Changing Civil–Military Relations in Israel: Towards an Over-subordinate IDF?
2006; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 12; Issue: 4 Linguagem: Inglês
10.1080/13533310600890091
ISSN1743-9086
Autores Tópico(s)Military History and Strategy
ResumoClick to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes 1. Yehudah Ben-Meir, Civil–Military Relations in Israel, New York, 1995; Eva Etzioni-Halevy, ‘Civil–Military Relations and Democracy: The Case of the Military–Political Elites’ Connection in Israel', Armed Forces and Society, Vol. 22 (1996), pp. 401–417. 2. Dan Horowitz, ‘Is Israel a Garrison State’, Jerusalem Quarterly, Vol. 4 (1975), pp. 58–77. 3. Baruch Kimmerling, ‘Patterns of Militarism in Israel’, European Journal of Sociology, Vol. 34 (1993), pp. 196–223; Yagil Levi, A Different Army for Israel: Materialistic Militarism in Israel, Tel Aviv, 2003 (Hebrew). See also the series of essays in Eyal Ben-Ari and Edna Lomsky-Feder (eds.), The Military and Militarism in Israeli Society, Albany, NY, 1999. 4. Moshe Lissak, ‘Paradoxes of Israeli Civil–Military Relations: An Introduction’, in M. Lissak (ed.), Israeli Society and its Defence Establishment: The Social and Political Impact of a Protracted Violent Conflict, London, 1984, pp. 1–12. 5. Dan Horowitz, ‘The IDF: A Civilianized Military in a Partially Militarized Society’, in Roman Kolkowitz and Andrzej Korbonski (eds.), Soldiers, Peasants and Bureaucrats, London, 1982, pp. 77–105. 6. Rebecca Schiff, ‘Israel as an “Uncivil State”’, Security Studies, Vol. 1 (1992), pp. 636–658. 7. Yoram Peri, ‘Political–Military Partnership in Israel’, International Political Science Review, Vol. 2 (1981), pp. 303–315. 8. On the background see Stuart A. Cohen, ‘Conflicting Loyalties? Clashes between Religious Authority and Military Command in Contemporary Israel’ (forthcoming, Israel Affairs, 2007). 9. Ha'aretz, 16 October 1996. Maoz was responding to reports that Prime Minister Netanyahu had not once met with COS Amnon Lipkin-Shahak over the previous seven months. Maoz' warning was echoed in December 1997 by Professor Yoram Peri of the Communications Department at the Hebrew University in a conference paper, subsequently published as Yoram Peri, ‘Civil–Military Relations in Israel in Crisis’, in D. Maman (ed.), Military, State, and Society in Israel: Essays in Honor of Moshe Lissak, New Brunswick, NJ, 2001, pp. 107–136. 10. Uri Ben-Eliezer, ‘Is a Military Coup Possible in Israel?’, Theory and Society, Vol. 27 (1998), pp. 311–349. 11. Yoram Peri, ‘The Political-Military Complex: The IDF's Influence over Policy towards the Palestinians since 1987’, Israel Affairs, Vol. 11, No. 2 (April 2005), pp. 324–344. 12. For a survey of the large body of literature on this subject see Don M. Snider and Miranda Carlton-Carew (eds.), U.S. Civil–Military relations: In Crisis or Transition? Washington, DC, Centre for Strategic and International Studies, 1995, and the special issue of Orbis devoted to this subject in the winter of 1999 (Vol. 43, No. 1). For a historical perspective see Ole R. Holsti, ‘A Widening Gap between the U.S. Military and Civilian Society? Some Evidence, 1976–1996’, International Security, Vol. 23 (Winter 1998/99), pp. 5–42. 13. Mackubin Thomas Owens (Naval War College), ‘American Society and the Military: Is There a Gap?’, Providence Journal (July 1997), cited in John Hillen, ‘Must US Military Culture Reform?’, Orbis, Vol. 43, No. 1 (Winter 1999), p. 56. 14. Sam C. Sarkesian and Robert E. Connor, Jnr., The US Military Profession into the Twenty-first Century, London, 1999, p. 168. 