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How Do We “Read” the Miniatures of the Occitan Trobairitz ?

2008; Routledge; Volume: 80; Issue: 1 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1080/00393270802082960

1651-2308

Marianne Sandels,

Plant and Fungal Species Descriptions

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes 1. The sixteen portraits of female troubadours are excellently reproduced in colour in Riquer , from the chansonniers A, H, I and K. Likewise, in this book we find 207 different portraits, also in colour, of male troubadours, from A, I and K. The short “instructions” to the artist in manuscript A have been translated into Spanish. No further bibliographical references will be given here for the different portraits discussed, as they are easily found in Riquer's book. In Rieger however, the corpus edition of all the trobairitz, with extensive commentary and bibliographical information, there is only one illustration included. 2. Gaunt and Kay provide a list of the Occitan chansonniers, explaining the established tradition of assigning upper‐case letters as sigla for parchment manuscripts. Burgwinkle provides an overview of the chansonniers, especially A, H, I and K, with a multitude of facts and reflections. 3. “By the mid‐thirteenth century, interest in troubadour poetry in Italy was apparently sustained largely through written transcription, while in Languedoc the lyrics were still supplemented by a more active oral tradition” (Burgwinkle, : 249). 4. The prose texts vidas and razos are included both in Occitan and modern Spanish in Riquer . Boutière and Schutz is a complete edition of all the extant vidas and razos. 5. In his introduction to the volume The voice of the trobairitz, Paden states that their chronology “is not merely a reflection of the chronology of the troubadours” (p. 14). As a matter of fact, “the trobairitz appeared in history later than their male counterparts and disappeared sooner”. Furthermore he refers to the “golden interlude” between 1180 and 1230 when aristocratic women seem to have enjoyed a privileged status, at least in Provence. In a special appendix (pp. 23–25) Paden lists all datable trobairitz. All those portrayed in the miniatures were active considerably earlier than the late thirteenth century, when the four chansonniers were executed. The only possible exception could perhaps be Tibors (“first half of the 13th c.”). On the other hand, there are scholars who believe her to be possibly one of the earliest of all trobairitz, cf. Rieger (: 646–651). Generally speaking, Rieger discards (pp. 55–56) the idea of any of these miniatures being a “naturgetreues Porträt”. 6. For example, there are numerous cases of a male troubadour on horseback, in armour, with a helmet covering his face. Thus the elegance of his horse, his warrior‐like appearance and heraldry were intended to be the “portrait”. 7. Most of these anonymous “ladies” appear in manuscript A, cf. the portraits of Rigaut de Berbezilh, Arnaut de Maruelh and Pons de Capduelh. However, there are also other similar examples, one of which is in manuscript K where Gaucelm Faidit is seen together with a lady. 8. Cf. Rieger (, in particular pp. 55–64) and Rieger . 9. A translation into English cannot really do justice to the word doneia which embraces the multi‐faceted social life of the aristocracy: “A lady who interacts [in courtly love] with a gentleman”. The term domnejar is explained by Cropp (: 214–217). (However, all examples given are of a male troubadour as subject, which makes the short instruction in chansonnier A even more interesting.) 10. Several male troubadours are represented in a seated position in manuscript A. 11. The chapter Vêtement féminin, in Demay (: 91–108) is particularly interesting although the book is limited to the examination of seals: “Les dames sont figurées ordinairement debout, quelquefois à cheval, très rarement assises, vêtues de deux robes ou, pour parler plus exactement, de deux tuniques et d'un manteau, coiffées à la mode du temps, gantées, tenant une fleur à la main ou un oiseau de vol sur le poing. Les reines, toujours debout, portent la couronne et le sceptre; c'est leur seul caractère distinctif” (pp. 91–92). 12. In Salmen there are a number of reproductions of female professional artists, most of them shown in motion. Cf. also Menéndez Pidal (: 32–35). 13. Demay (: 104–105). 14. Andersson (: 269–271 and 337–338); Boucher (: 5–6 and especially p. 180): “De nombreux documents graphiques (miniatures, peintures murales, pierres tombales, sculptures) permettent de constater l'unité et même l'identité du costume en Europe occidentale au XIIIe siècle; /…/ cotte, doublet, cotardie, surcot avec amigaut, chape ou mantel pour les deux sexes”; Gutarp (: 7–8 and p. 14). 15. Städtler (: 132–133), stresses how musical education was essential for women's participation in court culture. 16. Rieger (: 57–58). 17. Riquer (: XXXI–XXXII). Meneghetti (: 263) also stresses the fact that the artists in general seem to have had a certain freedom in creating their “portraits”. 18. Correspondence (2007) with the Danish scholar Camilla Luise Dahl, affiliated with the Middelaldercentret (The Medieval Centre), Nykøbing Falster. 19. Camille (: 54–55). In Riquer several male troubadours are seen with a chaplet, for example: Marcabru, Salh d'Escola, Elias Cairel, Guiraudó lo Ros, Raimbaut d'Aurenga, Raimbaut de Vaqueiras, Sordel. A comparison with the Minnesänger culture is interesting: Brinker and Flühler‐Kreis (: 132–133, 230, 242, 356, 258 and 270). Headgear is discussed (p. 270) and it is briefly stated that chaplets were worn by both young men and women on festive occasions. 