Two excitationes for the Third Crusade: the letters of brother Thierry of the Temple
2010; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 25; Issue: 2 Linguagem: Inglês
10.1080/09518967.2010.536676
ISSN1743-940X
Autores Tópico(s)Archaeology and Historical Studies
ResumoAbstract A number of versions survive of two letters supposedly sent from the Holy Land to the Templars of the West and to Pope Urban III in the name of a certain brother Terricus, or Thierry, of the Order of the Knights Templar. Thierry was said to be, or to have been, Magnus Preceptor, Grand Commander, of the Order. The letters appear to be dated respectively to July/August 1187 and early 1188. In fact, as we have them, they can date to no earlier than the start of 1188, and post-July 1188, respectively. A brother Thierry is known from three charters to have been a preceptor of the Order in Tyre in July/August 1187, and Magnus Preceptor in October 1187 and May 1188. It is probable that this was the same Thierry, and that he did send letters from the Holy Land to the West announcing the disasters of 1187 at the Springs of Cresson and the Horns of Haīn at the hands of alā al-Dīn. As they now survive, however, they have been doctored to produce excitationes for the Third Crusade. Notes 1. Terricus: BL, Tirricus. 2. omnisque: Continuatio, omniumque. 3. omnino: om. BL. 4. adnihilatus: Continuatio, GC, CMP, StJ, BL, adnichilatus. 5. Templi: om. GC, CMP, StJ, BL. 6. quos: CMP, quas. 7. iste: GC, CMP, StJ, presentes. BL, presentes littere. 8. in: om. BL. 9. illum: RHGesta, eum. 10. suspirare: CMP, sperare. 11. in quo: RHGesta, GC, CMP, StJ, BL, cuj(i)us pulc(h)ritudinem. 12. luna: om. BL. 13. Frater … mirantur: om. RD. mirantur: Continuatio MS. W, migrantur. 14. quantisque: RD, GC, StJ, et quantis. 15. nostris peccatis: RD, CMP, StJ, peccatis nostris. 16. flagellare: RHChron. (CitationStubbs), flagellari; and also all other versions. 17. permiserit: GC, permisit; StJ, permi miserit 18. flebili voce: RHGesta, voce flebili. 19. proh: Continuatio, CMP, pro. 20. enim: StJ, uero. 21. suarum gentium: RHGesta, BL, gentium suarum. 22. invadere ceperunt: CMP, ceperunt invadere. 23. Quot: ACM, Quod. 24. inpresentiarum: ACM, in presentiarum. 25. nos: om. RD, GC. 26. nostrarum gentium: StJ, gentium nostrarum. multitudinem congregantes, Christianorum nostrorum fines acriter inuadere cœperunt. Contra quos, nos, nostrarum gentium: om. BL. 27. phalanges: StJ, falanges. 28. octavas: Continuatio, octabas; CMP, octavam. 29. beatorum: om. GC, CMP, Continuatio, StJ. 30. beatorum apostolorum: om. RD. 31. Pauli in: RD, Pauli, vto scilicet et iiiito nonas Julii, in. 32. in eos: RHGesta, cum eis. 33. in eos congredi: CMP, eos aggredi. 34. in eos congredi, &: om. BL. 35. Tyberiadem: Continuatio, Tabariam; StJ, Tiberidem; BL, Tyberiaden. 36. Cum: RHGesta, RD, GC, CMP, StJ, BL, Cumque. 37. nos in scopulis pessimis: RD, GC, CMP, StJ, BL, in scopulis pessimis nos. 38. impulissent: Continuatio, inpulissent. 39. impugnaverunt: RHGesta, RD, CMP, StJ, expugnaverunt. 40. sancta cruce: RHGesta, cruce sancta; RD, cruce sancta capta. 41. rege nostro: RD, rege nostro magistroque nostro. 42. captis: GC, CMP, StJ, BL, capto. 43. omni: Continuatio MS. B, omnis, with a note, ‘s’ erased. 44. interfecta: RD, fere interfecta. 45. in veritate: om. Continuatio. 46. eodem die: om. BL. 47. cc. et xxx.: RHGesta, ducentis triginta; GC, StJ, BL, CC.XXX; Continuatio, CC et LXXX; CMP, ducentis triginta. 48. exceptis: Continuatio, et exceptis. 49. sexagenis: GC, XL; StJ, BL, LXa. 50. sunt: RD, GC, CMP, StJ, fuerunt; BL, fuerant. 51. comes: om. RHGesta. 52. Tripolis: GC, Continuatio, Tripolitanus. 53. Sydonis: GC, Sidonius. 54. dominusque: RD, BL, dominus siquidem; CMP, domnus quoque; StJ, dominus. 55. Ballovius: RD, GC, CMP, StJ, Balianus; Continuatio, Ballonius; BL, Barianus. 