15. A.R. Luckham, ‘A Comparative Typology of Civil–Military Relations’, Government and Opposition, Vol. 6 (1971), pp. 5–35, and Moshe Lissak, ‘Civilian Components in National Security Doctrine’, in Avner Yaniv (ed.), National Security and Democracy in Israel, Boulder, CO, 1993, pp. 55–80. 16. For Eitan's own perspective on these achievements, see his autobiography, Story of a Soldier, Tel Aviv, 1991 (Hebrew). On the earlier period see Ze'ev Drory, The Israel Defence Force and the Foundation of Israel: Utopia in Uniform, London, 2005. 17. For early evidence of these changes see Stuart A. Cohen, ‘The IDF: From a “People's Army” to a “Professional Military”’, Armed Forces and Society, Vol. 21 (1995), pp. 237–254, and Stuart A. Cohen, ‘Israel and her Army: Towards a Posture of Military Role Contraction?’, Journal of Political and Military Sociology, Vol. 22 (1993), pp. 3–18. 18. It is no longer restricted to leading figures in political and economic life, but now also includes media moguls, Supreme Court judges and even some academics. Professor Asa Kasher of the Philosophy Department at Tel Aviv University, for instance, played a pivotal role in the formulation of the IDF's Code of Ethics—entitled ‘The Spirit of the IDF’. See Asa Kasher, Military Ethics, Tel Aviv, 1996 (Hebrew). 19. According to the memoirs of Mr. Hayyim Yisraeli, who served as adviser to successive ministers of defence for over fifty years, these were not altogether new departures. He notes that as early as 1977, Major-General Motta Gur (COS 1974–1978), too, was told nothing at all about the steps secretly taken by Prime Minister Begin and Foreign Minister Dayan in order to encourage Sadat to visit Jerusalem. Hayyim Yisraeli, Fifty Years in the Service of 14 Ministers of Defense, Tel Aviv, 2005 (Hebrew). 20. For a recent example of such criticisms see interview with Finance Minister Netanyahu, The Marker (economic supplement to Ha'aretz), 21 April 2005 (Hebrew). 21. Protocol of the 237th meeting of the 16th Knesset, 22 March 2005. Steinmitz's proposal was in accordance with the recommendations of the 2004 Report of the Public Committee for the Examination of Parliamentary Supervision over the Security System (The Rubinstein Commission). For excellent surveys of the overall political supervision of the military in Israel see two Hebrew-language memoranda published by the Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies at Tel Aviv University: Ram Erez (ed.), Civil–Military Relations in Israel: Influences and Restraints, November 2003, and Aviezer Yaari, Civil Control of the IDF, November 2004. 22. The two landmark cases are HCJ 4541/94 Alice Miller v. Minister of Defence (in which the Supreme Court ordered the IDF to accept a qualified woman into the fighter pilot's course) and HCJ 1284/99 Anonymous v. The Chief of the General Staff (in which the court ruled that a Brigadier General convicted in the past for sexual harassment could not be promoted, notwithstanding the protests of the Chief of the General Staff). See Michal Shaked. ‘How Brig-Gen. Nir Galilee Lost his Promotion’, in Dafna Barak-Erez (ed.), Army, Society and Law, Tel Aviv, 2002, pp. 413–478 (Hebrew). 23. See Cohen, ‘Conflicting Loyalties?’ 24. IDF attempts to wrestle with these issues are documented in Ha'Aretz, 15 July, 2 August and 14 August 2001. 25. See Stuart A. Cohen, ‘Military Service in Israel: No Longer a Cohesive Force?’, Jewish Journal of Sociology, Vol. 39 (1997), pp. 5–23, and, more emphatically, Levi, A Different Army for Israel. 26. See, especially, Baruch Kimmerling, The Invention and Decline of Israeliness: State, Society and the Military, Berkeley, 2001; Rafael Cohen-Almagor, Israeli Democracy at the Crossroads, London, 2004; Alan Dowty (ed.), Critical Issues in Israeli Society, Westport, CT, 2004; Adriana Kemp, David Newman, Uri Ram and Oren Yiftachel (eds.), Israelis in Conflict: Hegemonies, Identities and Challenges, Brighton and Portland, OR, 2004. 