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The legacies of transition governments: post-transition dynamics in Benin and Togo

2005; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 12; Issue: 3 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1080/13510340500126772

1743-890X

Jennifer C. Seely,

Social Sciences and Governance

Abstract This article analyses the transition governments of Benin and Togo and shows how they had a profound impact on post-transition governance, regardless of the success or failure of the transition. It argues that the essential elements of polyarchy – competition and inclusion – were present in the transition government in Benin, and patterns along these two dimensions have been mirrored in post-transition events. In Togo, by contrast, only the principle of competition, not inclusion, was established in the transition period and present-day Togolese politics continues this pattern. This analysis sheds new light on politics in both countries and offers greater scope for understanding post-transition politics by viewing transition outcomes in terms of political development. Keywords: transition governmentBeninTogodemocratic consolidation Acknowledgments The author thanks the following for their help at various stages of this project: Victor LeVine, Sunita Parikh, Jack Knight, Roger Petersen, Patrick Manning, Martin Battle, Aslaug Asgeirsdóttir and anonymous reviewers. They are not responsible for any errors, however. The author is also grateful for support from a Carnegie Mellon Post-doctoral Fellowship and the Politics Department of Brandeis University, Waltham, MA, as well as field research supported by a Fulbright grant that helped make this project possible. Notes 1. These cases have also been used to support other arguments about democratic transition, including John R. Heilbrunn, Authority, Property and Politics in Benin and Togo, PhD dissertation, University of California, Los Angeles 1994; Bruce Magnusson, The Politics of Democratic Regime Legitimation in Benin: Institutions, Social Policy, and Security, PhD dissertation, University of Wisconsin, Madison, 1997; Jennifer C. Seely, Transitions to Democracy in Comparative Perspective: The National Conferences in Benin and Togo, PhD dissertation, Washington University, St Louis, 2001. 2. For example, Jennifer Widner (ed.), Economic Change and Political Liberalization in sub-Saharan Africa (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994); Celestin Monga, The Anthropology of Anger (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1996); Richard Joseph, ‘Democratization in Africa after 1989: Comparative and Theoretical Perspectives’, Comparative Politics, Vol.29, No.3 (1997), pp.363–82. 3. Larry Diamond, Consolidating the ‘Third Wave’ Democracies (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997); Mark J. Gasiorowski and Timothy J. Power, ‘The Structural Determinants of Democratic Consolidation: Evidence From the Third World’, Comparative Political Studies, Vol.31, No.6 (1998), p.740. 4. For example, Andreas Schedler, ‘The Menu of Manipulation’, Journal of Democracy Vol.13, No.2 (2002), pp.36–50; and Thomas Carothers, ‘The End of the Transition Paradigm’, Journal of Democracy, Vol.13, No.1 (2002), pp.5–21. 5. See Carothers Footnote(note 4) and Patrick Chabal, ‘A Few Considerations on Democracy in Africa’, International Affairs, Vol.74, No.2 (1998), pp.289–303. 6. Herbert Butterfield, The Whig Interpretation of History (New York: Norton, 1965), p.5. 7. Michael Bratton and Nicolas van de Walle, Democratic Experiments in Africa (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997). 8. This point is also made by Julius O. Ihonvbere, ‘A Balance Sheet of Africa's Transition to Democratic Governance’, in John Mukum Mbaku and Ihonvbere (eds), The Transition to Democratic Governance in Africa: The Continuing Struggle (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2003), pp.33–56. 9. Leonardo A. Villalón, ‘The African State at the End of the Twentieth Century: Parameters of the Critical Juncture’, in Leonardo A. Villalón and Phillip Huxtable (eds), The African State at a Critical Juncture (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1998), pp.3–26. 10. These are Benin, Burkina Faso, CAR, Comoros, Republic of Congo, Gabon, Madagascar, Malawi, Mali, Namibia, Niger, Sao Tomé, South Africa and Togo. Source: Africa South of the Sahara (London: Europa Publications, Ltd, Vols 1990–1995). 