56. vix: om. RHGesta, RD, GC, CMP, StJ, BL. 57. pagani: om. RD, GC, StJ. 58. nostrorum: om. Continuatio. 59. Accon: StJ, Accob; BL, Accaron. 60. sua multitudine: RD, multitudine sua. 61. terram fere: RHGesta, terram fere capientes; RD, GC, CMP, StJ, fere terram; BL, fere terram [terram inserted superscript]. 62. et: om. RD, GC, CMP, St J, BL. 63. Ascalon: BL, Ascalona. 64. et: om. RHGesta, RD, GC, CMP, StJ, BL. 65. et: om. RHGesta, GC, StJ, BL. 66. et Beriton: om. RD; GC, et etiam Berito; CMP, et etiam Beruht; StJ, et etiam Beritus; BL, et Berytho. 67. solis adhuc: RD, GC, CMP, adhuc solis; BL, om. adhuc. 68. earum fere: GC, fere earum. 69. interfectis: RD, GC, CMP, StJ, BL, in prelio interfectis. 70. et vestrum: RD, et nobilium virorum. 71. sit: CMP, assit. 72. distulerunt: StJ, distulunt. 73. in presentiarum: RHGesta, BL, impresentiarum. 74. violenter die noctuque: StJ, die noctuque uiolenter. 75. cessant: StJ, cessarunt. 76. et: om. RD. 77. totam terre: CMP, totam fere terram. 78. ad: om. RHGesta, RD, GC, CMP, StJ, BL. 79. ad: om. CMP, Continuatio MS. W, BL 80. formice: RHGesta, GC, CMP, StJ, BL, formice frequentes existentes; RD, formice existentes. 81. cooperuerunt: RD, GC, StJ, cooperuere. RD, explicit. 82. ergo: BL, autem. 83. quantotius: RHChron. (Stubbs), quantocius; and all other versions. 84. Deum: RHGesta, Domini. 85. vestre: GC, per vestre. 86. fraternitatis: CMP, StJ, paternitatis. 87. fulti: GC, suffulti. 88. fulti adminiculo: Continuatio, fultiaminiculo. 89. obsidentes: ACM, impugnantes. 90. totam: ACM, tantam. 91. ergo: ACM, igitur. 92. fere: om. BL. 93. auxilium: BL, eminentiam. 94. istas: om. BL. 95. salvare: ACM, defendere. 96. ‘magnus’ is in all editions and all manuscripts, as far as I know. 97. Reading ‘omnisque’, with Roger of Howden. This sits more easily with the variant of the Cologne annals, which interprets whatever may have been the original in the same way. The Continuatio version would read: ‘… and most humble of all the brothers, and the almost entirely destroyed community …’, requiring the additional phrase ‘omniumque fratrum pauperrimus’ qualifying Thierry, which is not there in the Cologne annals version. 98. Reading ‘et’ with its sense of adding a minor or qualifying proposition. 99. ‘adnihilatus’ and variants is neither classical nor Biblical. 100. ‘universus’ does not simply mean ‘all’ but rather refers to the collective entirety. 101. The classical Latin demonstrative ‘iste’ had lost its force even by the patristic period and had become equivalent to ‘is’. The alternative, ‘presentes’, is also acceptable. 102. Does the plural ‘littere’ imply that many copies were despatched? 103. The intended audience was not only those to whom copies of the letter were actually addressed but rather all of the collective Templars of the West to whom they might become known, even indirectly. ‘pervenio, -ire’ can have the sense of a report reaching someone or something becoming known to someone. See II Kings, 13.30, 19.11, etc. 104. Cf. Ex celeris fame volatu, supposedly from the Genoese to Urban: ‘… debitam in omnibus cum subiectione reverentiam.’. See CitationHampe, ‘Reise nach England’, 278–80. 105. ‘cum omnimoda reverencia’ can be read in several ways. ‘omnimodus’ is used only by Lucius Appuleius and in Isaiah, 66.11, with the meaning ‘of all sorts/kinds’ or ‘abundant’. ‘reverencia’ can have several meanings in addition to its classical ‘reverence’, ‘awe’, ‘dread’, etc.; in particular ‘reverence’ in the face of the Lord. See Hebrews, 5.7, 12.28, or ‘shame’, see Psalms, 34.26, 68.20; Ecclesiasticus, 29.22, 41.20, 45.29; I Corinthians, 15.34. 106. Reading ‘gentium’ in its Biblical sense of the gentiles or pagans with whom Israel came into contact. Here the word is meant deliberately to have connotations not conveyed by its classical meaning. By this time, it was used commonly for Muslims in similar literature. 