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‘The vayle of Eternall memorie’: contesting representations of Queen Elizabeth in English woodcuts

2011; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 27; Issue: 1 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1080/02666281003794192

1943-2178

David Davis,

Folklore, Mythology, and Literature Studies

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes 1 – Stephen Batman (or Bateman). Although this author was known by both Bateman and Batman, I have chosen the latter to identify him in this article, as this was the more common spelling during the Elizabethan period. 2 – Batman used El Cavallero Determinado (Antwerp: J. Steelsius, 1553) for both his translation and the images: Stephen Batman, The travailed pilgrime, bringing newes from all partes of the worlde (London: H. Denham, 1569). See Ruth Luborsky and Elizabeth Ingram, A Guide to English Illustrated Books, 1536–1603, vol. I (Tempe, AZ: Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 1998), pp. 67–8; Susie Speakman Sutch and Anne Lake Prescott, ‘Translation as transformation: Oliver de La Marche's Le chevalier délibéré and its Hapsburg and Elizabethan permutations’, Comparative Literature Studies, 25 (1988), pp. 281–317. 3 – For my purposes here, I distinguish between ‘Death’ the visual and literary figure and ‘death’ the process and event at the end of life. 4 – The intentionality of this erasure is obvious because Death enthroned is removed from another woodcut of a battlefield, first printed in Batman's work, which was reprinted in Munday's text: Anthony Munday, Zelauto. The fountaine of fame (London: J. Charlewood, 1580), p. 47. 5 – Luborsky and Ingram, A Guide to English Illustrated Books, 2 vols; Edward Hodnett, English Woodcuts, 1480–1535 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1935); Ronald B. McKerrow and F.S. Ferguson, Title-Page Borders Used in England & Scotland 1485–1640 (London: Bibliographical Society, 1932 [for 1931]); ibid., Printers’ & Publishers’ Devices in England & Scotland, 1485–1640 (London: Bibliographical Society, 1913). A similar critique is taken up in James Knapp, ‘The bastard art: woodcut illustrations in sixteenth century England’, in Printing and Parenting in Early Modern England, ed. Douglas A. Brooks (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2005), pp. 151–72. 6 – Ruth Luborsky, ‘The pictorial image of the Jew in Elizabethan secular books’, Shakespeare Quarterly, 46 (1995), pp. 449–53; ibid., ‘Connections and disconnections between images and texts: the case of the secular Tudor book illustration’, Word and Image, 3 (1987), pp. 74–83; ibid., ‘The illustrations: their pattern and plan’, in John Foxe: An Historical Perspective, ed. David Loades (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 1999), pp. 67–84; Martha Driver, The Image in Print: Book Illustration in Late Medieval England and Its Sources (London: British Library, 2004); Margaret Aston, ‘The Bishops’ Bible illustrations’, in The Church and the Arts: Papers Read at the 1990 Summer Meeting and the 1991 Winter Meeting of the Ecclesiastical History Society, ed. Diana Wood, Studies in Church History, vol. 28 (Oxford: Blackwell, 1992), pp. 267–85; ibid., ‘Bibles to ballads: some pictorial migrations in the Reformation’, in Christianity and Community in the West: Essays for John Bossy, ed. Simon Ditchfield (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2001), pp. 106–30; Margaret Aston and Elizabeth Ingram, ‘The iconography of the Acts and Monuments’, in John Foxe and the English Reformation, ed. David Loades (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 1997), pp. 66–142. 7 – See William Sherman, Used Books: Marking Readers in Renaissance England (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008); David McKitterick, Print, Manuscript, and the Search for Order, 1450–1830 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003); D.F. McKenzie, Bibliography and the Sociology of Texts (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999); ibid., Making Meaning: ‘Printers of the Mind’ and Other Essays, ed. Peter D. McDonald and Michael F. Suarez (Amherst, MA: University of Massachusetts Press, 2002); Roger Chartier, ‘Texts, printing, readings’, in The New Cultural History, ed. Lynn Hunt (London: University of California Press, 1989), pp. 154–75. 