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Haunting pasts: time and historicity as constructed by the Argentine Madres de Plaza de Mayo and radical Flemish nationalists

2009; Routledge; Volume: 34; Issue: 4 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1080/03071020903256986

1470-1200

Berber Bevernage, Koen Aerts,

Historical Geopolitical and Social Dynamics

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes 4This article could not have been written without the financial support of the Research Foundation – Flanders and the help of Bouke Billiet, Professor Jan Art, Professor Gita Deneckere, Professor Bruno De Wever, Professor Baz Lecocq, Professor Chris Lorenz and Professor Maarten Van Ginderachter. 5It should be stated right away that there is no such thing as one unified Flemish movement. Instead, it is the generic name for a plurality of factions that all pursue a Flemish identity and/or state and alternately focus on cultural, social and economic issues. See Bruno De Wever, ‘Vierduizend pagina's Vlaamse beweging’[‘Four thousand pages of the Flemish movement’], Nachbarsprache niederländisch, xiv, 2 (1999), 165–6. 6L. Huyse, S. Dhondt, P. Depuydt, K. Hoflack and I. Vanhoren, Onverwerkt verleden: collaboratie en repressie in België 1942–1952[Persistent Past: Collaboration and Purge in Belgium 1942–1952] (Leuven, 1991), 9. 7F.-J. Verdoodt (ed.), Voorwaarts maar niet vergeten[Forward without Forgetting] (Gent, 2001). 8P. Dewael, Vooruitzien: ideeën over een kleurrijk Vlaanderen[‘Looking forward: ideas about a colourful Flanders’], 4 March 2001, 9–10. This plea for a Flemish truth and reconciliation commission has in the meantime been repeated publicly by more moderate Flemish nationalists, most recently in 2007. L. Abicht, ‘Vrijheid, vrede, verdraagzaamheid’, a speech given on a Flemish nationalist war commemoration in Diksmuide, 27 August 2007. Available online at: http://www. ijzertoren.org/indexnew.php?section=2&chapter=57 (last accessed 19 January 2009). 9F. Hartog, Régimes d'Historicité (Seuil, 2003). 10V. Jankélévitch, L'irréversible et la nostalgie (Paris, 1974), 211–12. Sadly, Jankélévitch prematurely aborts this promising opening offered by the concept of the irrevocable quasi immediately after he has stated its existence as an experience. Jankélévitch would not have been the great theorist of the modernist sense of time if he did not stress the merely metaphorical or subjective character of the claim that the irrevocable past remains stubbornly present or alive in the present. In reality, Jankélévitch claims, all time moves constantly in one direction and the endurance or repetition of the past into the present can thus only be a distorted experience of what in reality is a process of irreversible becoming. 11Expression from A. F. Gordon, Ghostly Matters. Haunting and the Sociological Imagination (Minneapolis, 1997), 111. 12I. Vázquez and K. Downie (eds), Un país. 30 años. El pañuelo sigue haciendo historia (Buenos Aires, 2006). 13J. G. Schirmer, ‘“Those Who Die for Life Cannot be Called Dead”. Women and human rights protest in Latin America’ in M. Agosin (ed.), Surviving Beyond Fear. Women, Children and Human Rights in Latin America (New York, 1993), 52. 14 ibid., 53. 15A. Malin, ‘Mother who won't disappear’, Human Rights Quarterly, xv (1993), 207. It is important to make a clear distinction between the notion of ‘mourning’ and that of ‘grief’. Grief refers to a natural emotion that is a universal human reaction to loss. Mourning, on the other hand, refers to a culturally or socially constructed response to loss that can manifest many historical and geographical varieties. While grief is mostly experienced privately by the individual, mourning is a task that is often bound to social rules. While grief can be found in some animals such as primates, mourning is considered to be typically human. So, while the Madres refuse to fulfil the societal demand for the work of mourning, they do, of course, grieve for their disappeared children. For a clear discussion of both terms, see P. Homans (ed.), Symbolic Loss. The Ambiguity of Mourning and Memory at Century's End (Charlottesville, 2000), 1–3. 