107. Reading ‘Quod’ as ‘Quot’. 108. ‘in presentiarum’: A common Biblical expression for the present time, or sometimes place. Cf. Genesis, 50.20: ‘… ut exultaret me sicut inpraesentiarum cernitis …’; Exodus, 22.15; Leviticus, 8.34; Deuteronomy, 5.3; etc. 109. RD adds ‘…, vto scilicet et iiiito nonas Julii, …’, ‘namely on the 3rd and 4th of July’. 110. Reading ‘Cumque’ as ‘When, however’. 111. Reading ‘in veritate’ with all texts except the Continuatio. 112. Suggesting unverified rumour or report. The syntax leaves it unclear as to whether it is the number of brothers or the fact that they were beheaded that is unverified. If Thierry really did escape from the battle, he should have known how many Templars were there and it should only have been whether they were beheaded that was unverified. 113. Reading ‘Cumque’ as ‘When, however’. 114. RHChron. and all other versions: ‘et fratrum nostrorum … interempti sunt,’: om. CRC, ACM. 115. A copyist has deleted reference to the escape of Thierry, perhaps because he knew, or thought, that no Templars did in fact escape. 116. ‘debac(c)hati’: an unusual word. Not used in scripture, predictably since its etymology was from raging like the Bacchantes, and uncommon even in classical Latin. The author may have learned it from Jerome, Commentary on Isaiah. See Citation S. Eusebii Hieronymi Stridonensis presbyteri commentariorum in Isaiam, 11.37.6 (col. 587C). 117. Beirut surrendered on 6 August, which might suggest that this was originally written some time before that. If Thierry was in Jerusalem, however, he may well not have known of the surrender of Beirut until some time later before the surrender of Jerusalem itself on 3 October. 118. ‘vestrum’: RD, ‘et nobilium virorum’, ‘… divine help and [that of] worthy men …’. 119. alā al-Dīn bypassed Tyre in July-August, or at the very best made some sort of half-hearted attempt on it. The real siege of Tyre did not begin until either 12 or 14 November. 120. ‘… totam terræ faciem a Tyro vsque ad Iherusalem & usque ad Gazam velut formicæ cooperuerunt.’. The author has modelled his simile on Judith, 2.11: ‘… qui cooperuerunt faciem terrae sicut locustae …’, and similar expressions elsewhere. Locusts have been changed to ants by allusion to Proverbs, 30.25: ‘… formicae populus infirmus quae praeparant in messe cibum sibi …’. Ants are a weak people that prepare their meat (reading ‘cibus’ in its Biblical sense) at the harvest. RHGesta, GC, CMP, StJ, and BL have added ‘frequentes existentes’ and RD just ‘existentes’ alluding to (numberless) ants coming forth from their nests. The image is of the Muslims coming forth from their nests like (numberless) ants to harvest the Christians for their meat. 121. Charissimo: Continuatio, Karissimo. 122. domino: Continuatio, domino suo. 123. Dei gratia illustri Anglorum regi: RHGesta, Domino Dei gratia regi Angliæ. 124. Cf. Psalms, 143.9–10: ‘… in psalterio decacordo psallam tibi qui das salutem regibus …’. 125. Saladino: Continuatio, Salahadino. 126. sepulcri: om. RHGesta. 127. Saladinus: Continuatio, Salahadinus. 128. permisit remanere decem de fratribus Hospitalis ad custodiendum infirmos: Continuatio MS. W, remanere decem de fratribus Hospitalis ad custodiendos infirmos permisit. 129. de Belliverio: Continuatio, debelliverunt. 130. duas jam: RHGesta, jam duas. 131. quorum: RHGesta, Continuatio, quarum. 132. alterius captione: RHGesta, captione alterius. 133. victuaria: RHChron. (Stubbs), victualia; and all other versions. 134. Saladino: Continuatio, Salahadino. 135. Gragcus: Continuatio, Grach. 136. Gragcus: Continuatio, Gracus. 137. Margatum: RHGesta, Continuatio MS. W, Margant. 138. obsedit: om. Continuatio. 