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A long shadow: Frederick P. Keppel, the Carnegie Corporation and the Dominions and Colonies Fund Area Experts 1923–1943

2008; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 38; Issue: 5 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1080/00467600802054562

1464-5130

Richard Glotzer,

Religious Education and Schools

Abstract The Carnegie Corporation found its first great manager in Frederick Paul Keppel (1875–1943). Keppel's career is important to historians of education because interwar Carnegie initiatives, articulated through the Corporation's Dominions and Colonies Fund and Teachers College, Columbia University, internationalised American educational theories and practices throughout the English‐speaking world. Keppel's concept of key men, prominent authorities influencing events in their home countries, was central to these endeavours. Both products and advocates of modernism, key men put their confidence in the natural and social sciences, in turn melded into the grand themes of their times; the British Imperial Mission, American Expansionism, and shared Anglo‐Saxon racial identity. The preparatory nature of Keppel's life and work experiences are first explored. The article then surveys how the complex, yet remarkably informal, network of overseas key men were established. An examination of the Carnegie legacy offers some conclusions. Keywords: CarnegieTC ColumbiaKeppeldominionsSouth Africa Notes 1Ellen Condliffe Lagemann,, The Politics of Knowledge (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989), 100–3; E. Jefferson Murphy, Creative Philanthropy, Carnegie Corporation and Africa 1953–1976 (New York: Teachers College Press, 1976). 2Gary McCulloch and Roy Lowe, 'Introduction; Centre and periphery – networks and space in the history of education', History of Education 32, no.5 (2003): 457–9. 3Frederick P. Keppel, Philanthropy and Learning (New York: Teachers College Press, 1936), 139–54. 4Richard Glotzer, Family Life and Child Rearing Practices among Carnegie Corporations Area Experts 1920–1945. Manuscript in revision. 5For the Keppels' emigration see David Keppel, FPK: An Intimate Biography of Frederick Paul Keppel (Washington, DC: Private Printer, 1950), 3–12. For views on Keppel's career see Charles Dollard, Appreciations of Frederick Paul Keppel (New York: Columbia University Press, 1951). 6James E. Russell, Founding Teachers College (New York: Bureau of Publications, Teachers College, Columbia, 1937), 3–12. 7Grace Dodge's great‐grandfather, David Low Dodge (1774–1852), helped establish the New York Peace Society, the New York Bible Society, and the New York Tract Society. His son, William Earl Dodge (1805–1883) married the daughter of Anson Phelps, a prominent New York merchant. William E. Dodge headed Phelps, Dodge and Company and was a director of the Erie Railroad, among his many financial interests. He too was a prominent religious and peace activist. 8Russell, Founding Teachers College, 23–72. 9Philip J. Pauly, 'The Development of High School Biology: New York City, 1900–1925', Isis 82, no. 4 (1991): 662–88. 10Keppel, FPK, 13–42. 11Keppel had known the Morgans since childhood. J.P. Morgan's passing of the collection plate was one of the rituals of their Stuyvesant Square church. 12The English practice of naming manor houses and estates served to identify ancestry, family titles and geographic location. An act of Parliament (1765) introduced street numbering. Naming persisted and migrated across the British Empire. In North America house naming was a popular middle‐class practice in the 1920s, along with the adaption of Tudor architecture. Even apartment buildings were named. Cf. 'House names hard to Find: Almost very Combination used in New York', Washington Post, August 28, 1904. 13Geraldine M. Joncich, The Sane Positivist; A biography of Edward L. Thorndike (Middletown: Wesleyan University Press, 1989), 202–3, Harry L. Hollingworth, Letta Stetter Hollingworth: A Biography (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1943), 182–5. 14Keppel, FPK, 75, 104, Dollard, Appreciations, 95–109. 15This group consists of Frederick Bagster‐Collins, Robert S. Woodworth, Frederick Woodbridge, Edward Reisner, Austin Evans, Albert Poffenger and F.P. Keppel. Thorndike's prolific output is excluded since his remarkable output (10 books) between 1910 and 1917 skews the data. 16Thorndike moved back to New York City in 1917 settling in a campus apartment. Claiming to suffer from asthma, Geraldine Joncich, his biographer, suggests that guilt over his preference for work against the wishes of his wife and five children may also have created somatic stress. Thorndike worked past his retirement, until he could literally work no more. He published nearly 80 books and an estimated 500 publications of various types. 