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Theater of Combat: A Critical Look at the Chinese Martial Arts

1990; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 52; Issue: 3 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1111/j.1540-6563.1990.tb01286.x

1540-6563

Charles Holcombe,

Sport and Mega-Event Impacts

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes1. See Susan Naquin, Millenarian Rebellion in China: The Eight Trigrams Uprising of 1813 (New Haven, 1976), 29 and 296, note 87, and “The Transmission of White Lotus Sectarianism in Late Imperial China,”Popular Culture in Late Imperial China, ed. David Johnson, Andrew J. Nathan and Evelyn S. Rawski (Berkeley, 1985), 275; and Daniel L. Overmyer, Folk Buddhist Religion: Dissenting Sects in Late Traditional China (Cambridge, 1976), 119–20.2. Hung Mai, Jung‐chaisui‐pi (Taipei, 1981), 798. Matsuda Takatomo discusses the difficulties involved in reconstructing the history of the Chinese martial arts in Chung‐kuo wu‐shu shih‐lüeh (Taipei, 1986), 1–3. For the prejudice against the military, see David George Johnson, “The Medieval Chinese Oligarchy: A Study of the Great Families in Their Social, Political, and Institutional Setting” (Ph.D. diss., University of California, 1971), 93. A revisionist reassertion of the importance of the military in Chinese society is in Johanna Menzel Meskill, A Chinese Pioneer Family: The Lins of Wu‐Feng, Taiwan, 1729–1895 (Princeton, 1979), 262–63.3. See Yu Ying‐shih, Chung‐kuo chih‐shih chieh‐ts'engshih lun (ku‐taip'ien) (Taipei, 1980), 8–9; Chou Shao‐hsien, Han‐tai che‐hsüeh (Taipei, 1983), 5.4. Sung Ying‐hsing, T'ien‐kung k'ai‐wu (Hong Kong, 1983), 378.5. Ch'en Shou, San‐kuo chih (Taipei, 1979), 253.6. See Jerome Ch'en, “The Nature and Characteristics of the Boxer Movement‐A Morphological Study,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London 23, pt. 2 (1960): 287–308, esp. 298–99; Victor Purcell, The Boxer Uprising: A Background Study (Hamden, 1974), 228; Ch'ii T'ung‐tsu, “Chinese Class Structure and its Ideology,” in Chinese Thought and Institutions, ed. John K. Fairbank (Chicago, 1957), 235–36.7. J. Ch'en, “Nature and Characteristics,” 287; John W. Dardess, “The Transformations of Messianic Revolt and the Founding of the Ming Dynasty,” Journal of Asian Studies 29 (May 1970): 540–42.8. Ch'en Shou, San-kuo chih, 209.9. Huang Liu‐hung, Fu‐hui ch'üan‐shu (Tokyo, 1973), 128. See also Huang Liu‐hung, A Complete Book Concerning Happiness and Benevolence: Fu‐hui ch'üan‐shu, A Manual for Local Magistrates in Seventeenth‐Century China, trans. Djang Chu (Tucson, 1984), 265. For the attitude of the Ch'ing government towards the martial arts, see Jin Chongji, “The Relationship Between the Boxers and the White Lotus Sect,” Chinese Studies in History 20 (SpringSummer 1987): 87–97, esp. 96; Lu Yao, “The Origins of the Boxers,” Chinese Studies in History 20 (SpringSummer 1987): 42–86, esp. 56. According to Purcell, at the time of the first official mention of the Boxers in 1727 they were accused of “stirring up the ‘stupid people,’” and strictly prohibited; see his Boxer Uprising, 160–61.10. J. Ch'en, “Nature and Characteristics,” 287. The Red Spear code of silence is described in Elizabeth J. Perry, Rebels and Revolutionaries in North China, 1845–1945 (Stanford, 1980), 193. Robert Van Gulik avers that the secrecy of transmission of the boxing art accounts for the scarcity of texts, in his Celebrated Cases