27. These developments have best been audited in the annual reports on Israeli Public Opinion on National Security, compiled by Professor Asher Arian and published by the Jaffee Centre for Strategic Studies, Tel Aviv. For earlier trends see Asher Arian, Security Threatened: Surveying Israeli Opinion on Peace and War, Cambridge, 1995. 28. Yoram Peri, ‘The Media and the Military: From Collusion to Collision’, in Stuart A. Cohen (ed.), Democratic Societies and their Armed Forces: Israel in Comparative Context, London, 2000, pp. 184–204; and Udi Lebel, ‘Cracks in the Mirror of Military Hegemony: The Courts and the Media as Agents of Civil Society’, in Daniel Korn (ed.), Public Policy in Israel: Perspectives and Practices, Lanham, MD, 2002, pp. 205–223. 29. For one recent indication, see the interviews on this topic with two reserve officers in the IDF journal Ba-Machaneh, No. 244 (1 April 2005), pp. 8–12. On the changing attitude of the courts themselves, see Oded Murdik, ‘Sed quis custodiet ipsos custodies’, in Dafna Barak-Erez (ed.), Army, Society and Law, Tel Aviv, 2002, pp. 285–368 (Hebrew), and Amichai Cohen, ‘Administering the Territories: An Inquiry into the Application of International Humanitarian Law by the IDF in the Occupied Territories’, Israel Law Review, Vol. 38 (November 2005), pp. 24–79. For criticism of this ‘over-interventionist’ and ‘populist’ judicial policy see Ariel Bendor, ‘Military Atmosphere in Judicial Review—Between Justiciablility and Popularity’, Plilim, Vol. 9 (2000), pp. 413–476 (Hebrew). 30. Gideon Doron and Udi Lebel, The Politics of Bereavement, Tel Aviv, 2003 (Hebrew). 31. General Mosheh Ayalon (Vice-Chief of the IDF General Staff), ‘Preparation of the Force for Limited Conflict’, Ma'archot (IDF journal), Vol. 380–381 (December 2001), pp. 24–29 (Hebrew). 32. Particularly revealing are two articles by successive commanders of the National Defence College: Gen. Amos Yadlin, ‘Professional and Ethical Dilemmas in the Application of Force in the Fight against Terror’, in Haggai Golan and Shaul Shai (eds.), Ha-Imut ha-Mugbal, Tel Aviv, 2004, pp. 9–18 (Hebrew), and Gen. Eyal Ben-Reuven, ‘Challenges to the Commander in the Contemporary Fight against Terror’, Ma'archot, Vol. 400 (May 2005), pp. 28–31 (Hebrew). 33. For both theoretical surveys and specific case studies, drawn from a variety of international experiences, see Efraim Inbar (ed.), Democracies and Small Wars, London, 2003. 34. ‘An action at the lowest tactical level can have far-reaching operational and even strategic consequences. Indeed, if the test of whether there is a political dimension is rigidly applied, every patrol is potentially conducted at the “operational” level because the conduct of an individual soldier, amplified by the media, can become an international issue very quickly.’ Gavin Bulloch, ‘Military Doctrine and Counterinsurgency: A British Perspective’, Parameters, Vol. 26, No. 2 (July 1996), p. 6. 35. Eliot A. Cohen, ‘Technology and Supreme Command’, in Cohen (ed.), Democratic Societies and their Armed Forces, pp. 89–106. 36. According to Jonathan Shimshoni, Israel and Conventional Deterrence: Border Warfare from 1953 to 1970, Ithaca, NY, 1988, p. 101, virtually every decision with respect to the timing, extent and length of IDF action against the fedayeen was ‘made centrally and at a high level, usually in the Cabinet’. See also Ben-Meir, Civil–Military Relations, pp. 58–59. 37. For an articulate exposition of this view, with particular reference to IDF activities, see Yaron Ezrachi, Rubber Bullets: Power and Conscience in Modern Israel, Berkeley, 1997. 