17The chaotic functioning of the Federal Government in 1917–1918, relying as it did on antiquated practices and planning models, led to rapid adaptation (and legitimising) of new business models often introduced by temporary outsiders. Mobilisation, procurement and chain of command were managed by entrenched civil service and military bureaucracies originating in the Spanish American War (1898–1899). In one of the coldest winters in memory (1917), coal trains, along with military supplies headed for sea ports, were lined up on sidings across the East Coast, as logistical inefficiency made deliveries impossible. 18Keppel helped write treatment standards for COs, housed en masse at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas. Keppel also sought (unsuccessfully) to persuade the National Civil Liberties Bureau's Roger Nash Baldwin to desist from anti‐war activities and avoid prison. During the war Keppel and Company employed Carl Zigrosser, an active member of the American Union Against Militarism and the No Conscription Alliance. Later a prominent art historian and museum curator, he had been hired on F.P. Keppel's recommendation. Robert C. Cotrell, Roger Nash Baldwin and the American Civil Liberties Union (New York: Columbia University Press. 2000); Carl Zigrosser, My Own Shall Come to Me: A Personal Memoir (Haarlem: Joh. Enschedé en Zonon, 1971), 30–7, 56–63. 19Edgar A. Shuler, 'The Houston Race Riot, 1917', Journal of Negro Education 29, no. 3 (1944): 300–38. 20David M.Kennedy, Over Here: The First World War and American Society (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004), 144–90. 21Emmitt J. Scott, The American Negro in the World War (Washington, DC: private publisher, 1919), Dewey H. Palmer, 'Moving North: Migration of Negroes during World War I', Phylon 28, no. 1 (1967): 52–62. 22Ralph Hayes, 'Third Secretary of War': 17–37, in Dollard, Appreciations. 23Frederick P. Keppel, Columbia (New York: Oxford University Press, 1914), 179–80, Robert A. McCaughey, Stand Columbia (New York: Columbia University Press, 2003), 256–76, 241–91, and Harold Wechsler, The Qualified Student (New York: Wiley, 1977). 24The War Department provided Keppel with numerous contacts with the Red Cross and Russell Sage Foundation. Keppel's J.P. Morgan relations were surely helpful with the International Chamber of Commerce. Fluent in French, he was no stranger to Paris. Frederick Sr. maintained a Paris apartment for Keppel and Company business trips. 25In his article, The Gospel of Wealth (1889), Andrew Carnegie first outlined the obligation of the wealthy to redistribute their fortunes for the betterment of society. His first philanthropy, the Carnegie Institute of Pittsburgh (1896), focused on improving local cultural and educational institutions. The Carnegie Trust for the Universities of Scotland (1901) sought to fund improvements and university expansion. The Carnegie Institution of Washington (1902) focused on scientific research, and was followed by the Carnegie Dunfermline Trust (1903) aimed at Dunfermline's educational institutions. The Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching was founded in 1905, which in turn established the Teachers Insurance and Annuity Association, securing pensions for teachers in higher education. The Carnegie Endowment for International Peace came in 1910, followed by Carnegie Corporation in 1911, and finally the Carnegie United Kingdom Trust (1913), founded for charitable causes. 26Carnegie Corporation initially relied on short‐term presidential appointees drawn from the trustees; Elihu Root (1919–1920), James R. Angell (1920–1921), and Henry S. Pritchett (1921–1923). Each had prior War Department or Service branch administrative experience, allowing them to extend already influential networks of contacts into government and industry. All were idealists with foundation experience who applied their skills in university settings at one time or another. Keppel's profile mirrored that of prior incumbents. For a comparison with Carnegie's Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching see Ellen Condliffe Lagemann, Private Power for the Public Good (Middletown: Wesleyan University Press, 1983), 38–44. 