8 – Examples of how readers violently responded to certain images can be found in Eamon Duffy, Marking the Hours: English People and their Prayers, 1240–1570 (London: Yale University Press, 2006), pp. 152–70; Joseph Koerner, The Reformation of the Image (London: Reaktion Books, 2004), pp. 110–20. 9 – See my essay ‘Images on the move: the Virgin, the Kalender of Shepherds, and the transmission of woodcuts in Tudor England’, Journal of the Early Book Society, 12 (2009), pp. 100–32 (pp. 112–14). Also Aston, ‘The Bishops’ Bible illustrations’, in The Church and the Arts, pp. 267–85. 10 – Luborsky and Ingram, A Guide to English Illustrated Books, vol. I, p. 320. 11 – Ronald B. McKerrow and F.S. Ferguson, Title-Page Borders Used in England & Scotland 1485–1640, #17; Francis Newport, An epythaphe of the godlye constant and counfortable confessor mystres Darothye Wynnes (London: Owen Rogers, 1560). 12 – Virgil, The fourth booke of Virgil, trans. Henry Howard, Earl of Surrey (London: John Day, 1554); Pierre Ramus, The Latine grammar of P. Ramus translated into English (London: R. Waldegrave, 1585). 13 – This was the case with the image of Christ as the Good Shepherd, which was one of the most widely printed woodcuts in Elizabethan England. Although Tessa Watt has argued that the removal of certain characters in the woodcut's borders was iconoclastically motivated, they were in fact symbols of particular printers’ shops; Tessa Watt, Cheap Print and Popular Piety, 1550–1640 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), pp. 215–16. Their removal was a business decision to distinguish new books from the previous publisher's: David Davis, ‘Picturing the invisible: religious printed images in Elizabethan England’, PhD thesis: University of Exeter, 2009, pp. 80–1. 14 – For more nuanced understandings of these relationships, see: W.J.T. Mitchell, Picture Theory: Essays on Verbal and Visual Representation (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995); Koerner, The Reformation of the Image. 15 – Recently, these layers have been examined in Watt, Cheap Print and Popular Piety, p. 131; Driver, The Image in Print; Duffy, Marking the Hours, pp. 160–79; Koerner, The Reformation of the Image, pp. 110–15; John N. King, Foxe's ‘Book of Martyrs’ and Early Modern Print Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), ch. 4. 16 – William Slights argues that it was precisely because readers were not inclined to accept everything at face value that devices like marginal notes were used to direct reading practice: Managing Readers: Printing Marginalia in English Renaissance Books (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 2001). 17 – Kevin Sharpe, ‘Sacralization and demystification: the publicization of the monarchy in early modern England’, in Mystifying the Monarch: Studies on Discourse, Power and History, eds Jeroen Deploige and Gita Deneckere (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2006), pp. 99–116; ibid., Selling the Tudor Monarchy: Authority and Image in Sixteenth-Century England (London: Yale University Press, 2009); Louis Montrose, The Subject of Elizabeth: Authority, Gender, and Representation (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006). See also Susan Doran, ‘Virginity, divinity and power: the portraits of Elizabeth I’, in The Myth of Elizabeth, eds Susan Doran and Thomas S. Freeman (Basingstoke, UK: Macmillan, 2003), pp. 171–200. 18 – Montrose, The Subject of Elizabeth, p. 151. 19 – Sharpe, Selling the Tudor Monarchy, p. 365; Janet Clare, ‘The censorship of the deposition scene in Richard II’, Review of English Studies, 41 (1990), pp. 89–94. The arguments over the censorship of the play have been discussed in: Cyndia Susan Clegg, ‘“By the choise and inuitation of al the realme”: Richard II and Elizabethan press censorship’, Shakespeare Quarterly, 48 (1997), pp. 432–48. 