139. petrariis: RHChron. (Stubbs) and all other versions, perrariis, except Continuatio, petrariis. 140. jactantibus: Continuatio, iactantibus obsides impugnavit. 141. et: om. RHGesta. 142. Saladini: Continuatio, Salahadini. 143. amiraldum: Continuatio, admiraldum. 144. amiraldis: Continuatio, admiraldis. 145. Saladini: Continuatio, Salahadini. 146. Christianorum: RHGesta, Christianitatis. 147. Saladini exercitum: RHGesta, Saladinum et ad exercitum ejus. 148. et favillam fecit redigi: RHGesta, fecit redigi et favillam. 149. Valete: om. RHGesta. 150. The play on ‘salutem’, ‘greetings’, and ‘salutem’, ‘salvation’ in Psalms, 143.10 is deliberate. 151. The Feast of St Michael was on 29 September. Four days later would be 2 October, counting inclusively in the medieval fashion. But the city was surrendered only on 3 October. William of Newburgh and Guy of Basoches also reported that custody of the Sepulchre was given to Syrian Christians. See Historia rerum Anglicarum, III.xviii (I.260); Guy of Basoches, Chronosgraphia, fols 63v–64r: ‘In medio autem tot dolorum unicum christiane plebi remedium diuinitus est concessum, quod illud honorandum omnimoda deuotione sepulchrum, de quo morte uicta uita surrexit dextra protexit omnipotens a spurcitiis et sacrilegis perfidorum custodiri diligentia faciens illud ingenti principum gentis illius edicto fidelibus Siris officium ibi diuinum more permissis agere christiano.’. 152. Reading ‘de Belliverio’ with Roger of Howden. The ‘debelliverunt’ of the Continuatio would require both emendation to ‘debellaverunt’ and an unusual translation such as: ‘The brothers of the Hospital have certainly held out [and] are certainly resisting the Saracens very well up till now, …’. 153. This is not reported by any other Western source but a raid by the garrison on Muslim forces at Forbelet and the capture of arms, equipment, and supplies is reported in Muslim sources. See below p. 156. 154. Krak de Moab. 155. Krak des Chevaliers. 156. Chastel Blanc: āfīthā, in the County of Tripoli. 157. Also reported in the Lyon Eracles, the Latin continuation of William of Tyre, and Ernoul. The Itinerarium peregrinorum identified the Cross as being on the Church of the Hospitallers, rather than the Templum Domini. See CitationMorgan (ed.), La continuation de Guillaume de Tyr, §62 (p. 75); Salloch, ed., Continuatio, II.1 (p. 77); Citationde Mas Latrie, Chronique d'Ernoul, c. XIX (pp. 234–5); CitationMayer, Das Itinerarium peregrinorum, §9 (p. 265). That the Cross was abused may well be doubted. The story was part of the excitatio's technique.A Cross had indeed been erected on the Dome of the Rock or Templum Domini some time after the conquest in 1099. It appears not only in literary sources but was also shown on the reverse of the seals of the Kings of Jerusalem as late as the reign of John of Brienne (1210–1212). See CitationPrawer, World of the Crusaders, Figure 45.There was nothing remarkable about the taking down of the Cross. The Templum Domini was the Muslim sanctuary the Dome of the Rock and of course alā al-Dīn would have the Christian Cross that had been erected on it removed. It is reported by both CitationIbn Shaddād and Ibn al-Athīr, although strangely not by ‘Imād al-Dīn. See Ibn Shaddād, Al-Nawādir al-sul āniyya, 78; Ibn al-Athīr, The Chronicle of Ibn al-Athīr, 334. Predictably, the Muslim sources do not mention any abuse of the Cross. 158. 11 November. In fact alā al-Dīn began the attack on Tyre on 12 or 14 November. An attempt to use naval forces against the port failed. The Muslim galleys were attacked by surprise at dawn on 30 December when the crews were either asleep or unwary. Five were captured and alā al-Dīn ordered the rest to Beirut, but they were pursued and beached and abandoned, although one or two may have escaped. alā al-Dīn burned the beached galleys and lifted the siege on 1 or 3 January 1188. 