27Barbara Howe, 'The Emergence of Scientific Philanthropy, 1900–1920: Origins, Issues, and Outcomes', in Philanthropy and Cultural Imperialism, ed. Robert F. Arnove (Boston, 1980), 25–54. 28In the 1930s criticisms became more strident as income disparities widened and large segments of the population were economically devastated by continuing depression. 29The spirit, if not the presence, of the values and prejudices of the old elite permeated the inner sanctums where decision making and social acceptance were most crucial. The preoccupation of the new captains of industry with bridging the gulf between old money and new money is well documented. Cf. Thorsten Veblen, The Theory of the Leisure Class (New York, Macmillan and Company, 1912). Also see David Grusky, ed., Social Stratification: Class Race and Gender in Sociological Perspective (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1994), 260–5. 30R. Jeffry Lustig, Corporate Liberalism: The Origins of Modern American Political Theory 1890–1920 (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1982), 195–226. 31Russell Marks, 'Legitimating Industrial Capitalism: Philanthropy and Individual Differences', in Philanthropy and Imperialism, ed. Robert F. Arnove (Bloomington, Indiana University Press, 1982), 87–122. 32Marks, ibid.; also see David F. Labaree, 'The Ed School's Romance with Progressivism', Brookings [Institution] Papers on Educational Policy 2004: 89–112. 33 The Politics of Knowledge, 3–11. 34Both working‐ and middle‐class constituencies were awakening to the importance of education and skill‐specific knowledge. The Chautauqua Movement, which developed from the training of Sunday school teachers in the 1870s on the shores of Lake Chautauqua in Western New York State, grew into a network of public forums for the discussion of books, ideas and to hear notable speakers. A coalition of trade unions developed the Workers Education Bureau in 1921, which grew into the American Federation of Labor's Education Department in 1951. Many ethnically based mutual aid societies and social organisations also offered and encouraged education for their members. 35The Carnegie Library Program is symbolic of efforts to aid this meritocratic mobility by diffusing knowledge both as a general commodity and as a basis for popular assent to values and governance. The Politics of Knowledge, ibid. 36Two senior colleges of the City University, City College (1847) and Hunter College (1870), were joined by the School of Business (1919), renamed Baruch College (1953), Brooklyn College (1930) and Queens College (1937). 37Richard Glotzer, 'The influence of Carnegie Corporation and Teachers College, Columbia in the interwar dominions: The case for decentralized education', Historical Studies in Education 1, no. 1–2 (2000): 93–111. 38Ronald K.Goodenow and Robert Cowen, 'The American school of education and the Third World in the twentieth century: Teachers College and Africa, 1920–1950'. History of Education 15, no. 4. (1986): 271–89. 39Isaac Kandel, The training of Elementary School Teachers In Germany (Doctoral Diss., Teachers College, Columbia University, 1910). 43The reference is to a joint conference of the American Association of Universities (AAU) and the British Inter‐University Council (BIC) in Toronto, Canada (1953). An impromptu hotel lobby meeting led Carnegie Corporation to commit support to AAU's establishment of a liaison committee for involvement in African universities. Cornelius Willem De Kiewiet, Transcribed interviews, Interview 2: 54, September 28, 1967, Oral History Research Project, Carnegie Corporation Archives, Butler Library, Columbia University, New York, NY (hereafter CC). 40James Earl Russell, The Extension of University Teaching in England and the United States: A Study in Practical Pedagogics (Leipzig, 1895); German High Schools: The History, Organization and Methods of Secondary Education in Germany (New York, Longmans Green: 1913). 41Condliffe Lagemann, The Politics of Knowledge, 100–3. 42Favoured grant applicants were sometimes advised to revise proposals to meet trustee and reader objections. Michael White, 'Carnegie Philanthropy in Australia in the Nineteen Thirties: a Reassessment', History of Educational Review 26, no. 1 (1997): 1–24. 