African Freedom Suits and Portuguese Vassal Status: Legal Mechanisms for Fighting Enslavement in Benguela, Angola, 1800–1830
2011; Frank Cass & Co.; Volume: 32; Issue: 3 Linguagem: Inglês
10.1080/0144039x.2011.588481
ISSN1743-9523
Autores Tópico(s)Global Maritime and Colonial Histories
ResumoAbstract This article focuses on the vulnerability of free blacks in Benguela, in West Central Africa, during the first decades of the nineteenth century at the height of slave exports. After the British abolition of the transatlantic slave trade in 1807, slavers moved south of the Equator leading to the pressure for more captives and the expansion of violence around Benguela. Focusing on the case of a free black woman, Dona Leonor de Carvalho Fonseca, this study discusses how she was captured, enslaved, transported to the coast, and sold. However she did not remain in captivity for a long time, since she was able to claim the principle of 'original freedom.' A legal mechanism created by the vassalage treaty, the principal of original freedom differentiated the local population between vassals and non vassal, Christians and non-Christians. The case of Dona Leonor illustrates how a free black could be subject to arbitrary capture, but also could claim original freedom and hence be protected from enslavement. Like her, others were able to bring freedom cases to the attention of Portuguese authorities and dispute their enslavement. These cases allow us to explore how, where, and why people were captured. It also shows the importance of vassalage treaties in defining who could or not be enslaved. By the early nineteenth century, Portuguese legislation regulated legal and illegal enslavement opening the space for captives to challenge their status. The freedom suits stress the vulnerability of the population living around the Portuguese settlements, and show how the pressures of the international slave market spread instability, even among those who were supposed to be protected by colonial law. Acknowledgements I would like to thank Sue Peabody, Paul E. Lovejoy, Wendy Belcher and Yacine Daddi Addoun for their comments. I also benefitted from José C. Curto, Olatunji Ojo and Stacey Sommerdyk's suggestions and advice on an earlier version. I am also grateful to Zack Kagan Guthrie and Brooke Fitzgerald for help in editing this article. Notes Sertanejos were the agents of coastal merchants in the interior, who transported imported goods inland from the coast and brought slaves, wax and ivory from the interior. See Joseph Miller, Way of Death: Merchant Capitalism and the Angolan Slave Trade, 1730–1830 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1988), 392; Isabel Castro Henriques, Percursos da modernidade em Angola: dinâmicas comerciais e transformações sociais no século XIX (Lisbon: Instituto de Investigação Científica Tropical, 1997), 767. Arquivo Histórico Nacional de Angola (AHNA), Luanda, Códice 323, ff. 28v–29, 19 August 1811; AHNA, Códice 323, ff. 30v–31, 20 August 1811. Sue Peabody, 'There Are No Slaves in France': The Political Culture of Race and Slavery in the Ancien Régime (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996). For more on 'original freedom', see José C. Curto, 'The Story of Nbena, 1817–1820: Unlawful Enslavement and the Concept of "Original Freedom" in Angola', in Trans-Atlantic Dimensions of Ethnicity in the African Diaspora, ed. Paul E. Lovejoy and David V. Trotman (London: Continuum, 2003), 43–64. For other cases, see Mariana P. Candido, 'Enslaving Frontiers: Slavery, Trade and Identity in Benguela, 1780–1850' (PhD diss., York University, Toronto 2006). Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino (AHU), Angola, Códice 544, f. 9, 12 February 1676, ff. 7, 7v, Lisbon. See also Catarina Madeira Santos, 'Entre deux droits: les Lumières em Angola (1750–v. 1800)', Annales HSSS 60, no. 4 (2005): 817–848. Adriano A.T. Parreira, 'A primeira "conquista" de Benguela (século XVII)', História 28 (1990): 67. 