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Imagining European community on the title page of Ortelius' Theatrum Orbis Terrarum (1570)

2009; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 25; Issue: 4 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1080/02666280902778280

1943-2178

Elisabeth Neumann,

Historical Geography and Cartography

Abstract ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The subject of this paper was first recommended to me by Matt Kavaler, and I am greatly indebted to him for many suggestions and unflagging support. I also thank Jason Harris for sharing generously his insights and materials relating to Ortelius. I benefitted from the help of many others, too numerous to mention; to all of them my heartfelt thanks. Any errors are, of course, my own. Notes 1 – Ernst van den Boogaart, ‘The Empress Europe and her three sisters. The symbolic representation of Europe's superiority claim in the Low Countries, 1570–1655,’ in Paul Vandenbroeck and Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten (eds), America, Bride of the Sun: 500 Years Latin America and the Low Countries (Antwerp: Royal Museum of Fine Arts, 1992), 120–128; see also van den Boogaart's ‘Europeanen en niet-Europeanen in zestiende-eeuws Nederlands perspectief,’ De Gids 145/1 (1982): 6–24; Werner Waterschoot, ‘The title-page of Ortelius's Theatrum Orbis Terrarum,’ Quaerendo 9 (1979): 43–68; Georgianna Ziegler, ‘En-gendering the world: the politics and theatricality of Ortelius's titlepage,’ in György E. Szönyi (ed.), European Iconography East and West. Selected Papers of the Szeged International Conference, June 9–12 (Leiden, New York and Cologne: Brill, 1996), 128–145. 2 – See the studies in note 1, especially those of van den Boogaart. 3 – Denys Hay, Europe: The Emergence of an Idea (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1957), 86, 96, 109; Peter Burke, ‘Did Europe exist before 1700?’ History of European Ideas 1/1 (1980): 21–29; Reinhard Schneider, ‘Europa im Mittelalter: Wahrnehmungshorizont und politisches Verständnis,’ in Roland Marti (ed.), Europa. Traditionen – Werte – Perspektiven (St. Ingbert: Rörig, 2000), 69–93, esp. 80. 4 – The literature on Ortelius and his atlas is growing rapidly; a recent extensive bibliography can be found in Marcel van den Broecke, Peter van der Krogt and Peter Meurer (eds), Abraham Ortelius and the First Atlas: Essays Commemorating the Quadricentennial of His Death 1598–1998 (Houten, the Netherlands: HES, 1998) with a list of Theatrum editions by Van der Krogt, ‘The editions of Ortelius' Theatrum Orbis Terrarum and Epitome,’ 379–382. See also van den Broecke, ‘Facts and Speculations on Production and Survival of Ortelius' Theatrum Orbis Terrarum and its Maps,’ The Map Collector 36 (1986): 2–12. The title page remained essentially unchanged throughout the long publishing history of the atlas, despite the need to engrave new plates for it periodically. Rodney Shirley, ‘The title pages to the Theatrum and Parergon,’ in Van der Broecke, Abraham Ortelius and the First Atlas, 161–169. 5 – Elizabeth McGrath, ‘Humanism, allegorical invention, and the personification of the continents,’ in Hans Vlieghe, Arnout Balis and Carl Van de Velde (eds), Concept, Design & Execution in Flemish Painting (1550–1700) (Turnhout: Brepols, 2001), 43–71; R.A. Skelton, ‘Bibliographical note,’ in the facsimile of the Theatrum Orbis Terrarum (Amsterdam: N. Israel, 1964), viii; see also Sabine Poeschel, Studien zur Ikonographie der Erdteile in der Kunst des 16–18. Jahrhunderts (Munich: Scaneg Verlag R.A. Klein, 1985), with further references. 6 – Margery Corbett and Ronald Lightbown, The Comely Frontispiece. The Emblematic Title-Page in England 1550–1660 (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1979), 46–47. 