewaltordnungen bewaffneter Gruppen. Ökonomie und Herrschaft nichtstaatlicher Akteure in den Kriegen der Gegenwart (Baden-Baden: Nomos 2006) pp.38–52. 69. Roland Paris, 'International Peacebuilding and the "Mission Civilisatrice"', Review of International Studies 28/4 (2002) p.654. 70. See especially: ICISS, The Responsibility to Protect: Report of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (Ottawa, 2001), online at < http://www.iciss.ca/pdf/Commission-Report.pdf>. 71. Chandler (note 2) p.31. For further critique see, e.g., David Chandler, 'The Responsibility to Protect? Imposing the "Liberal Peace"', International Peacekeeping 11/1 (2004) pp.59–81; Philip Cunliffe, 'Sovereignty and the Politics of Responsibility' in Christopher J. Bickerton, Philip Cunliffe and Alexander Gourevitch (eds) Politics without Sovereignty: A Critique of Contemporary International Relations (Abingdon and New York: UCL P 2007) pp.39–57; Philip Cunliffe, 'State-building: Power without responsibility' in Aidan Hehir and Neil Robinson (eds) State-building: Theory and Practice (London: Routledge 2007) pp.50–69. 72. Aidan Hehir, 'Conclusion: From intervention to administration' in Aidan Hehir and Neil Robinson (eds) State-building: Theory and Practice (London: Routledge 2007) p.187. 73. This is not to say that the enormous meaning of politics in statebuilding ceases to exist. Indeed, any international intervention is a highly politicised issue, locally as well as internationally. 74. Chandler (note 2) p.43. 75. The idea of the ensuing consolidation of pre-supposed statehood is not based on a normative belief that the historical West European way is the only model for state formation but rather on the observation that, through the global process of capitalist modernisation, there are not many alternatives to modern stateness, neither in the imaginations of western actors nor of non-western ones. Whereas in western states the bourgeois-capitalist modernity unfolded its potentially pacifying force, non-western states keep struggling to cohere imported institutions and local social forms. Cf. Jens Siegelberg, Kapitalismus und Krieg. Eine Theorie des Krieges in der Weltgesellschaft (Münster and Hamburg: Lit 1994) pp.79–101. 76. Migdal and Schlichte (note 64) pp.27–29. 77. Migdal and Schlichte (note 64) p.27. 78. Migdal and Schlichte (note 64) pp.31–32. 79. Migdal and Schlichte (note 64) pp.14–15. 80. Migdal and Schlichte (note 64) p.15. 81. Migdal and Schlichte (note 64) pp.18–19, 22–26. 82. Cf. Hibou's approach of the 'privatisation of the state'; see Béatrice Hibou, 'The "Privatization" of the State: North Africa in Comparative Perspective' in Klaus Schlichte (ed.) The Dynamics of States: The Formation and Crises of State Domination (Aldershot: Ashgate 2005) pp.71–95. 83. Scott (note 23) pp.351–2. 84. Heathershaw (note 23); cf. François Debrix, Re-envisioning Peacekeeping: The United Nations and the Mobilisation of Ideology (Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P 1999); Schlichte and Veit (note 16) p.28. 85. Heathershaw (note 23) p.15. 86. In more detail, see Bliesemann de Guevara (note 24).
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