44As Dean, Russell recruited educators active in educational reform or experimentation. Offered the opportunity to work on advanced degrees at TC, the best were offered faculty positions. Most often self‐made Protestant Midwesterners with experiences as teachers in one‐room schools, these recruits offered an affinity and compassion for ordinary people and a work ethic encompassing social and intellectual self‐betterment, in addition to their intellectual and academic talents. Lawrence A. Cremin, A History of Teachers College, Columbia University (New York: Columbia University Press, 1954). 45Cf. Robert J. Selleck, English Primary Education and the Progressives, 1914–1939 (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul: 1972). 46Kevin Brehony, 'A new education for a new era: the contribution of the conference of the New Education Fellowship to the disciplinary field of education 1921–1938', Paedagogica Historica 40, nos 5–6 (2004): 733–55. 47Fiscal austerity reinforced the notion that British training, methods and educational institutions were unassailable. In the overseas empire the latest in books, the arts and ideas overwhelmingly emanated from Britain through a monopoly on the import of print material unchallenged until the end of the Second World War. 48Clive Whitehead, 'Educational Policy in British Tropical Africa: The 1925 White Paper in Retrospect', History of Education 10, no. 3 (1981): 195–203; Isabela Madeira, 'Portuguese, French and British discourses on colonial education: Church–state relations, school expansion and missionary competition in Africa 1890–1930', Paedagogica Historica 41, no. 1–2, (2005): 31–60; William B. Cohen, 'The Colonized as Child: British and French Colonial Rule', Africana Historical Studies 3, no. 2, (1970): 427–31. 49There were three generations of Anselm Phelps‐Stokes (1838–1913, 1874–1958, 1905–1986) starting with multimillionaire banker and merchant Anselm‐Phelps Stokes I. Related to the Dodge family through marriage, Keppel's friend Anselm Phelps‐Stokes II was close to Grace Dodge, chief benefactress of Teachers College. His great grandfather Thomas Stokes, a London merchant, had been a founder of the London Missionary Society. The second and third generations were ordained ministers, graduates of Yale, and Trustees of the Phelps‐Stokes Fund. Also see note 6. 50Richard Hull, 'The Phelps‐Stokes Fund, African Education, and Agricultural Underdevelopment in southern Africa 1903–1935', Africana Journal 16 (1994): 84–101. 51Jones's two‐volume study, Negro Education (1917), assessed the impact of Northern philanthropy on Southern Negro education. He argued against redundancy, wasted resources, weak and poorly administered institutions, and named those worthy of closure. Jones also continued typological ideas of race in Negro Education, nurtured and systematised in his doctoral work under Sociologist Franklin Giddings (1855–1931). Unregulated emotion, faulty moral development and need for control also appear as themes in his earlier work on the Hampton Institute Social Studies Curriculum. Eric Anderson and Alfred A. Moss, Dangerous Donations (Columbia: University of Missouri Press: 1999), 191–218, W.H. Watkins et al., 'Race and Education', in William H. Watkins, The White Architects of Black Education (New York, Columbia University Press, 2001), 44–50; H.M. Kliebard, 'The Evil Genius of the Negro Race: Thomas Jesse Jones and Educational Reform', in Changing Course: American Curriculum Reform in the 20th Century (New York: Teachers College Press, 2002). 52Richard D. Heyman, 'C.T. Loram: A South African Liberal in Race Relations', International Journal of African Historical Studies 5, no. 1 (1972): 41–50. 53Raised in Corstorphine, Scotland, Bertram had gone out to South Africa in 1890 at 18. His Scottish railway experience brought him into the Natal Government Railway, where he rose to station master. In 1896 he became Mine Secretary for Van Ryn Gold Mines Estate LTD. He knew Dr Leander Starr Jameson, an associate of Cecil Rhodes, and was marginally involved in the ill‐fated Jameson Raid. Bertram returned to Scotland in the summer of 1897 to shake a persistent fever. Within the year he begin his service as Carnegie's confidential secretary (1897–1914), and later Secretary and Trustee of the Corporation (1911–1934). In time Carnegie instructed Robert Franks, his treasurer, to invest an annual sum for Bertram (1909–1918). By 1918 Bertram's investment had grown to nearly 1.5 million dollars in 2008 values. Beginning in 1911 he also received $5000 per year as a Trustee, equal to over one hundred thousand dollars a year in 2008 values. Frank Pierce Hill, James Bertram: An Appreciation (New York: Carnegie Corporation, 1936), 1–32; James Bertram Accounts with Andrew Carnegie 1909–1918, Box I, FF36.4, James Bertram Papers, Carnegie Mellon Libraries Archives, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania: Carnegie Mellon University (Hereafter Bertram Papers). 