159. 1 January. 160. 30 December. 161. This is a piece of ridicule of Muslims, such as is common in the excitationes for the Third Crusade. There is no evidence for defeated Muslim commanders performing such an act. 162. Who actually surrendered Acre is unclear. The Lyon Eracles claimed that the seneschal, Joscelin of Courtenay, surrendered it after escaping from a īn with Raymond of Tripoli and the other pullani barons. See Morgan, (ed.), La continuation de Guillaume de Tyr (1184–1197), §44 (p. 56). The Colbert-Fontainebleau Eracles and Ernoul say, however, that he was captured at a īn. See Laurier and Wallon, eds, Citation L'estoire de Eracles empereur et la conqueste de la terre d'Outremer (suite), XXIII.xliv (p. 66); De Mas Latrie, (ed.), Chronique d'Ernoul et de Bernard le Trésorier, c. XV (p. 173). Since the last definite mention of him before a īn is in a charter issued at Acre on 21 October 1186 and the first definite mention of him after a īn is in one issued at the siege of Acre on 10 April 1190, and he does not appear definitely in any of the charters issued at Tyre after a īn and before the opening of the siege of Acre, it is more probable that he was captured and released later with the king, and was not responsible for the surrender of Acre. See CitationRöhricht, (ed.), Regesta Regni Hierosolymitani, Nos 653, 658–81, 690 (Vol. I, pp. 173, 175–82, 183). See also n. 170 below. 163. Audita tremendi survives only in different versions preserved by chroniclers and historians. First published, to the best of my knowledge, in CitationWilliam of Newburgh, Rerum Anglicarum libri quinque, then in RHChron. [see Letter One], fols 363v–364r. Howden's text is more extensive and there are significant variants between the two. Thereafter reprinted from Howden by Baronius, Mansi, and many others down to Migne, Patrologia Latina, vol. 202, coll. 1539–42. First published from the alternative Historia de expeditione Friderici imperatoris by CitationDobrowsky, Historia de expeditione Friderici; superseded by Citation Chroust , Historia de expeditione Friderici imperatori, here 6–10. First modern edition of the version of Roger of Howden in RHGesta [see Letter One], II.15–19. First modern edition of Howden's second draft in RHChron. (Stubbs) [see Letter One], II.326–9. The second draft is more extensive. Modern edition of the version of William of Newburgh, Historia rerum Anglicarum, I.267–70. The only edition of the version of the Latin continuation of William of Tyre is Salloch, ed., Continuatio, 82–5. 164. Joscius must have left the Holy Land before the fall of Jerusalem because he went first to the Sicilian court, then on to Rome, and then crossed the Alps and met Henry II and Philip II at Gisors in late January 1188. Such a voyage from the East and journey from Palermo to Rome and Gisors could not have been accomplished in the short period between 3 October 1187 and late January 1188. Moreover, RHGesta said specifically that he sought aid ‘ad defensionem Jerusalem’. 165. My students and I are re-editing and translating the Libellus, of which there are three previous editions and one pretend edition. The first was that of CitationMartène and Durand, Chronicon Terræ Sanctæ. They used a manuscript then in the abbey of St Victor, Paris. Their text was reprinted without acknowledgement by CitationDunkin in his Radulphi abbatis de Coggeshal opera quae supersunt and reprinted in his Citation Monumenta Anglicana. Coggeshall , Appendix, pp. x–xxxiii. Dunkin also translated the text in Appendix, pp. cxxx–clxxiv. In this second printing Dunkin pretended to have used manuscripts but in fact he did not. His ‘editions’ are really not editions at all. He was a printer and printed them privately himself in print runs of 25 copies. The first modern