Civic design and national identity: the example of Edwardian Ireland
2011; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 26; Issue: 3 Linguagem: Inglês
10.1080/02665433.2011.575560
ISSN1466-4518
Autores Tópico(s)Irish and British Studies
ResumoAbstract The field of civic design is a relatively unexplored domain within British cultural, political and planning history, despite its implementation by public authorities and its acknowledged significance to formative town planning.Footnote1 What is more, given the determined moves circa 1900 within a number of British-controlled territories to obtain governmental independence, art was manipulated, on the one hand, to be an authoritative force to help maintain control over native populations and, for those seeking to remove British sovereignty, to express local pride and notions of nationhood. This article examines the design of the Royal College of Science and Government Buildings in Dublin, Ireland. In doing so, it reads British–Irish opposition into the built environment. The aim is to broaden the understanding that historians and planners have as to how cultural, political, artistic and environmental forces interrelated with each other during an age when, significantly, urban planning was being professionalized and diffused across the globe and the understanding of national identity in towns and cities under British jurisdiction was being recast. Keywords: Edwardiancivic designIrelandBritainnationhoodAston Webb Acknowledgements The author wishes to express his thanks to the Clinton Institute, University College Dublin, for the visiting fellowship in 2009 that allowed the research on Edwardian Dublin to be undertaken and to the referees for their helpful comments with regard to the nature of this paper. Notes S.M. Gaskell, ‘The Suburb Salubrious: Town Planning in Practice’, in British Town Planning: The Formative Years, ed. A. Sutcliffe (Leicester, England: Leicester University Press, 1981), 50. A. Porter, The Nineteenth Century (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 1999), 516. T.W. Guinnane and R.I. Miller, ‘The Limits to Land Reform: The Land Acts in Ireland, 1870–1909′, Economic Development and Cultural Change 45.3 (1997): 591. J. Prunty, ‘Improving the Urban Environment: Public Health and Housing in Nineteenth-Century Dublin’, in Dublin Through Space and Time, eds. J. Brady and A. Simms (Dublin, Ireland: Four Courts Press, 2001), 191–5. J. McCormack, The Story of Ireland (Dublin, Ireland: Mentor Books, 2002), 200–6 and S.J. Connelly, The Oxford Companion to Irish History (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2004), 238–40. C. Eason, ‘The Tenement Houses of Dublin: Their Condition and Regulation’, Journal of the Statistical and Social Inquiry Society of Ireland 10 (1899): 383; K.B. Nowlan, Georgian Dublin (Dublin, Ireland: Environmental Institute, UCD, 1988) and M. Crinson, ‘Georgianism and the Tenements, 1908–1926’, Art History 29.4 (2006): 625–6. P. O’ Donovan, ‘Introduction’, in Irish Shop Fronts, eds. J. Murphy and P. O’ Donovan (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1981), ii. Ibid., i. Belfast's City Hall was built from 1898 to 1906 in a Baroque style at a cost of £369,000. The architect was Brumwell Thomas of London. The general contractors were H. Martin and J. Martin of Belfast. The building has a front elevation measuring 300 feet in length and side elevations of 230 feet. At the top of its dome, the City Hall measures 173 feet in height. A description of the building is given by A.B. Thomas, ‘The Belfast City Hall’, The Architectural Review (20 October 1906): 189–92. In this article, Thomas notes that the edifice and its site are ‘without parallel throughout the kingdom’ (p. 189). In 1901, the population of Belfast was approximately 349,000. Dublin's population was 290,638 at that time. Source: HMSO Census for Ireland, 1901. The buildings were completed in 1890. The combined cost was £150,000. C. Lincoln, Dublin as a Work of Art (Dublin, Ireland: The O’ Brien Press, 1992), 160. P. Liddy, Dublin be Proud (Dublin, Ireland: Chadworth Ltd., 1987), 4. Research by the author on the late-Victorian and Edwardian civic design has shown that in general terms the British cities during the 1800s were not formed with distinct civic cores. Exceptions to this rule include Birmingham's Victoria Square district and the development of the William Brown Street in Liverpool. The first municipality to formally engage in design and planning so as to establish a civic centre was Cardiff in the late 1890s. I. Morley, British Provincial Civic Design and the Building of Late-Victorian and Edwardian Cities, 1880–1914 (Lampeter, Wales: Mellen Press, 2008) and I. Morley, ‘Representing a City and Nation: Wales's Matchless Civic Centre’, The Welsh History Review 24.3 (2009): 59–64. A. Becker, J. Olley and W. Wang, Ireland: 20th Century Architecture (Munich, Germany: Prestel, 1997), 11. The Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland came into effect on 1 January 1801. The signing of the Anglo–Irish