16Cited in M. Feitlowitz, A Lexicon of Terror. Argentina and the Legacies of Torture (New York, 1998), 13. 17After the end of the dictatorship, these laws were cancelled by the democratic government of Raúl Alfonsín. However, his government issued a new series of similar laws. 18Cited in M. C. Salama, Tumbas anónimas. Informe sobre la identificación de restos de víctimas de la represión ilegal (Equipo Argentino de Antropología Forense) (Buenos Aires, 1992), 51. Own translation. 20Cited in Salama, op. cit., 43–4. Own translation. 19The notice is reproduced in M. Sánchez, Historias de vida. Hebe de Bonafini (Buenos Aires, 1985), 238–9. 21Expression from M. Mellibovsky, Circle of Love over Death. Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo (Willimantic, 1997), x. It was, of course, very difficult for the Madres to assume this radical position. As Hebe de Bonafini recalls, ‘It cost us weeks and weeks of meetings at which there were many tears and much despair, because the profound Catholic formation of our people creates almost a need to have a dead body, a burial, and a Mass.’ Cited in A. Robben, ‘State terror in the netherworld. Disappearance and reburial in Argentina’ in A. Robben (ed.), Death, Mourning and Burial. A Cross-Cultural Reader (Malden, 2004), 143. 22Cited in C. Joyce and E. Stover, Witnesses from the Grave. The Stories Bones Tell (Boston, 1991), 254. 23Asociación Madres de Plaza de Mayo, ‘Nuestras Consignas’. Document available online at: http://www.madres.org/ 24Own translation. These radical stances and the discussions around the slogan ‘aparición con vida’ in 1986 eventually led to a split within the movement of the Madres, with a more moderate group, calling themselves the Línea Fundadora, leaving the main group led by Hebe de Bonafini. In contrast to de Bonafini's group, the Línea Fundadora does accept exhumations, if they are not carried out on a massive scale and if they happen after consultation with the close family of the victims. They do not reject posthumous honouring performed in universities, schools, syndicats, etc., if it is aimed at real remembrance and is not an excuse for forgetting. Furthermore, they state that the individual families have to decide whether they accept economic reparations. See Madres de Plaza de Mayo – Línea Fundadora, ‘Brevísimo resumen de la creación y desarrollo del movimiento de Madres de Plaza de Mayo’ (1987). Document consultable online at: http://www. madresfundadoras.org.ar/ 25Salama, op. cit., 13. Own translation. 26Asociación Madres de Plaza de Mayo, ‘Carta a la Comisión Pro-Monumento a los desaparecidos’. Document available online at: http://www.madres.org/asp/contenido.asp?clave=744. 27In 1977 Alfredo Astiz, a captain and intelligence officer of the Argentine Navy, infiltrated into the organization of the Madres de Plaza de Mayo by claiming to be the brother of a desaparecido and presenting himself under the false name of Gustavo Niño. After having attended a few of the Madres' clandestine meetings, Astiz organized the abduction of the founder of the Madres, Azucena Villaflor de Vicenti, and two French nuns, Alice Domon and Léonie Duquet. Although Astiz was involved in the abduction and torturing of many other innocent victims, the kidnapping of Domon and Duquet together with that of a Swedish girl, Dagmar Hagelin, provoked a lot of international protest. Both Sweden, Italy and France have requested Astiz's extradition, but these requests were refused. 28Asociación Madres de Plaza de Mayo, ‘Nuestras tres mejores madres’. Press conference, 14 July 2005. Document available online at: http://www.madres.org/asp/contenido.asp?clave=1146. 29Asociación Madres de Plaza de Mayo, ‘No revindicamos los cuerpos de nuestras compañeras, sino sus vidas, su pensamiento, su historia’. Speech by Hebe de Bonafini, Plaza de Mayo, 14 July 2005. Document available online at: http://www.madres.org/asp/contenido.asp?clave=1140 (own translation). 30A. D. Smith, Myths and Memories of the Nation (Oxford, 1999), 268. 31F. Boudrez, ‘Heldenhulde’[‘Homage’] in R. de Schryver, B. De Wever, G. Durnez, L. Gevers, P. Van Hees and M. De Metsenaere (eds), Nieuwe encyclopedie van de Vlaamse beweging[New Encyclopedia of the Flemish Movement] (Tielt, 1998), 1418. 