20 – Julia M. Walker has argued that Gheeraerts's painting was a negative revision of the famous Armada portrait of Elizabeth by George Gower; ‘Posthumous images of Elizabeth and Stuart politics’, in Dissing Elizabeth: Negative Representations of Gloriana, ed. Julia M. Walker (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1998), pp. 252–76 (pp. 265–7). See also Rob Content, ‘Fair is fowle: Interpreting anti-Elizabethan composite portraiture’, in Dissing Elizabeth, pp. 229–51; Richard Burt, ‘Doing the queen: gender, sexuality and the censorship of Elizabeth I's royal image from Renaissance portraiture to twentieth-century mass media’, in Literature and Censorship in Renaissance England, ed. Andrew Hadfield (London: Routledge, 2001), pp. 207–28. 21 – Alexandra Walsham, ‘“Frantick Hackett”: prophecy, sorcery, insanity, and the Elizabethan Puritan movement’, Historical Journal, 41 (1998), pp. 27–66; John Stubbs, John Stubbs ‘Gaping Gulf’ With Letter and Other Relevant Documents, ed. Lloyd E. Berry (Charlottesville, VA: University of Virginia Press, 1968). 22 – Sir Walter Raleigh, ‘Preface’ to The History of the World (London: William Stansby f. Walter Burre, 1617), sig. B2v. 23 – Sharpe's recent book Selling the Tudor Monarchy has made forays into correcting this oversight in studies of the visual culture (pp. 390–400). 24 – M.B. Parkes, ‘Stephan Batman's manuscripts’, in Medieval Heritage Essays in Honour of Tadahiro Ikegami, eds M. Kanno and others (Tokyo: Yushodo Press, 1997), pp. 125–56. See also E.J. Brockhurst, ‘The life and works of Stephen Batman, 15–?–1584’, MA dissertation: University of London, 1947; Anne Prescott, ‘Spenser's chivalric restoration: from Bateman's “Travayled Pylgrime” to the Redcrosse knight’, Studies in Philology, 86 (1989), pp. 166–97. 25 – Parkes, ‘Stephan Batman's manuscripts’, pp. 125–56. Batman's drawings are evident in the following manuscripts: Trinity College (Cambridge), MS B. 2. 7 (50); Trinity College (Cambridge University), MS B. 14. 15 (301); Bodleian Library (Oxford), MS Bodley 155; Bodleian Library (Oxford), MS Bodley 416; Bodleian Library (Oxford), MS Digby 171. 26 – Lycosthenes, Konrad, The doome warning of all men to the judgemente, trans. Stephen Batman (London: R. Nuberry at the assignes of H. Bynneman, 1581); Pierre Boaistuau, Certaine secrete wonders of nature, containing a description of sundry strange things, seming monstrous. Gathered out of divers authors, trans. Stephen Batman (London: H. Bynneman, 1569). 27 – De Acuña, El Cavallero determinado, sig. S2; Such and Prescott, ‘Translation as transformation’, pp. 287–88. 28 – Such and Prescott, ‘Translation as transformation’, p. 284. 29 – Batman, The travailed pilgrime, sigs. A1v, A4r. The bibliography on early modern death is extensive and traverses a number of methodologies and disciplines. An excellent starting point for representations of Death is Bettie Anne Doebler, ‘Rooted Sorrow’: Dying in Early Modern England (London: Associated University Press, 1994). See also Natalie Zemon Davis, ‘Holbein's pictures of death and the Reformation at Lyons’, Studies in the Renaissance, 3 (1956), pp. 97–130; David Atkinson, ‘The English ars moriendi: its Protestant transformation’, Renaissance and Reformation, 6 (1982), pp. 1–10; William Engel, Mapping Mortality: The Persistence of Memory and Melancholy in Early Modern England (Amherst, MA: University of Massachusetts Press, 1995); Michael Neill, Issues of Death: Mortality and Identity in English Renaissance Tragedy (Oxford: Clarendon, 1997); Patricia Phillippy, Women, Death and Literature in Post-Reformation England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002); Lucinda M. Becker, Death and the Early Modern Englishwoman (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2003). On historical questions of death see David Cressy, Birth, Marriage and Death: Ritual, Religion and Life-Cycle in Tudor and Stuart England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997); The Place of the Dead: Death and Remembrance in Late Medieval and Early Modern Europe, ed. Bruce Gordon and Peter Marshall (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000); Peter Marshall, Beliefs and the Dead in Reformation England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002). 30 – Even within the limited number of English woodcuts, themes of Death were prominent: Luborsky and Ingram, A Guide to English Illustrated Books, vol. II, p. 142. 31 – Mary J. Dobson, Contours of Death and Disease in Early Modern England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003). 