edition was by Joseph Stevenson in the Rolls Series: Ralph of Coggeshall, Radulphi de Coggeshall chronicon Anglicanum, De expugnatione Terræ Sanctæ per Saladinum libellus, ed. Stevenson, 209–62. Stevenson used three MSS: the St Victor MS., by then Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, MS. Lat. 15076; London, British Library, MS. Cotton Cleopatra B. I; and London, College of Arms, MS. Arundel XI. The following year CitationPrutz published a new edition of the St Victor manuscript: Anonymi chronicon Terrae Sancte. Prutz appears to have been unaware of Stevenson's edition. He knew of the English manuscripts from William Stubbs's discussion of them in the introduction to his edition of the Itinerarium peregrinorum et gesta regis Ricardi regis, I.lv–lvii. 166. Preserved only in a fourteenth-century manuscript of Gerald of Wales, Citation De principis instructione , II.xxiii (VIII.201–2). The letter was copied in the 15th century and this copy is in Oxford, All Souls College, MS. 182, fol. 118. This was the basis for the edition by Rudolph CitationHiestand, Papsturkunden für Kirchen im Heiligen Lande, No 148 (pp. 322–4). It was not included among Urban's letters by Migne in Citation Urbani III Papæ epistolæ et privilegiæ and its genuineness may be doubted. 167. In particular Accidit prima die Maii, a supposed letter from the ‘princes of the Church over the sea’ to the Pope and to Frederick Barbarossa [only in CitationWeiland, Hugonis et Honorii chronicorum continuationes Weingartenses, 475–6]; Sciatis igitur, purporting to be a letter from unnamed persons to Archambaud, Master of the Hospitallers of Italy [in two places: CitationChroust, Historia de expeditione Friderici imperatoris, 2–4; Wattenbach, Chronicon Magni presbiteri, 508-9]; Meroris et doloris nostri, a supposed letter of Patriarch Heraclius to Pope Urban III said to have been sent from Jerusalem between 5 and 20 September 1187 [see Hiestand, Papsturkunden für Kirchen im Heiligen Lande, No 149 (pp. 324–7)]; Meroris et angustie incomparabilis, a supposed letter of Heraclius to the princes and Church of the West [see CitationJaspert, ‘Zwei unbekannte Hilfersuchen’, 511–16]; Ex celeris fame volatu, purporting to be a letter from the Genoese to Urban III but which is an obvious forgery and is not included in CitationImperiale di Sant'Angelo, Codice diplomatico della repubblica di Genova; Anxius loquor, a letter from Bohemond III of Antioch to the primates of the Western Church [in Chroust, Tageno, Ansbert und die Historia peregrinorum, 202–3]; Condignum et inestimabilem dolorem, purporting to be from Aimery of Limoges, Patriarch of Antioch, to Henry II [preserved in, amongst others, the Latin continuation of William of Tyre, Salloch, ed., Continuatio, 88–9]. 168. Röhricht, Regesta Regni Hierosolymitani, Nos 660, 669 (I.176, 178–9). 169. Imperiale di Sant'Angelo, Codice diplomatico della repubblica di Genova, No 170 (II.318–20); Röhricht, Regesta, No 659 (p. 175). 170. There is a problem here and my thanks to the anonymous reader for pointing it out. The text reads in the Genoese manuscript [omitting all punctuation deliberately]: ‘… comes Tripolitanus comes Ioppe regni senescalcus R[aginus] dominus Sydonensis …’. The Count of Tripoli and Lord of Sidon are clear enough. They were Raymond and Reynald respectively. But the intervening words might be read as ‘… the Count of Jaffa [and] Seneschal of the Kingdom, …’. This is not possible, however, because the Seneschal was Joscelin of Courtenay, who never held the County of Jaffa. See CitationLa Monte, ‘Rise and decline of a Frankish Seigneury’. Alternatively, it may be read as ‘…, the Count of Jaffa [and] the Seneschal of the Kingdom, …’. But the Count of Jaffa in July-August 1187 was Guy of Lusignan, who was in prison in Damascus. As had been the