A Byzantine Tradition Transformed: Military Saints under the House of Suzdal’
2004; Wiley; Volume: 63; Issue: 3 Linguagem: Inglês
10.1111/j.1467-9434.2004.00328.x
ISSN1467-9434
Autores Tópico(s)Historical and Religious Studies of Rome
ResumoThe Russian ReviewVolume 63, Issue 3 p. 493-513 A Byzantine Tradition Transformed: Military Saints under the House of Suzdal’ Monica White, Monica White University of CambridgeSearch for more papers by this author Monica White, Monica White University of CambridgeSearch for more papers by this author First published: 28 May 2004 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9434.2004.00328.xAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL References 1 Although these four were arguably the most popular military saints, there were many others, such as Eustathios, Merkurios, Prokopios, Nestor, Constantine, and so on. The military associations of these saints were for the most part established by the tenth century, after which their ranks remained stable. 2a On this phenomenon see, among others, Dimitri Obolensky, “ The Cult of St. Demetrius of Thessaloniki in the History of Byzantine-Slav Relations,”in Byzantium and the Slavs ( Crestwood , NY , 1994), 286– 96; 2b V. Lazarev, “Novyi pamiatnik stankovoi zhivopisi XII v. i obraz Georgiia-voina v vizantiiskom i drevnerusskom iskusstve,”Vizantiiskii Vremennik 6 (1953): 186– 214; 2c and Christopher Walter, The Warrior Saints in Byzantine Art and Tradition ( Aldershot , 2003). 3a A. P. Kazhdan and Ann Wharton Epstein, Change in Byzantine Culture in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries ( Berkeley , 1985), 116. 3b See also Paul Magdalino, The Empire of Manuel I Komnenos, 1143–1180 ( Cambridge , England , 1983), 418– 21. 4 Kazhdan and Epstein, Change in Byzantine Culture, 110–16. 5a Michael F. Hendy, Coinage and Money in the Byzantine Empire 1081–1261 ( Washington , 1969). Representative plates include 1.9, 11.15–17, 14.7–9 (Demetrios), 10.1–4, 17.13–14 (George), and 13.5–9 (Theodore). The Komnenoi also seem to have been among the first members of the imperial household to feature military saints on their seals, although they did so only before they were reigning as emperors. Following their coronations, they began using seals with images of Christ holding the gospels (Isaac I, Alexios I, and John II) or Christ Emmanuel (Manuel I). 5b See G. Zacos and A. Veglery, Byzantine Lead Seals, 2 vols. (Glückstadt, Switzerland , 1972), 1: 76– 78, 90–93, 96–97, 1453–54, 1490–96, plates 85–86, 102a–f, 104a–b, 107a–c, 2680, 2703–7 bis c. 6 Dimitri Obolensky, The Byzantine Commonwealth: Eastern Europe 500–1453 ( Crestwood , NY , 1971), 300. 7 Polnoe sobranie russkikh letopisei (PSRL) , vol. 1, Lavrent'evskaia Letopis', 2d ed. (1926; reprint ed. [Die Nestorchronik] Munich , 1977), col. 347. 8 Ibid. Translations by author unless otherwise indicated. 9 On this debate see Alexander Kazhdan, “Rus'-Byzantine Princely Marriages in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries,”Harvard Ukrainian Studies 12/13 (198889): 423– 24. 10a PSRL , vol. 24, Tipografskaia Letopis' ( Petrograd , 1921), 77 (Iur'ev-Pol'skoi and Dmitrov); 10b PSRL , vols. 9 and 10, Letopisnyi sbornik, imenuemyi Patriarsheiu ili Nikonovskoiu Letopis'iu (1862; reprint ed. [Patriarshaia ili Nikonovskaia Letopis'] Moscow , 1965), 9: 158 (Ksniatin). 11 PSRL 1:col. 229. 12 PSRL 1:col. 301. 13 M. N. Tikhomirov, Drevnerusskie goroda, 2d ed. ( Moscow , 1956), 43. 14 Ibid., 300–301. 15 PSRL 1:col. 149. 16 PSRL , vol. 2, Ipat'evskaia Letopis' ( Moscow , 1998), col. 171. 17 Tikhomirov, Drevnerusskie goroda, 302–3. See also PSRL 1:col. 150 and 2:col. 137. 18 Tikhomirov, Drevnerusskie goroda, 35. 19 Ibid., 415. 20 The nine cities are, in order of their first mention in the chronicles, Ksniatin on the Sula (1096; PSRL 1:col. 250), Borisov (1127; PSRL 1:col. 298), Glebl' (1147; PSRL 2:col. 357), Davydova bozhenka (1151; PSRL 2:col. 417), Mikhailov (1172; PSRL 2:col. 550), Borisov-Glebov or Borisoglebsk (1180; PSRL 1:col. 388), Dmitrov Pereiaslavskii (1183; PSRL 2:col. 628), Glebov (1185; PSRL 2:col. 643), and Vasilev Galitskii (1229; PSRL 2: col. 761). 