20. In the sumptuous bronze effigy of the tomb monument (erected 1291–93) of Queen Eleanor of Castile at Westminster Abbey, London, she is seen with her crown, her long hair flowing around her head and shoulders (Alexander and Binski, : 364–365.) She was born in 1246, married since 1254 to Lord Edward, who became King Edward I of England, and died in 1290. Does her exuberant flowing hair add to her timelessness? Would this kind of presentation have been likely, if she were still alive? 21. Cropp (: 413–421, especially pp. 419–421). 22. Heraldry was frequently used in the thirteenth century to identify or enhance the status of a woman, especially a married lady of the aristocracy. Cf. Pastoureau (: 46–48): “A partir des années 1220–1230, les armoiries féminines se multiplient, et il semble bien qu'à la fin du siècle la grande majorité des femmes issues de la haute et de la moyenne noblesse en possèdent (voir fig 41 à 45)”. In general, either her father's or husband's arms were used, often a combination of both, sometimes even her mother's arms or entirely new ones. 23. Riquer (: XXIX–XXX). 24. For general bio‐bibliographical information about Cercamon and several other troubadours mentioned in this paper, see Riquer (), an important anthology of about 120 names, both male and female troubadours (though only two trobairitz). 25. In heraldry however, whenever an animal or a human being appears in the shield, the natural position is either facing the viewer or orientation to the viewer's left. 26. Most of these cases relate to corresponding portraits, in the “twin” chansonniers I and K. (They were probably produced together, cf. Meneghetti, : 261–262.) Thus the variation is probably due to artistic inspiration more than anything else (cf. the three pairs of corresponding portraits of the trobairitz Azalais de Porcairagues, Castelloza and the Countess of Dia). However, we cannot find the same propensity to invert when it comes to male troubadours in I and K. Did it seem more natural to at times “invert” the position of a woman than of a man? Interestingly, in manuscript A the principal person, Castelloza's orientation is towards the left, whereas the anonymous cavaller faces her, orientated towards the right, the “normal” position. 27. In Careri (: 44) a clear doubt is expressed about the existence of this lily sceptre, contrary to the opinion in Rieger (: 61). Due to the deteriorated state of manuscript H, the miniatures are not always clearly visible with all their details. 28. Demay (: 91): “Les dames sont figurées […] tenant une fleur à la main ou un oiseau de vol sur le poing”. Illustrations of a lady with a bird follow on pp. 98, 99 and 106. 29. Pinoteau (, especially p. 441). 30. Demay (: 194–196, 364–365, 380–381 and 473) has a number of interesting examples. Pinoteau (: 434) gives a most striking example where a powerful angel makes a female saint pregnant by using a lily sceptre. The woman is lying down and in an eloquent gesture the angel touches her belly with the sceptre. According to a legend, this is how Saint Taurin, the first bishop of Évreux, was conceived. Obviously, the lily is not only the symbol of virginity, although it is often associated with Virgin Mary. On the contrary, in many contexts it is a clear symbol of power. 31. Nissen (: 119–123 and 128–129) has several examples from Norway and Sweden. 32. Pastoureau (: 130–133). In his book Bleu Pastoureau traces the ascendency of blue in relation to other colours. 33. Dahl (: 75–82). Cf. also Brinker and Flühler‐Kreis (: 270): “Allerdings ist das Bild vom Kleid oft weit entfernt vom wirklich getragenen Kleid”. [However, pictures of clothing are often very much different from clothing actually worn.] 34. Dahl (:76–77) has an interesting example. In medieval church paintings in Denmark, royal and aristocratic persons are often seen in yellow clothes. However, in written sources there is no evidence whatsoever of yellow clothes for the nobility. In all the Danish wills of the Middle Ages there is no mention of yellow garments, with the sole exception of one piece of simple clothing given to a female servant. Cf. also Pastoureau (: 204–206) on the decline of yellow. In addition (p. 131): “Rares sont, après les années 1200, les hommes et les femmes qui en Europe occidentale s'habillent de jaune, et ce aussi bien dans le monde des princes que dans celui des routuriers”. It is obvious though that authentic clothes of gold fabrics were of great cost and prestige. Although it has been dated to the early fifteenth century, the golden gown of Queen Margareta, now in Uppsala Cathedral, is an excellent example (Geijer et al., ). 35. Pastoureau is a suggestive overview of the various uses of stripes. On pp. 23–25 different categories of people are listed who were perceived as “deviant”. Menéndez Pidal (, colour ill. between p. 332 and 333) has a good example from Cantigas de Santa María of a male musician in striped clothing. An almost emblematic picture of Minnesänger culture, in Brinker and Flühler‐Kreis (: 242) shows a number of artists and musicians in clothes of bright colours, most of them with striped patterns. 36. Many scholars are struck by the great difference between these chansonniers A, H, I and K, in comparison to the contemporary Cancioneiro da Ajuda and the different manuscripts of Cantigas de Santa María, by Alfonso X el Sabio. For reproductions, see for example Cancioneiro and Alfonso X el Sabio ( and 1989–). In these manuscripts, all from the Iberian Peninsula, the actual performance of troubadour poetry is often in focus. Cf. also Meneghetti (: 246–260). 37. This paper was presented at the XIIth Triennial Congress of the International Courtly Literature Society, Lausanne and Geneva, 29 July–4 August 2007.