11. Jon Elster (ed.), The Roundtable Talks and the Breakdown of Communism (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1996). 12. Bratton and van de Walle point out that though protest was common in the ‘third wave’ in Africa, it was not necessary or sufficient for democratization; Bratton and van de Walle Footnote(note 7) p.118. 13. Robert Dahl, Polyarchy (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1971), p.4. 14. Robert Dahl, Polyarchy (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1971), p.4. 15. Bratton and van de WalleFootnote(note 7) p.235. See also Larry Diamond, ‘Is the “Third Wave” Over?’, Journal of Democracy, Vol.7, No.3 (1996), pp.20–37 for more on the distinction between transition and consolidation. 16. Vicky Randall and Lars Svasand, ‘Political Parties and Democratic Consolidation in Africa’, Democratization, Vol.9, No.3 (2002), pp.30–52; Celestin Monga, ‘Eight Problems with African Politics’, Journal of Democracy, Vol.8, No.3 (1997), pp.156–70. 17. For example Christopher Fomunyoh, ‘Democratization in Fits and Starts’, Journal of Democracy, Vol.12, No.3 (2001), pp.37–50, and E.Gyimah-Boadi, ‘The Rebirth of African Liberalism’, in Larry Diamond and Marc Plattner (eds), Democratization in Africa (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999), pp.34–47. 18. Jack Knight, Institutions and Social Conflict (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); Douglass North, Structure and Change in Economic History (New York: Norton, 1981), inter alia. 19. Adam Przeworski, ‘The Games of Transition’, in Scott Mainwaring, Guillermo O'Donnell and J. Samuel Valenzuela (eds), Issues in Democratic Consolidation. (Notre Dame, IN: Notre Dame University Press, 1992), pp.105–52 discusses the behaviour of elites under conditions of uncertainty; Jean-Pascal Daloz (ed.), Le (non-) renouvellement des élites en Afrique subsaharienne (Bordeaux: CEAN, 1999) discusses African elites in particular. 20. The South African case is prominent in these studies, including Peter Gastrow, Bargaining for Peace (Washington, DC: US Institute for Peace, 1995) and Pierre du Toit, ‘Why Post-Settlement Settlements?’, Journal of Democracy, Vol.14, No.3 (2003), pp.104–18. 21. Nicolas van de Walle, ‘Africa's Range of Regimes’, Journal of Democracy, Vol.13, No.2 (2002), p.72. 22. The definitions of ‘National Conferences’ vary from author to author. I am speaking here of (in chronological order) Benin, Gabon, Congo, Mali, Togo, Niger, Zaire and Chad. Bratton and van de Walle Footnote(note 7) include several other countries in their ‘National Conference’ category: Comoros, Ethiopia and South Africa. 23. For additional detail on Benin's transition period, see: Afize Adamon, Le rénouveau démocratique au Benin: La Conférence Nationale des Forces Vives et la période de transition (Paris: l'Harmattan, 1995); Béatrice Gbado, Benin: passage d'un regime autoritaire a un etat de droit. En marche vers la liberté Mai 1985–Fevrier 1990 (Porto-Novo, Benin: CMPMS 1991); Phillipe Noudjenoume, La démocratie au Bénin: Bilan et perspectives (Paris: l'Harmattan, 1999). 24. Gnassingbé Eyadéma, Ce que je sais du Togo (Paris: Michel Lafon, 1993), p.46. Translation by the author. 25. For additional detail on Togo's transtion period, see Yawovi Agboyibo, Combat pour un Togo démocratique: Une méthode politique (Paris: Karthala, 1999); Claude Ameganvi, Pour l'Avenir du Togo (Lomé: NYAWO, 1998); Jean Yaovi Degli, Togo: La tragédie africaine (Ivry-sur-Seine: Editions Nouvelles du Sud 1996). 26. National Conference invitee, Togolese Armed Forces delegation (Togo), interviewed by the author in Lomé, Togo, 1 March 1999. These interviews (more than 70 in all) were conducted during field research in 1997 and 1998–99, supported by a Fulbright grant. All interview quotes presented here were translated by the author. 27. Samuel Decalo, ‘Benin: First of the New Democracies’, in John Clark and David Gardinier (eds), Political Reform in Francophone Africa. (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1997), pp.43–61; John R. Heilbrunn, ‘Social Origins of National Conferences in Benin and Togo’, Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol.31, No.2 (1993), pp.277–99; and Kathryn Nwajiaku, ‘The National Conferences in Benin and Togo Revisited’, Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol.32, No.3 (1994), pp.429–47. 