54Charles T. Loram to Anselm Phelps‐Stokes, July 8, 1930. Box 75, Folder 1236, Charles T. Loram Papers, Sterling Library, New Haven: Yale University. (Hereafter Loram Papers). 55Malherbe arranged most of Carney's speaking arrangements in South Africa. See Carney's African Letters (New York: private printer, 1926), 10–22; Carney file, James Earl Russell Papers, Archives, Milbank Memorial Library, Teachers College, Columbia. A copy of African Letters can also be found in the J.H. Oldham Papers, Rhodes House, Oxford University. Richard Glotzer, 'The Career of Mabel Carney: The Study of Race and Rural Development in the United States and South Africa', International Journal of African Historical Studies 29, no. 2, (1996): 309–36, and 'Mabel Carney and the Hartford Theological Seminary: Rural Development, "Negro Education" and Missionary Training, Historical Studies in Education 17, no. 1 (2005): 55–80. 56Personal communication, Claudia Clarke, April 7, 2007. Claudia is the middle of the Clarke's five daughters. 57Claudia Clarke, 'Sir Fred Clarke: a Reappraisal of his early years 1880–1911', Education Research and Perspectives 33, no. 1 (2006): 33–62, Peter Kallaway, 'Fred Clarke and the Politics of Vocational Education in South Africa 1911–1929', History of Education 25, no. 4 (1996): 15–62, Richard Glotzer, 'Sir Fred Clarke South Africa and Canada Carnegie Corporation Philanthropy and the Transition from Empire to Commonwealth', Education Research and Perspectives 22, no. 1 (1995): 1–21. 58Janie (née Nel) had attended Victoria College, later the University of Stellenbosch, before marrying and going to New York in 1922. During the Second World War she was a captain in military intelligence, tracking internal pro‐fascist activities of the far right. She also wrote historical and genealogical works on South Africa. Cf. Janie Malherbe, Port Natal, A Pioneer Study (Cape Town: Timmons, 1965). 59A one‐room school teacher at 16 and a school superintendent at 21, Mort was recruited for TC by Russell from rural Indiana. A foremost authority on school finance by the early 1930s, the Mort Plan is widely recognised as saving US public education during the depression. Mort conducted a Carnegie Project in South Africa. See Glotzer, 'The influence of Carnegie Corporation and Teachers College, Columbia, in the Interwar Dominions…'. 60Frederick P. Keppel and James Bertram, Report of the President and the Secretary as to an Educational Program in Africa (New York: Carnegie Corporation 1927). 61Bertram to Family, August 14, 1927, Bertram Papers. 62Bertram to Family, August 28, 1927, Bertram Papers. 63Keppel, taking his cue from Mabel Carney, accepted that, like White Southerners, Afrikaners had wrestled a distinct culture and language from a bountiful but unforgiving frontier where they were threatened by hostile masses of uncivilised tribal indigenes. Military defeat and economic ruin brought cultural and linguistic erosion. Economic competition with the victors and Africans threatened them directly but also imperilled white racial leadership, integral to British imperial authority. While claims of primitivism, dismissive of African economic contributions, culture and entitlement to social justice, were suspect to Keppel, cultural immaturity resonated with his understanding of Industrial Education. 64Loram to Malherbe, March 12, 1929, 8‐1‐88, Unassessioned Files. C.T. Loram – E.G. Malherbe Correspondence 1926–1940. E.G. Malherbe Papers, Killie Campbell Africana Library, University of Natal/KwaZulu, Durban (Hereafter EGM Papers). 65David H. Fischer, Albion's Seed (New York: Oxford University Press 1989), 866–8. 66Of the 1.5 million dollars spent by the Dominions and Colonies Fund in Africa between 1925 and 1940, $984,000 went to South Africa. Malherbe's account of the Inquiry's fieldwork can be found in his illustrated autobiography; E.G. Malherbe, Never a Dull Moment (Cape Town: Howard Timmons: 1981), 119–78. 67Brahm Fleisch, 'Social scientists as policy makers: the national bureau for education research', Journal of Southern African Studies 21, no. 3 (1995): 349–73. 68 The Carnegie Inquiry into White Poverty in South Africa I–V (Cape Town: Pro Ecclesiastica, 1932). 69Claudia Clarke, 'Sir Fred Clarke A Reappraisal…'. 