7 – Waterschoot, ‘Title-page of Ortelius's Theatrum,’ 45–46 and 57. This privileging of the poem is common to the studies cited in note 1 and Shirley's ‘The title pages to the Theatrum and Parergon,’ 162. See also Helga von Kügelgen, ‘Texte zu Erdteil-Allegorien,’ in Gustav Siebenmann and Hans-Joachim König (eds), Das Bild Lateinamerikas im deutschen Sprachraum. Ein Arbeitsgespräch an der Herzog-August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel, 15–17. März 1989 (Tübingen: M. Niemeyer, 1992), 59–66. 8 – Waterschoot, ‘Title-page of Ortelius's Theatrum,’ 45. On Ortelius' artistic environment see Ethan Matt Kavaler, Pieter Bruegel. Parables of Order and Enterprise (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 36–51; Walter S. Melion, Shaping the Netherlandish Canon: Karel van Mander's Schilder-Boeck (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1991); Tine Megank, ‘Erudite eyes: Artists and antiquarians in the circle of Abraham Ortelius (1527–1598),’ PhD diss., Princeton University, 2003; Thomas DaCosta Kaufmann, ‘The nature of imitation: Hoefnagel on Dürer,’ in The Mastery of Nature: Aspects of Art, Science, and Humanism in the Renaissance (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993), 79–99. 9 – The nation is discussed in these terms by Michael Oakeshott, ‘On the character of a modern European state,’ in On Human Conduct (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1975), 199–206. 10 –Oakeshott, On Human Conduct, 199; Homi K. Bhabha, ‘Introduction: narrating the nation,’ in Homi K. Bhabha (ed.), Nation and Narration (London and New York: Routledge, 1990), 1–7. 11 – On the idea of natio in the sixteenth-century Netherlands see Simon Groenveld, ‘Natie en nationaal gevoel in de zestiende-eeuwse Nederlanden,’ in C. van de Kieft (ed.), Scrinium et scriptura. Opstellen betreffende de Nederlandse geschiedenis aangeboden aan de Professor dr. J.L. van der Gouw (Groningen: Erven B. van der Kamp, 1980), 372–387. 12 – Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, 2nd ed. (London and New York: Verso, 1991), 9–22. Oakeshott, ‘On the modern European state,’ 206–224. 13 – Simon Groenveld, ‘Nation und ‘patria.’ Begriff und Wirklichkeit des kollektiven Bewuβtseins im Achtzigjährigen Krieg,’ in Horst Lademacher and Simon Groenveld (eds), Krieg und Kultur. Die Rezeption von Krieg und Frieden in der niederländischen Republik und im deutschen Reich, 1568–1648 (Münster, New York, Munich and Berlin: Waxmann, 1998), 77–109, esp. 85–86; Alastair Duke, ‘From king and country to king or country? Loyalty and treason in the Revolt of the Netherlands,’ Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, fifth series, 32 (1982): 113–134, esp. 124; Duke, ‘The elusive Netherlands: the question of national identity in the early modern Low Countries on the eve of the Revolt,’ Bijdragen en Mededelingen betreffende de Geschiedenis der Nederlanden 119 (2004): 10–38. 14 – Duke, ‘From king and country,’ 125. 15 – Judith Pollmann, ‘Eine natürliche Feindschaft: Ursprung und Funktion der Schwarzen Legende über Spanien in den Niederlanden, 1560–1581,’ in Franz Bosbach (ed.), Feindbilder. Die Darstellung der politischen Publizistik des Mittelalters und der Neuzeit (Cologne: Böhlau, 1992), 73–93. 16 – For example, the apologies of Jacob van Wesembeeke, written after the riots of 1566, discussed in Martin van Gelderen, The Political Thought of the Dutch Revolt 1555–1590 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 115–119. On tolerance in the Netherlands see also the essays in C. Berkvens-Stevelinck, J. Israel and G.H.M. Posthumus Meyjes (eds), The Emergence of Tolerance in the Dutch Republic (Leiden, New York and Cologne: E.J. Brill, 1997). 