21 Tikhomirov notes two pieces of indirect evidence for the founding of Borisov by Prince Boris Vseslavich of Polotsk in 1102 following a victory over the Iatviag: Tatishchev's mention of the incident in his Istoriia Rossiiskaia and the appearance of the story in a late sixteenth or early seventeenth century chronicle known as the Spisok Bykhovtsa (Tikhomirov, Drevnerusskie goroda, 370–71). 22 On the tradition of double-naming, its significance within Rus' culture, and its persistence into the thirteenth century see V. L. Komarovich, “Kul't roda i zemli v kniazheskoi srede XI–XIII vv.,”Trudy otdela drevnerusskoi literatury 16 (1960): 84– 104. 23 PSRL 9:158. 24 PSRL 2:col. 580. 25 It has been argued by G. K. Vagner and others that one of the few surviving fresco fragments of the church at Kideksha shows Boris and Gleb on horseback, thus depicting them in a war-like manner. It is unlikely, however, that the riders in fact represent the princes: they do not have nimbi or princely caps, and both of them are clean shaven, whereas Boris is almost always portrayed with a moustache or full beard. See G. K. Vagner, Skul'ptura Drevnei Rusi: XII vek, Vladimir, Bogoliubovo ( Moscow , 1969), 248. 26a For an analysis of the texts, their dating, and authorship see, among others, Ellen S. Hurwitz, Prince Andrej Bogoljubskij: The Man and the Myth ( Florence , 1980); 26b and Ihor Sevcenko, “ A Neglected Byzantine Source of Muscovite Political Ideology,”in Byzantium and the Slavs in Letters and Culture ( Cambridge , MA , 1991), 52. 27 PSRL 1:col. 325 and 2:col. 390. 28 PSRL 1:cols. 333, 334, 352–53, 355. 29 Hurwitz, Prince Andrej Bogoljubskij, 90–91. For a discussion of the problems surrounding the dating of this text see ibid., 60–68. 30 Vagner, Skul'ptura Drevnei Rusi, 110–12 (Alexander) and 130–34 (David). 31 The meaning of these faces (as well as those on the churches of Dolgorukii and Vsevolod) continue to be a subject of debate. While they may be purely decorative, it seems less likely that Bogoliubskii, who promoted new Christian holidays and cults, would tolerate “a certain pagan image,” as Vagner describes them, on the facades of his churches (ibid., 78). 32 Ibid., 112–14 (“The Three Youths”) and 130–34 (“The Forty Martyrs”). 33 PSRL 1:cols. 367–74 and 2:cols. 580–95. 34 For a discussion of the problems surrounding the dating and relationship of these texts see Hurwitz, Prince Andrej Bogoljubskij, 48–53. 35 PSRL 1:cols. 367–68 and 2:cols. 580–84. 36 PSRL 1:col. 368 and 2:col. 584. 37 PSRL 1:col. 369 and 2:cols. 586–87. 38 PSRL 2:col. 594. Roman and David were the respective baptismal names of Boris and Gleb, and the chroniclers often use the names interchangeably. 39 PSRL 1:col. 370. 40 Sevcenko, “A Neglected Byzantine Source,” 50–51. 41 “ Melissae per Antonium monachum graecum,”congestae liber secundus, in Patrologiae cursus completus, series graeca, ed. J.-P. Migne (18571912; reprint ed. Paris , 1928), vol. 136, col. 1012B. 42 V. Semenov, “Drevniaia Russkaia Pchela po pergamennomu spisku,”Sbornik Obshchestva Russkogo Iazyka i Slovesnosti Imperaterskoi Akademii Nauk 54, no. 4 (1893): 111. Semenov's study gives textual variants for three manuscripts of the Pchela, none of which contains the passage in question. Although the earliest of these manuscripts dates from the fourteenth or fifteenth century, the text was obviously known much earlier in Rus'. 43 PSRL 2:col. 521. 44 PSRL 2:col. 543. 45 PSRL 24:77. 46 G. V. Popov, “ Iz istorii drevnego pamiatnika goroda Dmitrova,”in Drevnerusskoe iskusstvo: Khudozhestvennaia kul'tura domongol'skoi Rusi ( Moscow , 1972), 198– 216. 47 Vagner, Skul'ptura Drevnei Rusi, 199–201, 246–48. 48 Ibid., 283 (Theodore), and 285 (George). I am grateful to Andrew Crawford and Emily Finer for assistance with the preparation of the figures. 49 Helen C. Evans and William D. Wixom, eds., The Glory of Byzantium: Art and Culture of the Middle Byzantine Era A.D. 843–1261 ( New York , 1997), 274, 293. 