Treaty and the subsequent passing of the Irish Free State Constitution Act in December 1922 brought an end to the political union between Britain and Ireland. The practice of Classical architecture by the Irish designers in the nineteenth-century Dublin was heavily influenced by Georgian design dating from the late 1700s. See J. Brady, ‘Dublin at the Turn of the Century’, in Dublin through Space and Time, eds. J. Brady and A. Simms (Dublin, Ireland: Four Courts Press, 2001), 222–3. H. Campbell, ‘The Emergence of Modern Dublin: Reality and Representation’, Architecture Research Quarterly 2 (1997): 49. C.L. Eastlake, A History of the Gothic Revival (London, UK: Longmans, 1872), 153–4 and D. Watkin, Morality and Architecture (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1977), 17–23. Despite the Kingdom of Ireland being united with the Kingdom of Great Britain after the passing of the Acts of Union, it was treated like a colony in terms of law-making and policing. R. Colls, Identity of England (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2002), 93. The Irish Builder and Engineer, 46 May 7, 1905, 281. Civic design in this work is defined as being the attempt by a designer to relate a new public building to the already built environment for the purpose of obtaining pleasing effects and convenience. Ideally, the new building and the surrounding local built environment are brought into harmonious accord. Morley, British Provincial Civic Design and the Building, 11–14. Although the Edwardian era follows the reign of King Edward VII from 1901 to 1910, it is also commonly used to refer to the period following Queen Victoria's death in 1901 up to the start of World War One in 1914. In some instances, writers, such as Alastair Service, have employed a time frame of 1890 to 1914 to explain the British architectural development. See A. Service, Edwardian Architecture: A Handbook of Building Design in Britain 1890–1914 (London, UK: Thames and Hudson, 1977). C. Casey, The Buildings of Ireland: Dublin (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2005), 560. The space was laid out in 1762. Casey describes the contribution of the Merrion Square to the cityscape as being unequalled in Dublin. Casey, The Buildings of Ireland: Dublin, 577. The Builder, 91 October 13, 1906, 430. The Irish Builder and Engineer, ‘The New College of Science’, vol. 45, no. 6 (May 7, 1904): 281. Ibid., 45 May 7, 1904, 281. There is evidence from about 1901 to suggest that the notion of a quadrangle was put forward by the First Commissioner of the Board of Work, Sir George Holmes, as it granted certain pragmatic benefits: it would allow for staged construction over a number of years, it was a type of plan which the British authorities were wholly familiar with in London, given its use in Whitehall, and it allowed for the unification and containment of the edifice's different functions within its various blocks. E.L. Hull, Report of the Dean of the College of Science for Ireland, 1884, 2. National Archives of Ireland AG 6286/1901. Due to the low levels of elementary education in Ireland, many local young people did not possess the knowledge or skills necessary to enter the college's courses. As a consequence, most students in the college's early years came from England and Scotland. To compose its report, the committee interviewed members of the corporations of Belfast, Cork and Dublin, board members of Trinity College in Dublin, members of the Chambers of Commerce for Belfast, Cork and Dublin, and Dublin United Trades Council, plus various individuals of note to local society as well as educational specialists in Britain. Narratives of economic development in Ireland by the late 1800s also engaged with issues of identity and politics. M. Daly, Industrial Development and Irish National Identity (Dublin, Ireland: Gill & Macmillan, 1992), 4. The methodology used by the author to recognize the nature of civic design employs two analytical lenses. The first centres upon identifying elements of design relating to the setting of the building, and the second examines structural and technical design elements. In all, more than 20 different elements associated with the environmental situation and technical design form were inspected. Irish Times, September 23, 1902, 6 (Educational conference which was held on September 17 1902). The theme of Irish development was politically contentious and made complicated within nationalist circles by the growth of mythology surrounding the virtuous Irish peasant and artisan traditions. Such beliefs, evident in publications such as the United Irishman and Leader, thus while adhering to the view that modern industry could bring national advantages emphasized that to do so had to be controlled in order to support rather than overcome the decentralized rural civilization that defined the Irish nation. T.F. Ryan, The History and Architecture of Sir Aston Webb's College of Science and Government Buildings, Dublin (MA thesis, Department of Art, University College Dublin, 1991), 11. The