17 – Pollmann, ‘Eine natürliche Feindschaft,’ 73–93. The use of America in the rhetoric of the rebels at the outbreak of the Revolt is discussed in Benjamin Schmidt's ‘Revolutionary geography,’ in Innocence Abroad: The Dutch Imagination and the New World, 1570–1670 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 68–122. 18 – ‘Wij syn hier oock God sy gelooft al wel te passe, maer in eenen seer siecken tyt, daer men noch luttel hopen aen siet van haestijge beteringe, want ick hebbe sorge dat hij eenen noch grooten stoot crijgen sal so dat hij wel plat te bedde sal blyuen liggen, van so veele ende diuersche sieckten wort hij gedreycht als van der catholicken euel. guesen cortse. ende hugenoten melisoen gemengt met andere quellingen van swaerte ruijteren, ende chrijsknechten…’ J.H. Hessels (ed.), Abrahami Ortelii… et virorvm ervditorvm ad evndem… epistvlae (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1887), 23. 19 – For a careful assessment of Ortelius' religious and political views see Jason Harris, ‘The religious position of Abraham Ortelius,’ in Arie-Jan Gelderblom, Jan de Jong and M. van Vaeck (eds), The Low Countries as a Crossroads of Religious Beliefs (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2004), 89–140. 20 – Paul Vandenbroeck, Beeld van de Andere, Vertoog over het zelf. Over wilden en narren, boeren en bedelaars (Antwerp: Royal Museum of Fine Arts, 1987), 21–39. 21 – The bulk of the correspondence has been edited by J.H. Hessels, Abrahami Ortelii epistvlae (see note18); Ortelius' manuscript album amicorum is accessible in facsimile with notes and translation into French by Jean Puraye, Album amicorum Abraham Ortelius, in De Gulden Passer 45, 46 (1967, 1968). My thanks to Harris for giving me access to his provisional English translation of the album. Recent studies have corrected the more narrow focus of earlier scholarship on Ortelius' cartographic work. See the essays in Abraham Ortelius and the First Atlas; P. Cockshaw and F. De Nave (eds), Abraham Ortelius (1527–1598), cartograaf en humanist (Turnhout: Brepols, 1998), also for the recent bibliography. The scholarly network around Ortelius and the cooperative nature of his atlas project are the subject of the dissertation of Jason Harris, ‘Abraham Ortelius and collaborative humanism: virtuous pursuits in war and peace,’ PhD diss., Trinity College, Dublin, 2004 and on Ortelius' Album Amicorum, see his article ‘The practice of community: humanist friendship during the Dutch Revolt,’ Texas Studies in Literature and Language 47/4 (2005): 299–325. Ortelius' antiquarian interests are the focus of the dissertation by Megank, ‘Erudite eyes.’ More wide-ranging and less precise is Giorgio Mangani's Il ‘Mondo’ di Abramo Ortelio: misticismo, geografia e collezionismo nel Rinascimento dei Paesi Bassi (Modena: Panini, 1998). 22 – Kavaler, Pieter Bruegel, 36–51. 23 – ‘Quid ei potest videri magnum in rebus humanis, cui aeternitas omnis, totiusque mundi nota sit magnitudo.’ Cicero, Tusculan Disputations IV. 17. 37, trans. J.E. King, Loeb Classical Library 141 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1945). 24 – Justus Müller Hofstede, ‘Zur Interpretation von Pieter Bruegels Landschaft. Ästhetischer Landschaftsbegriff und Stoische Weltbetrachtung,’ in Otto von Simson and Matthias Winner (eds), Pieter Bruegel und seine Welt (Berlin: Mann, 1979), 73–142. Walter Melion discusses the world map as part of Ortelius' emblematic program, ‘Ad ductum itineris et dispositionem mansionum ostendendam: meditation, vocation, and sacred history in Abraham Ortelius's Parergon’, Journal of the Walters Art Gallery, 57 (1999), pp. 49–72, 53. See also Lucia Nuti, ‘The world map as an emblem: Abraham Ortelius and the Stoic Contemplation’, Imago Mundi, 55/1 (2003), pp. 38–55. 