32 – Batman, The travayled pilgrime, sig. B2r. Most interestingly, many Protestants neglected the Pauline explanation of Death: ‘by the trespass of the one man, death reigned through that one man’ (Romans 5: 17). 33 – Donna Hamilton, Anthony Munday and the Catholics, 1560–1633 (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2005), p. 16; Prescott, ‘Spenser's chivalric Restoration’, pp. 168–70. 34 – Batman, The travayled pilgrime, sigs. I1r, I4r. 35 – Ibid., sig. I2r. 36 – A woodcut of Mary of Burgundy in El Cavallero determinado (sig. S2) is quite similar to the Elizabethan image, depicting Mary in a procession with Death enthroned in the top left corner. So, it could be suggested that Batman's woodcut was simply a replacement of a Burgundian for a Tudor. However, three points suggest the possibility of a deeper reading in the woodcut. First, the woodcut of Elizabeth is not completely necessary to The travayled pilgrime. Second, Death is a more prominent and less peripheral figure in Batman's image. Third, the English woodcut is much more cluttered and, as we shall see, has prominent similarities to other early modern visual images that should not be overlooked. For a comparison of the literary material in de Acuña's and Batman's works in relation to the woodcuts, see Such and Prescott, ‘Translation as transformation’, pp. 298–302. 37 – Batman, The travayled pilgrime, sig. M1v. 38 – Ibid., sig. M3r. 39 – Germaine Wakentin, ed., The Queen's Majesty's Passage and Related Documents (Toronto: Centre for Reformation and Renaissance Studies, 2004); Hester Lees-Jeffries, ‘Location as metaphor in Queen Elizabeth's coronation entry (1559): Veritas Temporis Filia’, in The Progresses, Pageants, and Entertainments of Queen Elizabeth I, ed. Jayne Elisabeth Archer, Elizabeth Goldring and Sarah Knight (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), pp. 65–85. 40 – Batman, The travayled pilgrime, sigs. I3v–I4r. The trope of comparing Elizabeth to her father and brother was fairly common, particularly in the 1560s, when the young Queen was beginning to construct her own royal identity. See Margaret Aston, The King's Bedpost: Reformation and Iconography in a Tudor Group Portrait (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993); Alexandra Walsham, ‘“A very Deborah?”: The myth of Elizabeth I as a providential monarch’, in The Myth of Elizabeth, pp. 143–70. 41 – John Nichols, The Progresses and Public Processions of Queen Elizabeth (London, 1823), vol. I, p. 60. 42 – Lees-Jeffries, ‘Location as metaphor’, p. 82; D.J. Gordon, The Renaissance Imagination: Essays and Lectures, ed. Stephen Orgel (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980), p. 220. 43 – Batman, The travayled pilgrime, sig. I1r. 44 – Hans Baldung Grien, Death and a Woman, early sixteenth century (Öffentliche Kunstsammlungen, Basel). For Memling's painting, see Dirk de Vos, Hans Memling: The Complete Works (London: Thames & Hudson, 1994), p. 245. Toads were a powerful symbol in literary and visual texts, often connoting witchcraft and evil. See Kent R. Lehnhof, ‘“Impregn'd with reason”: Eve's aural conception in Paradise Lost’, Milton Studies, 41 (2003), pp. 38–76 (pp. 54–55); Adolf Katzenellenbogen, Allegories of the Virtues and Vices in Mediaeval Art (1939), trans. Alan J.P. Crick (London: Kraus, 1968), p. 58. 45 – Anon., The Great messenger of mortality, or, A Dialogue betwixt death and a lady (London: s.n., 1600), s. sh. fol. Wing / G1711. Other images depicted people fleeing in fear, demonstrating their desire to remain in the sensual world and avoid the afterlife. Such representations were contrasted with the image of the godly person described in religious pamphlets and devotionals as one who prepares for and soberly awaits death. See Pedro de Soto, The maner to dye well. An introduction most compendiouslie shewinge the fruytfull remembrance of the last fowre things: that is to say, death, hel, iudgement, and the ioyes of heauen, trans. W.B. (London: Richard Jones, 1578); John More, A liuely anatomie of death wherein you may see from whence it came, what it is by nature, and what by Christ (London: G. Simpson for W. Jones, 1598); Christopher Sutton, Disce Mori. Learne to die (London: J. Windet f. J. Wolfe, 1600) and Disce vivere. Learne to live (London: J. Windet f. C. Burbery, 1602). 