of Judge Dee (Dee Goong An): An Authentic Eighteenth‐Century Chinese Detective Novel (New York, 1976), 104–105 and note.11. For Taoist secrecy, see James R. Ware, Alchemy, Medicine and Religion in the China of A.D. 320: The Nei P'ien of Ko Hung (New York, 1966), 51, 70 and 175; Michel Strickmann, “The Mao Shan Revelations: Taoism and the Aristocracy,” T'oung Pao 63 (1977): 26; Nathan Sivin, Chinese Alchemy: Preliminary Studies (Cambridge, 1968), 12; Chang Po‐tuan, Understanding Reality: A Taoist Alchemical Classic, trans. Thomas Cleary (Honolulu, 1987), 86, 117–18.12. The bronze illustrations are described in Lin Hou‐sheng and Lo P'ei‐yü, Ch 'i‐kung san‐pai wen (Canton, 1983), 2,14. See also The Analects of Confucius, trans. Arthur Waley (New York, 1938), 95, 98; Mencius, The Four Books, trans. James Legge (Taipei, 1979), 749–52.13. For the P'eng‐men she‐fa, see Wang Hsin‐wu, T'ai‐chi ch'üan‐fa ching‐i (Hong Kong, 1962), 1. For the book on boxing, see Matsuda Takatomo, Chung‐kuo wu‐shu shih‐lüeh, 4–5.14. Fan Yeh, Hou‐Han shu (Beijing, 1965), 2445.15. Ware, Alchemy, Medicine and Religion, 19. See also Ko Hung, Pao‐p'u tzu (Taipei, 1984), wai p'ien, 50.7a.16. Wang Chin‐jo et al., eds., Ts'e‐fu yüan‐kuei, 20 vols. (Taipei, 1981), 10,034.17. Stanley E. Henning, “The Chinese Martial Arts in Historical Perspective,” Military Affairs 45 (1981): 175. Ch'i's techniques are also discussed in Ray Huang, 1587, A Year of No Significance: The Ming Dynasty in Decline (New Haven, 1981), 168. See also Herbert A. Giles, Adversaria Sinica (Shanghai, 1914), 133.18. Ch'i Chi‐kuang, extracted in Ku-chin t'u-shu chi-ch'eng, 800 vols, (n.p., 1934), chllan 810, 487:62a. See also Giles, Adversaria Sinica, 137. For the inadequacy of boxing against the Japanese pirates, see Huang, 1587, A Year of No Significance, 165.19. Huang Liu‐hung, Complete Book Concerning Happiness, 328, 334.20. For a good example, see Howard Reid and Michael Croucher, The Fighting Arts: Great Masters of the Martial Arts (New York, 1983), 20 and 26–27.21. See, for example, Wang Hsin‐wu, T'ai‐chi ch'üan‐fa ching‐i, 2.22. For doubts as to Bodhidharma's existence, see Matsuda Takatomo, Chung-kuo wu-shu shih-lüleh, 47. The only reference to Bodhidharma that I have been able to find in a legitimate early text is the brief one in the Lo‐yang ch 'ieh‐lan chi of c. 547. His name is also mentioned in an inscription at Shao‐lin temple dated 728, transcribed in Tonami Mamoru, “S gaku shrinji hi k,”Chgoku kizokusei shakai no kinky, ed. Kawakatsu Yoshio and Tonami Mamoru (Kyoto, 1987), 744.23. Erik Zürcher, The Buddhist Conquest of China: The Spread and Adaptation of Buddhism in Early Medieval China (Leiden, 1959), 32–33; Tsukamoto Zenryu, “The Early Stages in the Introduction of Buddhism Into China (Up to the Fifth Century A.D.),” Cahiers d'histoire mondiale 5 (1960): 557.24. See Pa‐chou, “Ch'an‐tsung yü P'u‐t'i‐ta‐mo,”Ch'an‐tsung shih‐shih k'ao‐pien, ed. Chang Man‐t'ao (Taipei, 1977), 121.25. Fung Yu‐lan, A Short History of Chinese Philosophy, ed. Derk Bodde (New York, 1948), 255–56.26. Bernard Faure, “Bodhidharma as Textual and Religious Paradigm,” History of Religions 25 (1986): 191, 197. See also Heinrich Dumoulin, A History of Zen Buddhism, trans. Paul Peachey (New York, 1963), 67–69; Pa‐chou, “Chan‐tsung yu P'u‐t'i‐ta‐mo,” 115.27. The martial arts legend of Bodhidharma is thoroughly debunked in Henning, “Chinese Martial Arts,” 176.28. Matsuda Takatomo, Chung‐kuo wu‐shu