38. David Kretzmer, The Occupation of Justice: The Supreme Court of Israel and the Occupied Territories, Albany, NY, 2002. 39. Ze'ev Schiff, Ha'aretz, 18 May 2001. 40. Ha'aretz, 15 October 2001. 41. Interval between senior military command and appointment as Minister of Defence: 42. Samuel P. Huntington, The Soldier and the State: The Theory and Practice of Civil–Military Relations, New York, 1957. 43. On early critics of Huntington, especially prominent amongst whom was Morris Janowitz, see Bengt Abrahamsson, Military Professionalization and Political Power, Beverly Hills, 1972, and Arthur D. Larson, ‘Military Professionalism and Civil Control: A Comparative Analysis of Two Interpretations’, Journal of Political and Military Sociology, Vol. 2 (1974), pp. 57–72. For recent assessments see Peter D. Feaver, ‘The Civil–Military Problematique: Huntington, Janowitz and the Problem of Civilian Control’, Armed Forces and Society, Vol. 23, No. 2 (Winter 1996), pp. 149–178, and James Burk, ‘Theories of Democratic Civil–Military Relations’, Armed Forces and Society, Vol. 29, No. 1 (Fall 2002), pp. 7–29. 44. For a very early analysis to this effect, see Philip Abrams, ‘The Late Profession of Arms: Ambiguous Goals and Deteriorating Means in Britain’, Archives européens de sociologie, Vol. VI (1965), pp. 238–261 and Jaques Van Doorn, ‘The Officer Corps: A Fusion of Profession and Organization’, Archives européens de sociologie, Vol. VI, pp. 262–282. Prominent amongst later milestones in the literature are Cathy Downes, ‘To Be or Not To Be a Profession: The Military Case’, Defence Analysis, Vol. 1 (1985), pp. 147–171; Marina Nuciari, ‘Rethinking the Military Profession’, Current Sociology, Vol. 42 (1994), pp. 7–21; and Don Snider and Gavin Watkins, ‘The Future of Army Professionalism: A Need for Renewal and Redefinition’, Parameters, Vol. 30, No. 3 (Autumn 2000), pp. 5–20. 45. Andrew Abbot, The System of Professions: An Essay on the Division of Expert Labor, Chicago, 1988. 46. Sir John Hackett, The Profession of Arms, New York, 1983. 47. See, especially, the collection of essays in Don. M. Snider and Gayle L. Watkins, The Future of the Army Profession, Boston, 2002. 48. The seminal observations in this respect were made by Charles C. Moskos, ‘From Institution to Occupation: Trends in the Military Organization’, Armed Forces and Society, Vol. 4 (1977), pp. 41–50. 49. For a particularly alarmist expression of this view in the American context, see Richard H. Kohn, ‘Out of Control: The Crisis in Civil–Military Relations’, National Interest (Spring 1994), pp. 3–17. 50. Reuven Gal and Stuart A. Cohen, ‘Israel: Still Waiting in the Wings’, in C. Moskos (ed.), The Postmodern Military: Armed Forces after the Cold War, New York, 2000, pp. 224–241. 51. For an informed survey of these developments see Anthony H. Cordesman, Peace and War: The Arab–Israeli Military Balance Enters the 21st Century, Westport, CT, 2002, esp. pp. 179–213, ‘Israeli Force Trends’. 52. On the various recent programmes that have been instigated for this group, see Col. Dr. Avi (a pseudonym), ‘The Development of Technological Manpower in the IDF in Recent Years’ (Hebrew), Ma'archot (IDF journal), Vol. 387 (January 2003), pp. 61–66. 53. Benjamin Miller, ‘The Concept of Security: Should it be Redefined?’, The Journal of Strategic Studies, Vol. 24, No. 2 (2001), pp. 13–42. Additional informationNotes on contributorsStuart A. CohenStuart A. Cohen is a Professor of International Relations at Bar-Ilan University and a Senior Researcher at the BESA Centre for Strategic Studies.
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