32F. Seberechts, ‘Slechts de graven maken een land tot vaderland’[‘Only graves make a country a fatherland’] in F. Seberechts (ed.), Duurzamer dan graniet[More Durable than Granite] (Tielt, 2003), 126. 33L. De Ryck, Terug naar niemandsland[Back to No Man's Land] (Veurne, 1996), 101–3. 34Seberechts, op. cit., 131. 35Own translation: Hier liggen hun lijken als zaden in het zand. Hoop op den oogst, O Vlaanderland. 36Verschaeve, op. cit., 228–9. [Own translation: Onsterfelijk zult gij zijn. Uw onsterfelijkheid zal met den dag van de zegepraal beginnen. Zegepraal is verrijzenis, geboorte kent dood maar verrijzenis niet meer! Niemand zal langer leven dan gij, doden van den Ijzer]. 37R. Vanlandschoot, ‘Verbond van Dietsche Nationaal Solidaristen’ in de Schryver et al. (eds), op. cit., 3192; R. Vanlandschoot, Kapelaan Verschaeve: biografie[Chaplain Verschaeve: A Biography] (Tielt, 1998), 305–12. 38Vanlandschoot, op. cit., 285–6. 39Verschaeve, op. cit., 354–5. [Own translation: Er is geen rust op Vlaanderens dodenvelden, omdat de doden geen einde in hun dood vonden … eeuwenlang kondet gij uw graven niet sluiten. … Vredeloze doden, eeuwige rode en natte slagvelden, steeds openblijvende graven.]. 40 ibid., 367–8. [Own translation: Dood is 's levens leermeester. … Lijken van gesneuvelden liggen gericht naar de toekomst. Zij vielen voor geen verleden, zij vielen voor de toekomst. Dood is geen stap achteruit, maar een stap vooruit. Ze gingen, ze gaan u voor, diegene die gij in 't verleden zoekt, in de toekomst.]. 41Vanlandschoot, op. cit., 299. 42C. Verschaeve, ‘Laat ze niet rotten, O Vlaanderland’[‘Don't let them putrefy, O Flanders’] (Antwerp, s.d.). [Own translation: Luid brult uw rouw, Stil is de trouw! Onze stilte is gestoord Door luid lied en hol woord. 't Dient niet ons, het dient u tot verstrooiing; Voor de doôn is verstrooiing vergooiing. Vult vrij één dag, zo, uit uw tijd. … Wij leven, wij, in de eeuwigheid …]. 43A. Beck, ‘Ijzerbedevaart(en)’[‘Pilgrimage(s) of the Yser’] in de Schryver et al. (eds), op. cit., 1507–8; Seberechts, op. cit., 139–40. 44J. Tyssens, ‘Geene rouwplechtigheid, een feest der Onsterfelijkheid’[‘No ritual of mourning, a feast of immortality’] in Seberechts (ed.), op. cit., 104. 45Seberechts, op. cit., 142–3. 46See the updated website of this organization: http://www.vlaamsemilitantenorde.com/ (last accessed 19 January 2009); and Bart De Wever, ‘Vlaamse Militanten Orde – Vlaamse Militanten Organisatie’ in de Schryver et al. (eds), op. cit., 3465. 47See http://www.vlaamsemilitantenorde.com/brevier.htm (last accessed 19 January 2009). 48Own translation. Radical Flemish nationalists often refuse to capitalize Belgium or Belgian. 49Own translation. 50M. Reynebeau, ‘Bert Eriksson brengt fascistische helden postuum weer thuis’[‘Bert Eriksson brings fascist heroes back home posthumously’], De Standaard, 16 December 2004. 51 http://www.vlaamsemilitantenorde.com/wolfsangel.htm (last accessed 19 January 2009). 52‘Mussert ligt nog in Nederland’[‘Mussert still lies in the Netherlands’], De Standaard, 31 December 2004. In December 2004, a Dutch journalist questioned these facts. According to him, Musserts's remains are still in the Netherlands, because the VMO dug up the wrong person. 53‘Vraag nr. 48 van de heer Verreycken d.d. 29 September 1995’, Vragen en Antwoorden[‘Questions and Answers’], Senaat, n° 1–47 (November 1995), 128. 54W. Moons, Het proces-Irma Laplasse[The Case of Irma Laplasse] (Groot-Bijgaarden, 1996), passim. 55Albert II van België, Toespraak tot de Overheden van het Land (Speech to the authorities of the country], Brussels, 2 January 1994. 56Thanks to Professor Baz Lecocq for this expression. 57‘Koninklijk Besluit van 18 April 1994’, Belgisch Staatsblad, 23 April 1994. 58T. De Meester, ‘De natie onder vuur’[‘The nation under fire’], Bijdragen tot de Eigentijdse Geschiedenis, 3 (1997), 90. 59Bruno De Wever, op. cit., 116; G. Fonteyn, ‘De as van Léon Degrelle’[‘The ashes of Léon Degrelle’], De Standaard, 22 May 2001. 60K. Verdery, The Political Lives of Dead Bodies (New York, 1999). 61M. Ramphele, ‘Political widowhood in South Africa’, Daedalus, cxxv, 1 (1996), 99–117. 