50 Although a great deal of Rus' minor art has not been published, a wide cross-section of works can be surveyed in T. V. Nikolaeva, Drevnerusskaia melkaia plastika iz kamnia XI–XV vv. ( Moscow , 1983); 50a and M. V. Sedova, Iurvelirnye izdeliia drevnego Novgoroda (X–XV vv.) ( Moscow , 1981). Investigations in the Department of Minor Arts of the Novgorod State Museum also produced no examples of military saints portrayed as a group. 51 Vagner, Skul'ptura Drevnei Rusi, 411. The eleventh-century vitae of Boris and Gleb compare their subjects to George and Demetrios but do not imply that the saints fought side by side. Indeed, the “Tale and Passion and Enkomion of the Holy Martyrs Boris and Gleb” makes a clear distinction between the spheres of influence of the brothers and Demetrios: “ But this great and compassionate Demetrios cared for one such city, while you care for not one city and not two, but offer up prayers for the whole land of Rus'.” Ludolf Müller, ed., Die altrussischen hagiographischen Erzählungen und liturgischen Dichtungen über die heiligen Boris und Gleb ( Munich , 1967), 50. 52 Vagner, Skul'ptura Drevnei Rusi, 401. 53 V. I. Lesiuchevskii, “Vyshgorodskii kul't Borisa i Gleba v pamiatnikakh iskusstva,”Sovetskaia arkheologiia 8 (1946): 244– 45. 54 PSRL 1:col. 414. 55 For a summary of this problem see Christopher Walter, “ St Demetrius: The Myroblytos of Thessalonika,”in Studies in Byzantine Iconography ( London , 1977), 5: 159– 60. 56 PSRL 1:col. 437. 57 Passio altera, in Acta Sanctorum, ed. Joannes Bollandus et al. ( Brussels , 16431940) (October, vol. 4): 89. 58 A. Papadopoulos-Kerameus, ed., Analekta ierosolumitikes stakhuologias, 4 vols. ( St. Petersburg , 189198), 4: 238– 46. 59 Magdalino, The Empire, 178. 60 Papadopoulos-Kerameus, Analekta, 239. 61 Vagner, Skul'ptura drevnei Rusi, ill. 185. 62a G. K. Vagner, Skul'ptura Vladimiro-Suzdal'skoi Rusi: g. Iur'ev-Pol'skoi ( Moscow , 1964); 62b idem, Mastera drevnerusskoi skul'ptury: Rel'efy Iur'eva-Pol'skogo ( Moscow , 1966). 63 Vagner, Skul'ptura Vladimiro-Suzdal'skoi Rusi, 45–46. 64a Ioli Kalavrezou-Maxeiner, Byzantine Icons in Steatite ( Vienna , 1985), 85– 87, 98–100, 104, 111, 113–14, 116, 178; 64b Alice Bank, “Les Stéatites: Essai de classification, methodes des recherches,”Corsi di Cultura sull'arte Ravennate e Bizantina 17 (1970): 368. 65 N. G. Porfiridov, “O masterakh, materialakh i tekhnike drevnerusskoi melkoi kamennoi plastike,”Sovetskaia arkheologiia 3 (1975): 79. 66 PSRL 1:col. 313. 67 The Archangel Michael, although he had military associations and is described as “holy” or “saint” in this case, was never grouped with the military saints in Byzantine or Rus' iconography and was never included in the category of martyroi hoi stratelatoi. His absence from the Orans composition in the Iur'ev-Pol'skoi frieze indicates that Sviatoslav also did not consider him to belong in this category. 68 In one of the miracle stories of the Paterik of the Kievan Caves Monastery, two Byzantine craftsmen receive instructions to build the church of the Dormition of the Caves Monastery from an “empress” surrounded by “a multitude of warriors.” Upon their arrival in Kiev, Antonii reveals that the empress was the Mother of God, “and the warriors standing around her were incorporeal angelic forces.” Antonii's description of the soldiers in this manner makes it seem unlikely that the Mother of God was actually surrounded by military saints. If that were the case, they probably would have been named, especially since the “empress” had already given the relics of Theodore, among others, to the craftsmen to take to Kiev. See L. A. Ol'shevskaaia and S. N. Travnikov, eds., Drevnerusskie pateriki ( Moscow , 1999), 12– 13. 69 Kalavrezou-Maxeiner, Byzantine Icons, 65. 70 Niketas Choniates, O City of Byzantium, Annals of Niketas Choniates, trans. Harry J. Magoulias ( Detroit , 1984), 107– 8 (original in Ioannes Aloysius Dieten, ed., Nicetae Choniatae Historia [ Berlin , 1975], 190–91). 71 Vagner, Skul'ptura Vladimiro-Suzdal'skoi Rusi, 37 and table 1. 72 The ivory carvings in question include the Harbaville Triptych and the triptych preserved in the Vatican (Evans and Wixom, The Glory of Byzantium, plates. 79–80). 73 Vagner, Skul'ptura Vladimiro-Suzdal'skoi Rusi, 76–77. Volume63, Issue3July 2004Pages 493-513 ReferencesRelatedInformation
Referência(s)