Kildare Street/Merrion Street district had been accumulating public buildings from the 1860s, a time when South Kensington in London was undergoing development. By 1899, all public buildings in the Kildare Street/Merrion Street were under the jurisdiction of the Department of Agriculture and Technical Instruction. By the end of the nineteenth century, this district contained Ireland's National Library and National Gallery, the School of Art, Dublin's Science and Art Museum and Natural History Museum. Dublin in the 1800s was known as a hybrid city, an Irish city yet one also acting as the gateway for the diffusion of British culture in Ireland. A. Kincaid, Postcolonial Dublin (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2006), 20. C. Townshend, Ireland: The Twentieth Century (London, UK: Arnold, 1998), 38. The rise of Irish nationalism and shifts in the emblematic representation of Central Dublin's environment have been discussed in detail by Yvonne Whelan in Reinventing Modern Dublin: Streetscape, Iconography and the Politics of Identity (Dublin, Ireland: University College Press, 2003). R. Colls, ‘Englishness and Political Culture’, in Englishness: Politics and Culture 1880–1920, eds. R. Colls and P. Dodd (London, UK: Croom Helm, 1986), 40. The exhibition was held in 1853 on Leinster Lawn, an open space to the rear of Leinster House. The event was described at the time as being the ‘Great Industrial Exhibition in connection with the Royal Dublin Society’. See Brady, Dublin at the Turn of the Century, 226–7. Letters sent to the Irish Times in May 1903 indicate the great local interest in collectors and artists donating works of art so as to create a contemporary Irish collection which, it was hoped, would be housed in the proposed new college building. However, the idea of forming an Irish art collection stemmed from the Irish Industrial Exhibition. As the Freeman's Journal noted in April 1853, such an ensemble of art would represent the great and good of Ireland's history: ‘it would be history teaching by examples – examples of glory achieved in every department of the human intellect. He would learn, perhaps for the first time, Irish greatness in that wide domain, and in learning to aspire to imitate’. F. Cullen, ‘Union and Display in Nineteenth-century Ireland’, in Cultural Identities and the Aesthetics of Britishness, ed. D. Arnold (Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 2004), 118–19. Although existing from the 1880s, a turning point in the process of ‘de-Anglicanization’ was reached in 1893 when the Gaelic League was founded. From this point in time, linguistic, sporting and artistic issues came to more strongly define the Irish culture and the modern Irish nation. D. Hyde, ‘The Necessity for De-Anglicising Ireland’, in The Revival of Irish Literature and Other Addresses (London, UK: Routledge, 1894). ‘De-Anglicanization’ was a politicization of ethnicity, one emphasizing race, language and religion (Catholicism). M. Suzman, Ethnic Nationalism and State Power (Basingstoke, UK: MacMillan, 1999), 23. The development of anthropological studies had a profound impact upon the attitude of the British towards the Irish and the rationalizing of public policy. As the Anthropological Review 4 (1868, 137) noted, the British as members of the Saxon race were inherently orderly, confident and strong, and the Irish/Celts by nature were understood to be prone to destruction, waste and disorder. J. MacLaughlin, ‘Pestilence on their Backs, Famine in their Stomachs: The Racial Construction of Irishness and the Irish in Victorian Britain’, in Ireland and Cultural Theory, eds. C. Graham and R. Kirkland (Basingstoke, UK: MacMillan, 1999), 56. J. Marriott, The Other Empire (New York: Manchester University Press, 2003), 29. Whelan, Reinventing Modern Dublin, 111. Debate centred upon a range of matters, including the form of the building's plan and use of rooms by public authorities other than those of the college. For example, articles in 1903 in the Irish Times made reference to a number of contemporary Irish artists’ willingness to lend their work so as to form a modern art collection, and from this notion, J.P. Boland, nationalist MP for South Kerry, in a letter to the Morning Post (May 23, 1903) proposed that spaces should be set aside for a modern art gallery. In response to Boland's proposal, T.M. Deane, a renowned Irish architect, wrote to the Irish Times on May 27, 1903 and stated that the proposal was flawed and an entirely new site was better suited for such a suggestion. By August 1900, three proposals were composed in London under the supervision of the Director of Science and Arts Institutions. Ryan, History and Architecture of Sir Aston Webb's College, 17. The design of the building consisted of four symmetrical sections situated around a quadrangle space. Reasons as to why the college building incorporated government offices is the expansion of the Irish civil service, and the lack of suitable space elsewhere in the city centre. The parts of the building scheme built