70Loram to Malherbe, March 11, 1928, 8‐1‐88. Unassessioned File, EGM Papers. 71Anson Phelps‐Stokes II (1874–1957), the son of a prominent banker, attended Yale, travelled, and trained as an Episcopal Minister, graduating in 1900 and taking orders in 1925. Secretary of Yale since 1898, his wealth, position as head of the Phelps‐Stokes Fund and influence led to Loram's Sterling Professorship. 72Loram negotiated for $10,000 to purchase an annuity ($128,351.00 at current values) but had to settle for $1000 ($12,835.00 at current values). Loram's would be a lean retirement despite his $10,000 annual Yale salary. Educational opportunities for his five children came through personal connections and additional sources of income. Loram died of a heart attack in Ithaca, New York, as he prepared to teach summer school at Cornell. He was 60. Hilda Loram to Malherbe, December 6, 1940, 3‐1‐89a, Unassessioned File. Malherbe, 'The Late Dr. Charles T. Loram', KCM 56986 (695), File 1620, EGM Papers, Loram to Phelps‐Stokes, November 3, 1930, Box 75, Folder 1232; Loram to Keppel, October 24, 1933, Box 72, Folder 1192, Loram Papers. 73Distribution of Books file, Box 50, Grant Series One, Carnegie Corporation Archives, Butler Library, Columbia University, New York (hereafter CC). For an overview of the Library Program as well as other Carnegie projects in Australia see White, 'Carnegie Philanthropy in Australia..'. 75Russell to Keppel. 2 April, 1928. Grant Series One, Box 316, CC. 74Mary Boyd, 'Australia–New Zealand Relations', in Australia, New Zealand and the Pacific Islands Since the First World War, ed. William S. Livingston and Wm. Roger Louis (Austin: University of Texas Press 1979), 47–61. 76Grattan singled out J.P. Morgan in particular as a financial house that pressed for US entry into the war as a means of securing outstanding loans. Despite his J.P. Morgan connections Keppel did not make an issue of Grattan's politics. C. Hartley Grattan, Why We Fought (New York: Vanguard Press, 1929). 77F. Tate to F. Keppel, August 6, 1936, C. Hartley Grattan File, CHG‐1‐154, CC. 78Angela N. Grigor, Arthur Lismer: Visionary Art Educator (Montreal: McGill‐Queens University Press, 2002), 132–57. 79The Carnegie Trustees of the 1930s included Russell Leffingwell, a prominent New York Attorney and childhood friend of Frederick and David Keppel from Yonkers. A partner in the J.P. Morgan Bank, he was later Assistant Secretary of the Treasury (Newton Baker, his old boss from the War Department also joined the Board as did Henry Suzzallo, President of the University of Washington (a TC PhD) and friend of both Butler (still on the Board) and James E. Russell. Robert A. Franks, a legacy of Andrew Carnegie, remained on the Board as did James Bertram until his death in 1934. Mrs Carnegie and her daughter, Margaret Roswell Miller, represented the family interests. 80The reference is to H.G. Wells's call for a gifted elite, motivated by spiritual idealism, to guide the world toward a rational and equitable political and economic system. Wells, who assumed an enlightened capitalism would be the engine of world reform, saw his project collapse as its first organisational meeting when Lloyd George introduced partisan politics. Clarke to Keppel, June 23, 1935. Clarke File, Box 104, Grant Series One, CC. Also see H.G. Wells, The Open Conspiracy (London: Benn, 1928). 81Approximately 25,000 Scots came to North America between 1760 and 1775 due to increases in rents in the Highlands. Evidence that many from this wave settled in the heavily wooded valleys of upstate New York still exist in family cemeteries such as the Forrest plot in Bovina Center, composed entirely of immigrants from Perth and the north country. Elders in Russell's nearby Scottish Presbyterian community objected to his acceptance of a Regent's Scholarship to attend Cornell because of the institution's liberal reputation. 82E.G. Malherbe, Educational Adaptations in a Changing Society (Cape Town: Juta and Company, 1936); Kenneth S. Cunningham, Education for Complete Living (Melbourne: Australian Council for Educational Research, 1937); A.S. Campbell, Modern Trends in Education (Wellington: Whitcomb and Tombs, 1937). 83C.W. De Kiewiet, Transcribed interview, no. 2: 54, September 28, 1967, Oral History Research Project, CC. 84Richard Glotzer, 'Sir Fred Clarke South Africa and Canada Carnegie…'. 