62R. Layton, Conflict in the Archaeology of Living Traditions (New York, 1994). 63K. McEvoy and H. Conway, ‘The dead, the law and the politics of the past’, Journal of Law and Society, xxxi, 4 (2004), 545. 64R. P. Harrison, The Dominion of the Dead (Chicago, 2003), 25. 65Cited in ibid. 66For a discussion of competing claims on the dead within different factions of the Flemish movement, see M. Van Ginderachter, ‘Mythen en martelaren in het Vlaams-nationalisme’[‘Myths and martyrs in Flemish nationalism’], Tijdschrift voor geschiedenis, cxiv, 3 (2001), 394–410. 67After the German invasion in 1940, Van Severen was removed to the French town of Abbeville by the Belgian state security department, where he was shot by drunken French soldiers. The epitaph on his later grave read as follows: ‘Here rests, awaiting resurrection, Joris Van Severen, new unifier of the Netherlands, Father of the Fatherland’. See Bruno De Wever, op. cit., 114–15. 68A. D'Haese, ‘Slechts de graven maken een land tot vaderland’[‘Only graves make a country a fatherland’], Strijd, 2 (1937), 5. 69Harrison, op. cit., 110. 70M. de Certeau, The Writing of History (New York, 1988). For an intellectual history of the break between past and present, see also R. Koselleck, Futures Past (New York, 2004). 71Asociación Madres de Plaza de Mayo, ‘Las madres nos sentimos revolucionarias’ (March 1995). Own translation. Text available online at: http://www.madres.org/asp/contenido.asp?clave=420. 72M. de Certeau, op. cit., 7. 73On the cult around the dead as a potential space of resistance in Argentina, see S. Leferink, Wij armen kunnen niet sterven[We Poor Cannot Die] (Amsterdam, 2002). 74This spectral resistance of the Madres and the Flemish nationalists is certainly not unique. In China, for example, the local belief in ghosts is used instrumentally as a form of resistance against the ideology of progress of the central government. See E. Mueggler, ‘Spectral subversions’, Comparative Studies in Society and History, xli, 3 (1999), 458–81. In Europe, too, the dead have been returning ever since antiquity in order to demand justice, name perpetrators, or take revenge personally. See R. C. Finucane, Appearances of the Dead (London, 1982). 75Mark Salber Phillips rightly remarks that historians, by solely focusing on truth and meaning, have all too often neglected the dimension of ‘distance’ in historiography. The ‘distance’ between past and present, according to Phillips, is not just a given fact but is partly constructed by historians. See M. S. Phillips, ‘Distance and historical representation’, History Workshop Journal, lvii (2004), 123–41. Thanks to Professor Chris Lorenz for this reference. 76Asociación Madres de Plaza de Mayo, ‘Algunas relaciones entre ética y política en la post-dictadura parte I’ (6 November 1999), lecture by Inés Vázquez in preparation for the creation of the popular university of the Madres, the UPMPM. Text available online at: http://www.madres.org/asp/contenido.asp?clave=168. 77Term from Harrison, op. cit., 25. 78On the close relationship between nationalism and contemporaneity (simultaneity), see B. Anderson, Imagined Communities (London, 2006). 79J. C. Scott, The Moral Economy of the Peasant (New Haven, 1976). 80Nicole Loraux, La cité divisée: L'oubli dans la mémoire d'Athenes (Paris, 1997). In the meantime, this assertion has been nuanced by Jon Elster, who writes that the citizens of Athens had to take an oath of reconciliation which stipulated that they were not allowed to be resentful, but that this oath did not include a general ban on each reference to the past. See J. Elster, Closing the Books (Cambridge, 2004). 81Cited in Anderson, op. cit. 82J. Derrida, Spectres of Marx. The State of Debt, the Work of Mourning, and the New International (New York, 1994), 101. 83For a great overview of historical studies on ‘enchantment’ and popular belief in magic, see M. Saler, ‘Modernity and enchantment. A historiographic review’, American Historical Review, cxi, 3 (2006), 692–716. For an interesting discussion of the recent interest in memory by historians, see K. L. Klein, ‘On the emergence of memory in historical discourse’, Representations, lxix (2000), 127–50.