28. National Conference invitee, political parties delegation and HCR member (Benin), interviewed by the author in Cotonou, Benin, 10 July 1999. 29. In the ‘Tableau Synoptique des suggestions faites dans le cadre de la Conference nationale’, (Ministry of the Interior document, January 1990) there are summaries of almost 500 letters sent to the National Conference preparatory committee. Here I am analyzing content of letters sent by organized groups (not individuals). Of these, there are 226 from political parties, regional development associations, unions and professional organizations, religious groups and groups representing the diaspora. These letters were voluntary and content was varied. Though they do not represent a random survey of preferences, they are a very revealing way to examine the preferences of groups as the transition was beginning. 30. National Conference delegate, trade union delegation (Benin) and HCR appointee, interviewed by the author in Cotonou, Benin, 17 July 1997. 31. National Conference delegate, political parties delegation (Benin), interviewed by the author in Cotonou, Benin, 22 July 1997. 32. Title III, Art.44 of the final draft of the constitution states candidates must be between the ages of 40 and 70 on the date they officially declare their candidacies. 33. National Conference delegate and HCR member (Benin), ex-President Hubert Maga interviewed by the author in Cotonou, Benin, 2 June 1997. 34. The voters had three choices in the constitutional referendum of December 1990: to accept the constitution with the age limit (white ballot), to accept the constitution without the age limit (green ballot, the so-called ‘yes, but…’ vote), or to reject the constitution (red ballot). 35. National Conference delegate, student delegation (Benin), interviewed by the author in Cotonou, Benin, 27 May 1999. 36. National Conference delegate, political parties delegation (Benin), interviewed by the author, 22 July 1997. 37. Groups and individuals at Togo's National Conference made more than 130 prepared speeches, or ‘communications’. The desire for nearly every group, including representatives of the RPT and government ministries, to make its own presentation helped prolong the length of the conference to nearly two months. Here I have analyzed printed records of 118 speeches by group representatives or prominent individuals. 38. National Conference delegate, trade union delegation (Togo), interviewed by the author, 7 January 1999. 39. National Conference delegate, political parties delegation and HCR member (Togo), interviewed by the author, 19 January 1999. 40. For additional details on the transition period, see John R. Heilbrunn, ‘Togo: The National Conference and Stalled Reform,’ in Clark and Gardinier Footnote(note 27). 41. For example, a draft of the constitution published in the newspaper Togo-Presse 25 July 1992 included a paragraph in Article 62 stating that persons wishing to run for president must first resign from the armed forces if applicable. This paragraph was deleted in the Constitution as ratified on 27 September 1992. 42. By this time, the extended mandate of the transition government had expired and some prominent members of the opposition had fled the country fearing military reprisals, so negotiations had to take place on neutral ground. 43. National Conference delegate, university faculty delegation (Togo), interviewed by the author, 3 March 1999. 44. See Bruce A. Magnusson, ‘Testing Democracy in Benin: Experiments in Institutional Reform’, in Richard Joseph (ed.), State, Conflict and Democracy in Africa (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1999), pp.217–38. 45. Joseph, Democratization Footnote(note 2) p.367. 46. Dahuku Péré, a former so-called ‘baron’ of the RPT party, even ran against Eyadema in the 2003 presidential elections. 47. US State Department, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices – Togo 2003 (Washington, DC: Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, 2004). 48. Joel D. Barkan, ‘Protracted Transitions Among Africa's New Democracies’, Democratization, Vol.7, No.3 (2000), pp.227–44; Gretchen Casper, ‘The Benefits of Difficult Transitions’, Democratization, Vol.7, No.3 (2000), pp.46–62. 49. Bratton and van de Walle Footnote(note 7) p.273 consider this the most important dimension for democratization.