first were exclusively for the college use and were opened on July 8th 1911 by King George V. Construction on the sections for the government offices began shortly after but were suspended at the end of 1911. The Irish Builder and Engineer 52 (January 20, 1912, 34) commented that work was halted ‘by order of the government. The reason for this remarkable step is not clearly known, but in some quarters it is alleged to be due to the impending introduction of the Home Rule Bill which would introduce vast changes to the system of government in Ireland, and that meanwhile the British Treasury do not care to incur further outlay’. Due to the suspension of construction in 1911, and impact of world war from 1914 to 1918, the government building was not complete until 1922. Ryan, History and Architecture of Sir Aston Webb's College, 24. Of Dublin's population in 1901, 81.3% were Roman Catholics (source: Census of the City, or County Borough of Dublin, 1901), and of the 59,263 families in the city, about 70% were members of the working classes. Although many city wards did not contain large-sized Protestant enclaves, social problems, such as poor health and bad housing and sanitation, were dispersed throughout the settlement and were experienced across the Sectarian cultural and spatial boundaries even if, in numerical terms, social problems affected the Catholics the most. Importantly though, despite Dublin's poor, such as the underclass of 21,747 families occupying one-roomed tenement dwellings, having little input of the numerous public reports written before 1900 on Dublin's environmental condition – an expression of the gulf separating legislators in London, British administrators in Dublin and local residents [see J. Prunty, Dublin Slums, 1800–1925: A Study of Urban Geography (Dublin, Ireland: Irish Architectural Press, 1998)] – the evolution of municipal government in Ireland's capital city, and the growing popularity of nationalism, led to Catholics having a greater say with regard to the many local affairs by the start of the twentieth century. One expressing the growing Catholic political voice was the commemoration of famous Irishmen in statue form and petitions to remove statuary associated with British imperialism. See J.V. O'Brien, ‘Dear Dirty Dublin’: A City in Distress, 1899–1916 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982) and Brady, Dublin at the Turn of the Century, 233–6. House of Commons – Yesterday, Irish Times, July 28, 1903, 7. Royal College of Science, Irish Times, September 1, 1903, 4. A letter published in the newspaper expressing the view that the scheme should be managed by a local architect was seconded by John Duigenan, L.R.C.E., J.J.P. This sentiment was originally published in the Irish Times at the end of August by Alderman William Doyle of Dublin. Royal College of Science, Irish Times, August 31, 1903, 4. Official enquiries about the project from well-known Irish architects were received from 1901. Interested Irish designers included the partnership of Carroll and Bachelor, as well as Thomas Manly Deane and Sir Thomas Drew. See Board of Works 1901 Index of Letters, National Archives of Ireland numbers 1901/2465, 1901/23670, 1901/23980, 1901/24475 and 1901/24672. The contested nature of Dublin's cityscape was particularly evident from the 1870s when a number of statues were suggested for the Sackville Street. The erection of the statuary marked a turning point in not only the evolution of Dublin's built environment but also its iconography as debates emerged over the influence of the British government over the funding and designers of the statues (of Irish heroes). See Whelan, Reinventing Modern Dublin, 53–77. A. Gibney, ‘Continuity and Change in the OPW 1900–2000’, in Building for Government: the Architecture of State Buildings OPW: Ireland 1900–2000, eds. T. Brown, A. Gibney, M. O’ Doherty and C. Pegum (Dublin, Ireland: Town House and Country House, 1999), 18. The nature of the Public Office Site (Dublin) Act 1903 meant that the government could wait 12 months, that is, up to mid-August 1904, before naming an architect. Webb's notable Edwardian civic projects include the Birmingham University, the Royal College of Science, Royal School of Mines, Victoria and Albert Museum and the Queen Victoria Memorial Scheme in London, plus the law courts in Hong Kong. Webb's status in the architectural profession at this time was enhanced by his presidency of the Royal Institute of British Architects (RIBA) and his receiving of the Royal Gold Medal for Architecture and the American Institute of Architect's Gold Medal. Çelik has generically commented upon the symbolism of royal visits and ceremonies in emphasizing empire and the ‘political centre’. Z. Çelik, Empire, Architecture and the City (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2008), 216–17. Beneath the foundation stone, the King deposited a statement on the origin of the building and newspapers of the day. Ryan, History and Architecture of Sir Aston Webb's College, 44. The Irish Builder and