case when Amaury I became King in 1163, the double County of Jaffa and Ascalon had reverted to the royal domain when Guy and Sibylla became King and Queen in 1186. See CitationMayer, ‘The double county of Jaffa and Ascalon’. The reader suggests that the original charter may have read ‘… comes Joscelinus regni senescalcus …’. This is possible but there was a long way in medieval palaeography between ‘Joscelinus’ and ‘Joppe’. It is possible that the entire charter is in fact a forgery. Certain things about it do not ring true and it was supposedly copied from the original by an imperial notary called Atto of Piacenza. Moreover, Joscelin of Courtenay was most probably still in captivity with the king in July-August 1187. See n. 162 above. 171. See Lyon Eracles, §45 (p. 57); Ernoul, c. XV (pp. 174–5). The Colbert/Fontainebleau Eracles, does not have this and merely reports that after the battle Balian went to Nablus, where he found that his wife had left for Jerusalem. See Laurier and Wallon, eds, L'estoire de Eracles empereur et la conqueste de la terre, XXIII.xlvi (p. 68). 172. Müller, ed., Citation Documenti sulle relazioni delle città Toscane coll'Oriente Cristiano e coi Turchi, Nos XXV, XXVIII (pp. 30–31, 34–5); Röhricht, Regesta, Nos 665, 675 (pp. 177, 180). 173. London, British Library, MS. Arundel 69, fol. 172r: ‘Epistula terrici preceptoris templi de captione terre ierosolimitane’. 174. Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS. Laud Misc., 582, fol. 31r: ‘Epistula fratris terrici magni preceptoris templi ierusalem ad preceptores et fratres templi’. 175. London, British Library, MS. Arundel 150, fol. 89r. 176. Gervase of Canterbury, Chronica, 371. 177. Ralph of Diceto, Ymagines historiarum, II.49. 178. My thanks to the anonymous reader, who suggested that it should be. It is not an issue that I have seen discussed anywhere. 179. CitationEdgington, ‘Doves of War’. 180. Only Ibn al-Athīr mentions the presence of Gerard at Ascalon. See Ibn al-Athīr, The Chronicle of Ibn al-Athīr, 329. Imād al-Dīn mentions only the king, not Gerard. See Imād al-Dīn, Al-fat al-qussī, in Abū Shāma, Kitāb al-raw atayn, IV.313. Imād al-Dīn, trans. Massé, Conquête de la Syrie, at p. 44, does not reproduce the Abū Shāma text. The Latin and Old French sources also do not mention the presence of Gerard at Ascalon. 181. Imād al-Dīn, Conquête de la Syrie, trans. Massé, 124; Ibn al-Athīr, Chronicle, 345. Cf. Laurier and Wallon, eds, L'estoire de Eracles empereur, XXIV.xii (p. 121); de Mas Latrie, Chronique d'Ernoul, c. XXI (p. 253). There is great confusion in the Western sources over when and where Guy and the other prisoners were released. 182. Ralph of Diceto, Ymagines historiarum, II.56. Ralph reported, quite incorrectly, that Jerusalem and other cities were surrendered in return for the freedom of the King, ‘Theodoricus’ the Master of the Temple, and others, including Balian of Ibelin and Reynald of Sidon who were not prisoners at all. He was totally confused. 183. CitationParent de Curzon, La règle du Temple; CitationUpton-Ward, The Rule of the Templars, §232 (p. 74). 184. Continuatio, I.xiii (p. 70): ‘Quorum unus fuit magister militie templi Teodoricus qui tamen illo die plus quam ducentos ex fratribus amisit.’. 185. The Rule of the Templars, §§198–221 (pp. 67–71). 186. The same comment may be made of Meroris et doloris nostri and Meroris et angustie incomparabilis. See n. 167 above. 187. RHGesta, II.22. 