46 – Phillippy, Women, Death and Literature, pp. 109–13, 264–5; Becker, Death and the Early Modern Englishwoman, ch. 2. 47 – John Stubbes, The discouerie of a gaping gulf whereinto England is like to be swallowed by another French mariage, if the Lord forbid not the banes, by letting her Maiestie see the sin and punishment thereof (London: Hugh Singleton for William Page, 1579), sig. C8v. 48 – J.B. de C.M. Saunders and Charles D. O'Malley, The Illustrations from the Works of Andreas Vesalius of Brussels (New York: World Publishing Company, 1950), pp. 41–5. 49 – The 1555 edition of the frontispiece had significant alterations, including a scythe being given to Death in place of the staff (Neill, Issues of Death, p. 113). 50 – William Engel explains that early modern English visual culture tended toward the emblematic and memorial, or the ‘aesthetic of anamnesis’: Engel, Mapping Mortality, pp. 9–10 (this is developed particularly in ch. 5). See also Michael Bath, Speaking Pictures: English Emblem Books and Renaissance Culture (London: Longman, 1994). 51 – Doran, Monarchy and Matrimony, chs 2–3. 52 – Batman, The travayled pilgrime, sig. K2v. 53 – Ibid., sig. M3v. 54 – Prescott, ‘Spenser's chivalric restoration’, p. 191. 55 – Batman, The travayled pilgrime, sig. M2v. 56 – The most recent works on Munday's life are Hamilton, Anthony Munday and the Catholics; Tracey Hill, Anthony Munday and Civic Culture: Theatre, History and Power in Early Modern London, 1580–1633 (Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 2004). 57 – It should be noted that his Catholic beliefs did not hinder him from becoming chief pageant writer for London from 1605 until his death: Hamilton, Anthony Munday and the Catholics, chs 1–2. Other works written by Munday during his first decade back in London include: The mirrour of mutabilitie, or Principall part of the Mirrour for magistrates (London: J. Allde, 1579); A discouerie of Edmund Campion, and his confederates, their most horrible and traiterous practises, against her Maiesties most royall person and the realme (London: J. Charlewood, 1582); The English Romayne life, discovering: the lives of the Englishmen at Roome (London: J. Charlewood for N. Ling, 1583); A watch-woord to Englande to beware of traytours and tretcherous practises, which haue beene the ouerthrowe of many famous kingdomes and common weales (London: J. Charlewood, 1584); The banquet of dainty conceits (London: J. Charlewood, 1588). 58 – Luborsky and Ingram, A Guide to English Illustrated Books, vol. I, p. 67; Anton Francesco Doni, The morall philosophie of Doni drawne out of the auncient writers, trans. Thomas North (London: Henry Denham, 1570). 59 – Munday did not make any noticeable alterations to most of the woodcuts, altering only three of the 13 from Batman's work, even though they did not directly illustrate his text. Luborsky explains that ‘only one cut … illustrates the text directly’ and, as discussed above, the general practice in English illustration at the time was not to alter woodcuts even when image and text communicated different messages (Luborsky and Ingram, A Guide to English Illustrated Books, vol. I, p. 586). 60 – D.M. Loades, Politics and the Nation, 1450–1660: Obedience, Resistance, and Public Order (London: Fontana, 1974), pp. 280–300 (p. 286); Richard B. Wernham, The Making of Elizabethan Foreign Policy, 1558–1603 (London: University of California Press, 1980), pp. 45–56. 61 – Some scholars suggest that Charlewood merely borrowed the woodcuts from Henry Denham (Hamilton, Anthony Munday and the Catholics, p. 27, note 91). This is altogether possible; however, two pieces of evidence challenge this. First, Charlewood used three other woodcuts from The travayled pilgrime (not printed in Zelauto) for another Munday text (The banquet of daintie conceits, 1588). If these woodcuts belonged to Denham after 1580, it is unlikely he would have permitted them to be used by Charlewood after Charlewood had physically marred three woodcuts for Zelauto. The second piece of evidence is that Charlewood purchased a number of texts from Denham in 1579. Rather than a case of a woodcut loan, it is more likely that the Zelauto woodcuts were included in this transaction; Edward Arber, ed., A Transcript of the Registers of the Company of Stationers of London, 1554–1640 (London: privately printed, 1875–1894), vol. II, p. 359. 