Engineer, 45 1904, 281. Ibid., 45 ‘Topical Touches’, April 23, 1904. Laurie was selected by the Board of Works because, in the words of Victor Cavendish, Secretary to the Treasury, he was ‘the man who was considered most suitable for the work’. See ‘Questions in Parliament’, Irish Times, April 14, 1905. While the statement ventured to alleviate Irish concerns over the building, the appointment of Laurie reinforced local opinion that the British were intent upon bringing in outsiders to implement the project. Ryan (1991) has suggested that no suitable Irish candidates existed, in part, due to the poor levels of education in Ireland. Thus, no Irish citizens, he believed, possessed the skills needed to oversee such a large project. Despite Irish aggravation against the decision to include an English architect, Webb was not criticized by the Irish media: ‘With him, personally, Irish architects have no quarrel; they will cordially and unaffectedly bid him a kindly welcome to Ireland, recognizing in him one who has by sheer ability and hard work attained to a position at the very head of the profession, and is, personally, a courteous and accomplished gentleman.’ The Irish Builder and Engineer, 1904, 281; ‘there is no room for doubt, as may be gathered from the views we publish, that the distinguished London architect responsible for the design of the building will give us a building in every respect worthy of Dublin and the great reputation he has made for himself’. The Irish Builder and Engineer, March 25, 1905, 18. The Irish Builder and Engineer, 45 1904, 281. Ibid., 45 April 23, 1904, 237. Ibid., 45 May 7, 1904, 282. Ibid., 281. Irish Times, August 31, 1903. Upon the passing of the Public Offices Site (Dublin) Act 1903 on August 11, 1903, £225,000 was released to finance the scheme. The matter of Ireland's economy and its underdevelopment was a major component of the Irish nationalist political debate, as exemplified in the newspaper The Leader. In order for the Irish economy to modernize and develop, nationalists and their media mouthpieces argued that the country needed to free itself of the British legislation so as to better utilize its manpower and resources. Kincaid, Postcolonial Dublin, 23–4. A. Maddison, The World Economy: A Millennial Perspective (Paris, France: OECD Publishing, 2006), 410 and S. Howe, Ireland and Empire: Colonial Legacies in Irish History and Culture (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2000), 150. The choice of the architect was based on a joint recommendation by the Department of Agriculture and Technical Instruction, and Board of Works. This information was made public in July 1903 when Arthur Elliot MP, Financial Secretary to the Treasury, was questioned in Parliament by the Irish nationalist politicians James O’ Connor MP and John Mooney MP. In July 1903, it was not known if an architect had been chosen for the scheme, but the Irish public was suspicious that the job was going to an Englishman. Ryan, History and Architecture of Sir Aston Webb's College, 41. Some of the Irish architectural press in 1904 commented upon the proposed design as being solely composed from the mind of Webb. The actual design scheme did not emerge until March 1905 when it was published in The Irish Builder and Engineer. The Irish Builder and Engineer, May 7, 1904, 282. There is much evidence to suggest that the Irish assumption about Webb dominating the design process, and the limited role Deane had, was correct: ‘It seems that even during the course of the buildings he [Deane] could not effect the smallest modifications to the overall plan’. Ryan, History and Architecture of Sir Aston Webb's College, 62. The Act broadened the democratic process by allowing more working class men the right to vote. In Ireland, the Act led to a rapid rise in the catholic block and thus the taking of most available seats in the parliament by the nationalist politicians. E. Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism Since 1780: Programme, Myth, and Reality (Cambridge, New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 85–6. R. Begam, ‘Joyce's trojan horse’, in Modernism and Colonialism, eds. R. Begam and M. Valdez Moses (London, UK: Duke University Press, 2007), 186–7. O’ Brien, Dear Dirty Dublin, 242. A. Easthorpe, Englishness and National Culture (London, UK: Routledge, 1999), 1. It has been argued that changing political and cultural circumstances led to a redefining of the meaning of community in Ireland at the hands of, and in response to, invasive external, that is, British influences. See S. Clark, Social Origins of the Irish Land War (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1979). R. Begam and M. Valdez Moses, Modernism and Colonialism: British and Irish Literature, 1899–1939 (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2007). This matter has been explained by O'Brien albeit through the lens of analysing the character of Irish nationalism. He suggests that in light of nationalists perceiving themselves as self-proclaimed custodians of Irish