shih‐lüeh, 46–47. The I‐chin ching is not, for example, listed in the index to an exhaustive imperial bibliography completed in 1782, Wang Yün‐wu, comp., Hsü‐hsiu ssu‐k'u ch'üan‐shu t'i‐yao, 13 vols. (Taipei, 1972), 13:118, although this may simply reflect the book's heterodox status.29. Ku Yen‐wu, Jih‐chih‐lu chi‐shih (Shanghai, 1985), 2167–68. An imperial message of commendation for the temple's cooperation was inscribed on a stele at Shao‐lin temple, and is described in Tonami Mamoru, “ gaku shrinji hi k,” 720. Evidently, in the fourth month of 621 the monks overthrew the city of Huan‐chou, southeast of Lo‐yang, and returned it to the state. See pages 735–38.30. Tonami Mamoru, “ gaku shrinji hi k,” 743.31. For the land and labor available to many monasteries during this period, see T'ao Hsi‐sheng and Wu Hsien‐ch'ing, Nan‐pei‐ch'ao ching‐chi shih (1937; reprint, Taipei, 1979), 144, 164–65. At the beginning of the T'ang, Shao‐lin monastery itself claimed a grant of some 1500 acres from the defunct Sui state. See Tonami Mamoru, “S gaku shrinji hi k,” 724.32. Matsuda Takatomo, Chung‐kuo wu‐shu shih‐lüeh, 52–55; Henning, “Chinese Martial Arts,” 175.33. A good example of this mistaken approach, which seems to come naturally to Americans, is Henning's otherwise outstanding essay, “Chinese Martial Arts,” esp. 173.34. In a parallel fashion, recent scholarship has demonstrated that Taoist meditation was more religious in purpose than physiological. See Sivin, “Science and Medicine in Imperial China‐The State of the Field,” Journal of Asian Studies 47 (February 1988): 41–90, esp. 57.35. Cleary, in his edition of Chang Po‐tuan's Understanding Reality, 10, 19, 45, 53–54, 63, 154–55, notes that mental and physical exercises were dismissed as mere secondary techniques‐sidelines rather than central concerns‐by many Taoists. For a summary of the growth of the immortality cult, see Sivin, Chinese Alchemy, 25–26; Herrlee G. Creel, What is Taoism? And Other Studies in Chinese Cultural History (Chicago, 1970), 7ff.; and Holmes Welch, The Parting of the Way: Lao Tzu and the Taoist Movement (Boston, 1957), 88–163.36. Joseph Needham, Science and Civilization in China, 6 vols. (Cambridge, 1954‐1986), 2: 145–46.37. Taoist exercises were the beginning of the Chinese martial arts, according to Wang Hsin‐wu, T'ai-chi ch'üan-fa ching-i, 1. Donald Harper, “The Sexual Arts of Ancient China as Described in a Manuscript of the Second Century B.C.,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 47 (December 1987): 539–93, esp. 563–64, observes that all of these ancient methods of physical cultivation revolved around the absorption of ch'i. In the early twentieth century breath control was still an important part of the martial arts training of the Red Spears Society, according to Perry, Rebels and Revolutionaries, 195.38. Ssu‐maCh'ien, Shih‐chi (Beijing, 1959), 1368–69. For the fang‐shin, see also Ku Ming‐chien (Ku Chieh‐kang), Ch'in‐Han te fang‐shih yü ju‐sheng (1933; reprint, Taipei, 1985), 11; Colin A. Ronan, The Shorter Science and Civilization in China: An Abridgement of Joseph Needham's Original Text, 3 vols. (Cambridge, 1978), 1:107; Doctors, Diviners, and Magicians of Ancient China: Biographies of Fang‐shih, trans, and comp. Kenneth J. DeWoskin (New York, 1983), Iff., 33.39. Wang Ch'ung, Lun Heng (Taipei, 1981), 7.10b.40. Needham, Science and Civilization 5:142. See also Lin Hou‐sheng and Lo P'ei‐yü, Ch'i-kung san-pai wen, 