'Benguela e seu sertão', (Lisbon: Impressa Nacionale, 1881). AHU, Códice 555, f. 52v, 25 January 1758; Ralph Delgado, O reino de Benguela: do descobrimento à criação do governo subalterno (Lisbon: Imprensa Beleza, 1945): 38–63; David Eltis, Paul E. Lovejoy and David Richardson, 'Slave-Trading Ports: Towards an Atlantic-Wide Perspective', in Ports of the Slave Trade (Bights of Benin and Biafra), ed. Robin Law and Silke Strickrodt (Stirling: Centre of Commonwealth Studies, University of Stirling, 1999), 21. See the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database at http://www.slavevoyages.org. Based on a calculation of missing voyages and incomplete data, the estimated number of slaves who embarked in Benguela is 635,160. See David Eltis and David Richardson, 'A New Assessment of the Transatlantic Slave Trade', in Extending the Frontiers: Essays on the New Transatlantic Slave Trade Database (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2008), 1–60. Candido, 'Enslaving Frontiers', 135. Miller, Way of Death, 15. Ordenações Filipinas, Livro 4, Titulo XI, 'Que ninguém seja Constrangido a vender seu Herdamento e cousas que tiver, contra sua vontade', 790. See also Keila Grinberg, Liberata – a lei da ambiguade: as ações de liberdade da Corte de Apelação do Rio de Janeiro no século XIX (Rio de Janeiro: Relume Dumará, 1994), 20–32; Hebe M. Mattos, Das cores do silêncio: os significados da liberdade no sudeste escravista, Brasil, século XIX (Rio de Janeiro: Nova Fronteira, 1998), 173–180. Beatrix Heintze, 'Luso-African Feudalism in Angola? The Vassal Treaties of the 16th to the 18th Century', Separata da Revista Portuguesa de História 18 (1980): 111–131 (116). For the obligations of vassals, see Beatrix Heintze, 'The Angolan Vassal Tributes of the 17th Century', Revista de História Económica e Social 6 (1980): 57–78. Cruz e Silva argues that African rulers and Portuguese officials had different interpretations of vassalage and dependency. 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Richards (Kingston, Jamaica: Ian Randle, 2002), 67–91. AHNA, Códice 508, ff. 74–74v, 4 October 1826. For a discussion on the baptism and branding of slaves in Angola, see Antônio Carreira, Notas sobre o tráfico português de escravos (Lisbon: Universidade Nova de Lisboa, 1978), 60. For an interesting report on this matter, see AHU, Caixa 40, doc. 25, 21 March 1755. See AHU, Caixa 83, doc. 41, 13 April 1796. AHNA, Códice 508, f. 74v, 4 October 1826. Couto, Capitães-mores em Angola, 69, 96. William G. Clarence-Smith, 'Runaway Slaves and Social Bandits in Southern Angola, 1875–1913', in Out of the House of Bondage: Runaways, Resistance and Marronage in Africa and the New World, ed. Gad Heuman (New York: Routledge, 1986), 23–33; Roquinaldo A. Ferreira, 'Escravidão e revoltas de escravos em Angola (1830–1860)', Afro-Ásia 21–22 (1998–1999): 9–44; Beatrix Heintze, 'Asiles toujours menacés: fuites d'esclaves en Angola au XVIIe siècle', in Esclavages: histoire d'une diversité de l'océan Indien à l'Atlantique sud, ed. Katia de Queiros Mattoso (Paris: L'Harmattan, 1997), 101–122; Aida Freudenthal, 'Os quilombos de Angola no século XIX: a recusa da escravidão', Estudos Afro-Asiáticos 32 (1997): 109–134; Curto, 'Butin illégitime'. Paul E. Lovejoy, 'Identifying Enslaved Africans in the African Diaspora', in Identity in the Shadow of Slavery (London: Cassell Academic, 2000), 3. Additional informationNotes on contributorsMariana P. CandidoMariana P. Candido is Assistant Professor in the Department of History, Princeton University, Princeton, NJ, USA.
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