honour, and at the same time as they were demonizers of the British, even apolitical schemes or ideas put forward by the British government could attract some form of nationalist attention, and from this standpoint, any identifiable British difficulty could be understood to be Ireland's home rule opportunity. O'Brien, Dear Dirty Dublin, 242. Nationalist newspapers such as the United Irishman had from circa 1900 extolled the virtues of Irish masonry over modern materials used in Britain, for example, concrete, a material condemned not because of its ties with modernity but rather because of its connection to ‘Anglicanism’. P. Maume, Long Gestation: Irish Nationalist Life, 1891–1918 (Dublin, Ireland: Gill and Macmillan, 1999), 48. Butler enjoyed a very fruitful career. From 1899 to 1935, he edited The Irish Builder, and in 1924, he was appointed the professor of architecture at University College Dublin. In terms of design practice, Butler contributed heavily to the Irish ecclesiastical design, although arguably his greatest success was his 1912 competition win for the University College Dublin building on Earlsfort Terrace. The laying of a foundation stone is more than a customary event in the construction of an edifice. The ceremony marks an important moment of passage in the development of the society, an instance tied to the invention of tradition and the construction of historical community. The Irish Builder and Engineer, 1904, 237. Hobsbawm has discussed the importance of symbolism to the development of ‘traditions’ at times when social transformation is taking place. E. Hobsbawm, ‘Introduction: Inventing Tradition’, in The Invention of Tradition, eds. E. Hobsbawm and T. Ranger (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 4. The foundation stone was granite that came from Newry in the north of Ireland, a place known for its location along the roadway linking Dublin and Belfast and its rich Irish heritage and culture. Ibid., 237 Ryan, History and Architecture of Sir Aston Webb's College, 49. The Irish Builder and Engineer, ‘Topical Touches’, May 7, 1904. A letter from the Secretary of the Board of Works, Mr H. Williams, to William Field, MP for Dublin St Patrick's, dated 29th November 1907 stated that the Irish materials would comprise four-fifths of all brickwork and stonework to be used in the construction process. Structurally, the building was an amalgam of stone, brick, steel and concrete. Ballast Concrete was used to fill the foundations and Clinker Concrete was employed for the floors. The notion of suppression was an underlying theme of Irish republican nationalism. S. Howe, Ireland and Empire, 1–6. J. Hutchinson, The Dynamics of Cultural Nationalism: The Gaelic Revival and the Creation of the Irish Nation State (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 151. B. Anderson, Imagined Communities (London, UK: Verso, 1983), 4. E. Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism Since 1780: Programme, Myth, and Reality (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1992). D. Gorman, Imperial Citizenship: Empire and the Question of Belonging (Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 2006), 1–2. T. Eagleton, The Ideology of the Aesthetic (Oxford, UK: Blackwell, 1990). N. Goodman and C. Elgin, Reconceptions of Philosophy (Indianapolis: Hackett, 1988), 33–4. L.J. Vale, Architecture, Power and National Identity (New York: Routledge, 1992), 3. Ibid., 4. W. Holford, Civic Design: An Enquiry into the Design and Nature of Town Planning (London, UK: H.K. Lewis and Co. Ltd., 1949), 12 and T. Mawson, Civic Art: Studies in Town Planning, Parks, Boulevards and Open Spaces (London, UK: B.T. Batsford Ltd., 1911), 9, 13–14. T. Adams, Recent Advances in Town Planning (London, UK: J. and A. Churchill, 1932), 2–3. M. Crinson, Modern Architecture and the End of Empire (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2003), 4. In terms of both form and practice, Ireland's government after 1800 was a mix of metropolitan and colonial elements. D. Fitzpatrick, The Two Irelands, 1912–39 (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 1998), 6. Goodman and Elgin, Reconceptions of Philosophy, 34. The Irish Builder and Engineer, May 7, 1904, 281. The Journal of the Department of Agriculture and Technical Education, October 1911–July 1912. Only on two occasions between 1900 and 1914 did the commissioners of public buildings in Dublin stipulate the need for outside architectural consultants. T. Brown, A. Gibney, M. O' Doherty and C. Pegum, Building for Government: The Architecture of State Buildings: OPW, Ireland 1900–2000 (Ranelagh, Dublin: Town House and Country House in association with the Office of Public Works, 1999), 18. An interview with George Watson, of Watson and Co., the proprietors of Mountcharles and Doonafare Quarries, was published in the Irish Builder on December 29, 1906 (p. 1043) and it specified that the Department of Agriculture and Technical Instruction, and the Board of Works too, le
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