4.41. Ch'ien Mu, ed., Chuang tzu tsuan‐chien, rev. ed. (Hong Kong, 1960), 122. See also Chou Shao‐hsien, Han-tai che-hsüeh, 89; Li Feng‐mao, “Hsi k'ang yang‐sheng ssu‐hsiang chih yen‐chiu,” Ching-i wen-li hsüeh-yüan hsüeh-pao 2 (1979): 37–66, esp. 54.42. For the increasing reliance on personal effort, see Mugitani Kunio, “Shoki dky ni okeru ky,” Ty bunka 57 (1977): 27–28, 35. The growth in medical knowledge is discussed in Li Feng‐mao, “Hsi K'ang yang‐sheng ssu‐hsiang chih yen‐chiu,” 42. A manuscript interred in 168 B.C., however, already contained a chart of color illustrations of tao‐yin physical exercises. See Harper, “Sexual Arts,” 555–56; and Lin Hou‐sheng and Lo P'ei‐y, Ch'i-kung san-pai wen, 5.43. Needham, Science and Civilization 2: 143. A good description of Taoist exercises can be found in Henri Maspero, Le taoisme et les religions chinoises (Paris, 1971), 380,578–86. Harper, “Sexual Arts,” passim, provides details of early sexual techniques.44. Ying Shao, Feng‐su t'ung‐i (Taipei, 1976), 10.1b; Li Fang et al., eds., T'ai‐p'ing yü‐lan, 7 vols. (Taipei, 1980), 314.45. Sivin, Chinese Alchemy, 30–31,55n; Sivin, “Science and Medicine,” 55; and Welch, Parting of the Way, 130–32.46. In the fourth century the alchemist Ko Hung himself could not afford these ingredients. See Ware, Alchemy, Medicine and Religion, 70.47. Wei Chu‐t'ing, ed., I‐shih chi‐shih (Taipei, 1981), lei 15, p. 5. See also Dewoskin, Doctors, Divines and Magicians, 149.48. Chang Chung‐yuan, “An Introduction to Taoist Yoga,” The Review of Religion 20 (1956): 133–35, 145; Needham, Science and Civilization 5:283. See also Paul Demieville, “La pénétration du bouddhisme dans la tradition philosophique chinoise,” Cahiers d'histoire mondiale 3 (19561957): 22.49. Overmyer, Folk Buddhist Religion, 163–64. For spirit possession in modern China, see Edwin D. Harvey, “Shamanism in China,” in Studies in the Science of Society, ed. George Peter Murdock (New Haven, 1937), 256–58. For t'ai‐chi, see “Fang t'ai‐chi ta‐shih Wang P'ei‐sheng,”Jen‐min jih‐pao (overseas ed.), 3 August 1987, 2. Chang Po‐tuan, Understanding Reality, 14–15, lists T'ai‐chi ch'üan as a Taoist practice. The technique is discussed at length in Linda Chih‐ling Koo, “Nourishment of Life: The Culture of Health in Traditional Chinese Society” (Ph.D. diss., University of California, 1976), 110–16. However, Sivin, “Science and Medicine,” 68, observes that early Taoist exercises resemble yoga more closely than they do T'ai‐chi ch'üan. For the source of the idea of t'ai‐chi in the Book of Changes, see Zürcher, Buddhist Conquest, 88.50. The formation of the White Lotus Society in 402 A.D. is discussed in Zürcher, Buddhist Conquest, 219. An excellent description of this religion can be found in Naquin, “Transmission of White Lotus Sectarianism,” 255ff. See also Naquin, Millenarian Rebellion, 8;David K. Jordan and Overmyer, The Flying Phoenix: Aspects of Chinese Sectarianism in Taiwan (Princeton, 1986), 16; Lloyd E. Eastman, Family, Fields, and Ancestors: Constancy and Change in China's Social and Economic History, 1550–1949 (New York, 1988), 217–21. The Manichean component of White Lotus sectarianism is discussed in T'ang Ch'ang‐ju, Wei chin nan‐pei‐ch'ao shih‐lun shih‐i (Beijing, 1983), 206; Dardess, “Transformations of Messianic Revolt,” 540.51. Naquin, Millenarian Rebellion, 24–25, 27, 30–31; Naquin, “Transmission of White Lotus Sectarianism,” 275; Eastman, Family, Fields, and Ancestors, 220.52. For