62 – Munday, Zelauto, p. 57. 63 – Hamilton, Anthony Munday and the Catholics, p. 11. 64 – Ibid., p. 17; Karen Anne Winstead, Chaste Passions: Medieval English Virgin Martyr Legends (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2000), pp. 164–70. St Ursula was a inspiration to many early modern Catholic women, such as Angela Merici of Brescia who began the Company of Saint Ursula: Querciolo Mazzonis, Spirituality, Gender, and the Self in Renaissance Italy: Angela Merici and the Company of St. Ursula (1474–1540) (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 2007). 65 – Munday, Zelauto, p. 25. 66 – Recent scholarship examining Elizabethan and Stuart Catholicism demonstrates a much more complex system of beliefs and loyalties than has been recognised previously. See Michael Questier, Catholicism and Community in Early Modern England: Politics, Aristocratic Patronage and Religion, c.1550–1640 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006); Ethan Shagan, ed., Catholics and the ‘Protestant Nation’: Religious Politics and Identity in Early Modern England (Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 2005); Arthur Marotti, Religious Ideology and Cultural Fantasy: Catholic and Anti-Catholic Discourses in Early Modern England (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 2005); Alexandra Walsham, Church Papists: Catholicism, Conformity, and Confessional Polemic in Early Modern England (Woodbridge, UK: Boydell, 1993). 67 – Munday, Zelauto, p. 30. 68 – Roy Strong, Gloriana: Portraits of Queen Elizabeth I (London: Thames & Hudson, 1987); ibid., The Cult of Elizabeth: Elizabethan Portraiture and Pageantry (London: Pimlico, 1999); Susan Frye, Elizabeth I: The Competition for Representation (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996); Elizabeth Goldring, ‘Portraiture, patronage, and the progresses: Robert Dudley, earl of Leicester, and the Kenilworth festivities of 1575’, in The Progresses, Pageants, and Entertainments of Queen Elizabeth I, pp. 163–88; Louis Montrose, The Subject of Elizabeth: Authority, Gender, and Representation (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006). 69 – The phoenix was a very personal symbol to Elizabeth, which she enjoyed greatly. It is possible that the reference here alludes to the succession of the monarchy, and the anxieties around Elizabeth's possible successor (Doran, ‘Virginity, divinity and power’, p. 178). 70 – Munday, Zelauto, pp. 32, 33. 71 – Ibid., p. 33. 72 – John N. King, ‘The godly woman in Elizabethan iconography’, Renaissance Quarterly, 38 (1985), pp. 41–84. 73 – Doran, Monarchy and Matrimony, p. 9; Walsham, ‘“A very Deborah?”’, pp. 143–70. 74 – Sharpe, Selling the Tudor Monarchy, pp. 401–12. 75 – George Clifford (Earl of Cumberland), ‘Of Cynthia’, in The Poetical Rhapsody: To Which are Added Several Other Pieces, Vol. 2, ed. Francis Davison and Nicholas Harris Nicolas (London: W. Pickering, 1826), pp. 294–5. 76 – Montrose, The Subject of Elizabeth, p. 113. On the gift-economy see Jason Scott Warren, Sir John Harington and the Book as Gift (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001); Jane Lawson, ‘This remembrance of the new year: books given to Queen Elizabeth as new year's gifts’, in Elizabeth I and the Culture of Writing, ed. Peter Beal and Grace Ioppolo (London: British Library, 2007), pp. 133–72; Natalie Zemon Davis, The Gift in Sixteenth-Century France (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001); Felicity Heal, ‘Giving and receiving on royal progress’, in The Progresses, Pageants and Entertainments of Queen Elizabeth I, pp. 46–61. 77 – Matthew Steggle, ‘Cynthia's Warning: Cynthia's Revels imagines the death of the Queen’, in Goddesses and Queens: The Iconography of Elizabeth I, ed. Annaliese Frances Connolly, and Lisa Hopkins (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2007), pp. 154–68 (p. 154). 78 – Munday, Zelauto, p. 33. 79 – John Donne, ‘Holy sonnet X: death be not proud’, in The Complete Poetry and Selected Prose of John Donne, ed. Charles M. Coffin (New York: Random House, 2001), pp. 262–3 (p. 263). 80 – Munday, Zelauto, p. 38. 81 – Munday, A watch-woord to England, sig. 36r.