188. Lyon Eracles, §25 (p. 37) and Ernoul, c. XII (p. 146): 80 Templars, 10 Hospitallers, and 40 knights from the royal garrison at Nazareth. The Colbert/Fontainebleau Eracles, XXIII.xxvi (p. 39), has 90 Templars, 10 Hospitallers, and 40 royal knights from Nazareth. The Libellus de expugnatione Terre Sancte per Saladinum simply gives the total number of knights as 130 and the Itinerarium peregrinorum does not give a number at all. 189. Gerald of Wales, De principis instructione, II.xxiii (p. 201): ‘… prædictus magister Hospitalis, et frater Robertus Frenellus, mareschallus Templi, et frater Jaquelinus, cum quinquaginta militibus et decem servientibus Templi præter alios animas suas Domino reddiderunt; …’; RHGesta, II.10, 21; RHChron. (Stubbs), II.319. 190. See Sciatis igitur: ‘Et nisi cito residuis et iam dictis civitatibus et reliquis paucissimis christianorum orientalium subveniatur …’; Meroris et doloris nostri: ‘…, Terre Sancte civitates et castella, …, caperent et sue dicioni subiugarent, omnibus ferme incolis in ore gladii consumptis.’; Condignum et inestimabilem dolorem: ‘Pro residuis formidolosa nos detinet hesitatio, …, maxime cum victualibus et equitaturis et armis bellicis et defensoribus constet esse spoliatos.’. 191. Roger of Howden has the same report in the body of his text of the Gesta. See RHGesta, 20. So also does William of Newburgh, who qualifies ‘Syri’ as ‘indigenas Christianos’. See CitationWilliam of Newburgh, Historia rerum Anglicarum, 260. 192. See Ibn Shaddād, Al-Nawādir al-sul āniyya, 79–80; Ibn al-Athīr, Chronicle, 339; Imād al-Dīn, Conquête de la Syrie, trans. Massé, 80–82; Abū Shāma, Kitāb al-raw atayn, IV.345, quoting Imād al-Dīn. 193. Quot quantis calamitatibus [RHChron.]: ‘Quot quantisque calamitatibus ira Dei, nostris peccatis exigentibus, nos in præsenti flagellare permiserit, nec literis nec flebili voce, proh dolor, explicare valemus.’; idem [CRC]: ‘Quod quantisque calamitatibus ira Dei, peccatis nostris exigentibus, perculsi in presentiarum, opprimamur, nec litteris nec flebili voce, pro dolor, explicare valemus.’; Libellus de expugnatione: ‘Quantis pressuris et calamitatibus oppressa sit et contrita Orientalis ecclesia a paganis, sine dolore et effusione lacrymarum vestræ excellentiæ quis intimare potest?’; Dum attendimus: ‘Dum attendimus quot calamitatibus et pressuris orientalis ecclesia sic indesinenter exposita [sit], et quomodo …’. 194. See, Meroris et doloris nostri: ‘… Sanctissimo domino et patri suo Urbano sancrosancte Romane ecclesie sumo pontifici et universali pape, …’ [see n. 167 above] and Ex celeris fame volatu: ‘Piisimo patri et domino Urbano, Dei gratia sancte et universalis ecclesie pastori dignissimo, …’ [see n. 167 above]. 195. Wattenbach, Magni presbyteri Annales, 508–9: ‘… Comes Tripolitanus et domnus Basianus et Reinardus domnus Sydonis et frater Terricus magister domus Templi vix evaserunt.’. 196. Quot quantis calamitatibus [RHChron.]: ‘… & tanta est eorum copia quod totam terræ faciem a Tyro vsque ad Ierusalem & usque ad Gazam velut formicæ cooperuerunt.’; idem [CRC]: ‘… et tanta est eorum copia quod tantam terre faciem a Tiro usque Iherusalem et usque Gazam velut formice frequentes cooperuerunt.’; Sciatis igitur: ‘… Tanta est autem multitudo Sarracenorum et Turcorum quod a Tyre quam obsident usque Iherusalem [et Gazam] cooperuerunt superficiem terre quasi formice innumerabiles.’. 197. See, for example the word play in Ex quo vox illa turturis, the encyclical letter of Henry of Albano to the Germans. See Chroust, Historia de expeditione Friderici imperatori, 11–13. 198. CitationHesbert, Corpus antiphonalium, III, No 3407 (p. 293): ‘Ipsi sum desponsata cui angeli serviunt, cujus pulchritudinem sol et luna mirantur.’. There were other versions of this antiphon. Cf. No 1968 (p. 117): ‘Cujus pulchritudinem sol et luna mirantur, ipsi soli servo fidem.’. 199. We should add also the two treatises of Peter of Blois, the Passio Raginaldi principis Antiochie and the Conquestio de dilatione vie Ierosolimitane, ed. R.B.C. Huygens in Petri Blesensis tractatus duo [CCCont.Med., CXCIV] (Turnhout, Brepols, 2002), 31–73, 75–95.
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