the White Lotus origins of the Boxers, see Immanuel C. Y. Hsu, “Late Ch'ing Foreign Relations, 1866–1905,” in Late Ch'ing, 1800–1911, Part Two, ed. Lui Kwang‐ching and Fairbank, vol. 11 of Cambridge History of China, ed. Fairbank and Denis Twitchett (Cambridge, 1980), 117–18; Purcell, Boxer Uprising, 161–62.53. Lu Yao, “Origins of the Boxers,” 66–67.54. Ida Pruitt, A Daughter of Han: The Autobiography of a Chinese Working Woman (1945; reprint, Stanford, 1967), 151.55. The erosion of belief in immortality, and residual concern for health, is described in Koo, “Nourishment of Life,” 71–72. A strong affirmation of the medical purpose of the martial arts can be found in Lin Hou‐sheng and Lo P'ei‐yü, Ch'i‐kung san‐pai wen, 1.56. Van Gulik, “The Mango ‘Trick’ in China: An Essay on Taoist Magic,” Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, 3rd ser., 3 (1954): 118; Ware, Alchemy, Medicine and Religion, 54; Kominami Ichir, Chgoku no shinwa to monogatari‐ko shsetsu shi no tenkai (Tokyo, 1984), 168–69.57. Li Fang et al., eds., T'ai‐p'ing kuang‐chi (Beijing, 1981), 573. Jonathan D. Spence, The Death of Woman Wang (New York, 1978), 26–30.58. Lao Tzu: Tao Te Ching, trans. D. C. Lau (Harmondsworth, 1963), 111. Compare Chang Po‐tuan, Understanding Reality, 146, and see also Arthur Waley, The Way and Its Power: A Study of the Tao Te Ching and Its Place in Chinese Thought (Guildford, 1934), 118.59. Li Feng‐mao, “Liu‐ch'ao ching chien ch'uan‐shuo yü tao‐chiao fa‐shu ssu‐hsiang,” in Chung‐kuo ku‐tien hsiao‐shuo yen‐chiu chuan‐chi 2 (Taipei, 1980), 1–28, esp. 24; Purcell, Boxer Uprising, 236–39, ascribes the Boxer belief in invulnerability to Taoist religion. An eighteenth‐century example is presented in Naquin, “Transmission of White Lotus Sectarianism,” 278; a nineteenth‐century example is discussed in Perry, Rebels and Revolutionaries, 110; and the delusions of the Boxers are described in Jin Chongji, “Relationship Between the Boxers,” 87–88, and Hsu, “Late Ch'ing Foreign Relations,” 117–18.60. See document no. 15 in Jules Davids, ed., Boxer Uprising, vol. 5 of American Diplomatic and Public Papers: The United States and China, Series III‐The Sino‐Japanese War to the Russo‐Japanese War, 1894–1905, ed. Davids (Wilmington, Del., 1981), 40.61. This practice is described in Perry, Rebels and Revolutionaries, 186–97.62. J. Ch'en, “Nature and Characteristics,” 290. The Peking Gazette described Boxers fighting side by side with regular Imperial troops, being issued firearms, and apparently even using artillery. See extracts in document no. 58, Davids, Boxer Uprising, 118–21. The weaponry of the Red Spears ranged from spears to Mausers, according to Perry, Rebels and Revolutionaries, 199.63. Reid and Croucher, Fighting Arts, 62, 73–75.64. The division into civil and military entertainments is described in DeWoskin, “On Narrative Revolutions,” Chinese Literature: Essays, Articles, Reviews 5 (1983): 29–45, esp. 39–41. The dance can be found in Yü Shih‐nan, Pei‐t'ang shu‐ch'ao (Taipei, 1974), 476. For the Han acrobatics, see W. Eberhard, “Thoughts About Chinese Folk Theatre Performances,” Oriens Extremus, no. 1 (1981): 5–7.65. Ku‐chin t'u‐shu chi‐ch'eng, vol. 487, chüan, 810, 61b. The encyclopedia is described in Ssu‐yü Teng and Knight Biggerstaff, eds., An Annotated Bibliography of Selected Chinese Reference Works, 3rd ed. (Cambridge, 1950), 95. See also Giles, Adversaria Sinica, 133; Li Fang, et al., T'ai-p'ing yü-lan, 