85For example Mary Kingsley (1862–1900, West Africa), Richard Francis Burton (1821–1890, the Middle East and India), David Livingstone (1813–1873, East Africa), Robert Louis Stevenson (1852–1894, the South Pacific), and his intellectual heirs Rudyard Kipling (1865–1936, India) and Joseph Conrad (1857–1924, Africa). In North America James Fenimore Cooper (1789–1851), Henry Wadsworth Longfellow (1807–1882), Henry Lewis Morgan (1818–1881), and Herman Melville (1819–1891), fed the popular psyche in a similar manner. 86By the end of the nineteenth century travelogues, anthropological works, and even letters to The Times, could be reinforced by the medium of photography. Paul S. Landau and Deborah D. Kaspin, Images and Empires: Visuality in Colonial and Post Colonial Africa (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002), 1–40; Peter Metelercamp, 'Considering Coloniality in South African Photography', Department of Photography, University of Bristol, UK, 2003; Mick Gidley, Edward S. Curtis and The North American Indian, Incorporated (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998). 87Galton's collaborations with Darwin and adaptation of his cousin's theory sought to explain the role of genetics in human variation. Starting with height and eye colour, he went on to examine birth order, parental occupation, brain size, the histories of twins and heredity's role in genius. The term eugenics itself, derived from the Greek eugeneia – to be well‐born – first appears in Galton's Inquiries into Human Faculty and its Development (1883). From its initial focus, eugenics expanded to encompass selective breeding and social engineering, although Galton himself rejected unsubstantiated adaptations of eugenics and broke with racialist eugenicists like the American Madison Grant. Grant's Nordicism, an outgrowth of nineteenth‐century Aryanism, gained favour in the post‐First World War United States and influenced immigration legislation. Grant, like Thorndike, was a member of New York's Galton Society. See Grant's The Passing of the Great Race (New York: C. Scribners and Company 1916). 88Galton's early penchant for binomial over probability distributions marks his preference for a universe of limited genetic variables rather than an infinite one; thus his bias was toward genetics over environment. The discovery that the statistical phenomenon were widely applicable and existed separately from the specific data he was examining was a major breakthrough in his work. Ruth S. Cowan, 'Francis Galton's Statistical Ideas: The Influence of Eugenics', Isis 63, no.4, (1972): 509–28. 89In the hands of small working groups, connected to Galton's and later Pearson's Biometric Laboratory at the University of London and several other centres, statisticians expanded their work to include prediction, based on the contested concepts of probability, inference and hypothesis testing. Through Pearson's Biometric Laboratory and his journal Biometrika (1901), a particular vision of statistics was advanced. His strong views and competitive nature led to feuds with colleagues, often instigated by his acerbic manner of disputation. Neither colleagues Ronald Fisher (1890–1962) nor psychologist Charles Spearman (1863–1945) enjoyed good relations with Pearson. Theodore Porter, Karl Pearson: The Scientific Life in a Statistical Age (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2004). 90Edward Thorndike, An Introduction to the Theory of Mental and Social Measurements (New York: Science Press, 1904). 91Visits to statistical laboratories in England and North America became an important component of Carnegie grants for many recipients. Charles Spearman's Psychological Laboratory at the University of London was one such centre. Spearman received his doctorate at the University of Leipzig. A career army officer, his studies were interrupted when he was recalled for the Anglo–Boer War. Initially Appointed Reader in Philosophy, in 1911 he was promoted to Professor of Philosophy of Mind and Logic. In 1928 his title became Professor of Psychology when a department was created. He is credited with developing correlation coefficients to reduce error and factor analysis. 92The early impact of Margaret Mead's work, however controversial in our times, cannot be ignored. Writing in the early 1890s, Robert Louis Stevenson, contrary to Mead, noted the deterioration and violence of South Seas cultures. A Columbia University PhD, Mead's research, like much early Social Anthropology, was funded by the Rockefeller Foundation. See Derek Freeman, Margaret Mead and Somoa: The Making and Unmaking of an Anthropological Myth (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1983).