3483.66. Ku‐chin t'u‐shu chi'ch'eng, vol. 487, chüan 810, 61b. See also William Dolby, A History of Chinese Drama (New York, 1976), 3; and Matsuda Takatomo, Chung‐kuo wu‐shu shih‐liieh, 265, table.67. James I. Crump, “The Elements of Yuan Opera,” Journal of Asian Studies 17 (May 1958): 417–34, esp. 421, 433; James J. Y. Liu, The Chinese Knight‐Errant (Chicago, 1967), 191.68. Robert Fortune, A Residence Among the Chinese: Inland, On the Coast, and at Sea (1857; reprint, Taipei, 1971), 258.69. Wu Ching‐tzu, The Scholars, trans. Yang Hsien‐yi and Gladys Yang (Beijing, 1973), 139–40 and 142–45. See also Naquin, Millenarian Rebellion, 32; Purcell, Boxer Uprising, 162; and Fred C. Shapiro, “Letter From Beijing,” The New Yorker, 28 December 1987, 96.70. Liu, Chinese Knight‐Errant, xii; Robert Ruhlmann, “Traditional Heroes in Chinese Popular Fiction,” in Confucianism and Chinese Civilization, ed. Arthur F. Wright (Stanford, 1959), 152.71. See Milton M. Chiu, The Tao of Chinese Religion (Lanham, Md., 1984), 330–32; and Liu, Chinese Knight‐Errant, 13–17.72. C. T. Hsia, The Classic Chinese Novel: A Critical Introduction (New York, 1968), 75. For Shui‐hu chuan's influence on the young Mao, see Edgar Snow, Red Star Over China, rev. ed. (New York, 1968), 133.73. Hsia, “The Military Romance: A Genre of Chinese Fiction,” in Studies in Chinese Literary Genres, ed. Cyril Birch (Berkeley, 1974), 345 and note 10.74. Chao Yeh, ed., Wu‐ Yüeh ch'un‐ch 'iu (Taipei, 1980), 9.6a‐6b. For an analysis of this text, see David Johnson, “The Wu Tzu‐hsü Pien‐wen and Its Sources: Part I,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 40 (June 1980): 83–156, esp. 151.75. Liu, Chinese Knight-Errant, 81; Hsia, Classic Chinese Novel, 331, notes 48 and 49; Hsia, “Military Romance,” 384.76. Liu, Chinese Knight-Errant, 135. See also J. Ch'en, “Nature and Characteristics,” 291.77. Liu, Chinese Knight-Errant, 117, 134–35; Ruhlmann, “Traditional Heroes,” 148. For an example in an eighteenth‐century detective novel, see Van Gulik, Celebrated Cases, 104–105.78. Matsuda Takatomo, Chung-kuo wu-shu shih-lüeh, 60, 63. The secret brotherhood of the Triads, for example, claimed to have been founded by Shao‐lin monks of Fukien in 1674, according to Eastman, Family, Fields, and Ancestors, 222. See also Ruhlmann, “Traditional Heroes,” 147. An extreme example of fantastic powers in the martial arts can be found in Wu Ch'eng‐en's sixteenth‐century novel, Hsi‐yu chi, translated by Arthur Waley as Monkey (New York, 1943), passim, but esp. 29–30.79. Ellen Widmer, The Margins of Utopia: Shui‐hu hou‐chuan and the Literature of Ming Loyalism (Cambridge, 1987), 60–61.80. Wang Li‐Ch'i, “Shui‐hu yü nung‐min ke‐ming,”Shui‐hu yen‐chiu lun‐wen chi (Beijing, 1957), 64ff, esp. 71.81. This idea is developed in Ruhlmann, “Traditional Heroes,” 123–25, and presented forcefully in J. Ch'en, “Nature and Characteristics,” 291–92 and note 4, and in Purcell, Boxer Uprising, 223.82. J. Ch'en, “Nature and Characteristics,” 291–92, note 4, and 299. See also Naquin, Millenarian Rebellion, 19.83. Lu Yao, “Origins of the Boxers,” 64. See also Perry, Rebels and Revolutionaries, 64.Additional informationNotes on contributorsCharles HolcombeThe author is Assistant Professor of History at the University of Northern Iowa. Portions of an early version of this paper were read for the author at the Central States Anthropological Society's 65th annual meeting in St. Louis, March 1988, by Dimitri Kostynick.