25 – Pliny, Naturalis Historia, II. 68. 174–175. 26 – Melion, Shaping the Netherlandish Canon, 174–175. The comments made by Ortelius on the reverse of his Europe map (map 4) in Dutch and German editions of the atlas, describing the global reach of the Spanish and Portuguese empires, should also be considered in this more critical light. 27 – A good example is the introduction to a popular collection of travel narratives published in an Antwerp edition, Die nieuwe weerelt, by Cornelis Ablijn in 1563. See the discussion of this work in Schmidt, Innocence Abroad, 69–71. Justus Lipsius, one Ortelius' closest friends, wrote a letter of travel advice typical of the genre. It is dated 3 April 1578 and addressed to Philippe de Lannoy. It is accessible in a facsimile of an English edition, A Direction for Trauailers (1596) (Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, 1977), B verso. See also Justin Stagl, A History of Curiosity. The Theory of Travel 1550–1800 (Chur: Harwood, 1995), 47–94. 28 – ‘…viatori similes, vel peregrinanti cuipiam.’ On the motif of the journey in the atlas, see Melion, ‘Ad ductum,’ 51–52. 29 – Most explicit are the entries of Stephanius Vinandius, fol. 69, Maximilian de Vriendt, fol. 39, Johannes Gruterus, fol. 53, Zacharius Heyns, fol. 105, and Janus Dousa, fol. 84. The latter is discussed by Melion, ‘Ad ductum,’ 54–55. See also Mangani, ‘Abraham Ortelius and the hermetic meaning of the cordiform projection,’ Imago Mundi 50 (1998): 76–77. 30 – See especially the stages erected for the entry into Antwerp of Charles V and Prince Philip in 1549 and those for the famous 1561 Landjuweel, reproduced in Mark Meadow, ‘Ritual and civic identity in Philip II's 1549 Antwerp Blijde Incompst,’ Nederlands Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek 49 (1998): 37–67. 31 – Nuti, ‘World map as an emblem,’ 46–51; Melion, ‘Ad ductum,’ 52–53. 32 – Mangani, Il ‘mondo’ di Abramo Ortelio, 69–79. 33 – Hay, Europe, 109–110; Dieter Mertens, ‘Europaischer Friede und Turkenkrieg im Spatmittelalter’ in Hans Duchhardt (ed.), Zwischenstaatliche Friedenswahrung in Mittelalter und Fruher Neuzeit (Cologne and Vienna: Böhlau, 1991), 45–90. 34 – Also the text on the reverse of the Europe map in Dutch, German and French editions defines Europe as the lands of Christendom; in the 1573 German edition, ‘Dises ist das thaill des Erdbodems, vvellichs vvir heutigs tags die Christenheit nennen,’ with a similar formulation in the text for the world map. The 1570 Latin edition refers to the large number of Christian kingdoms in Europe, without recourse to the concept of Christendom. 35 – J.A. van Dorsten, ‘Temporis filia veritas: learning and religious peace,’ in J. van den Berg and Alastair Hamilton (eds), The Anglo-Dutch Renaissance. Seven Essays (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1988), 39. See also Gerald Strauss, Sixteenth-Century Germany: Its Topography and Topographers (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1959), 114. 36 – An early example is the ethnographic compendium of Johannes Boemus, Omnium Gentium Mores (Augsburg, 1520). More familiar is the large atlas project of Gerhard Mercator, a friend of Ortelius, Atlas sive Cosmographicae meditationes de fabrica mundi et fabricati figura (Duisburg, 1595). 37 – See especially Waterschoot, ‘Title-page of Ortelius's Theatrum,’ 49, note 15. 38 – Ibid., 48–49. 39 – On the multitude of sixteenth-century publications on Turks see Carl Goellner, Turcica. Die Turkenfrage in der offentlichen Meinung Europas im 16. Jahrhundert, vol. 3 (Bucarest and Baden-Baden: Bucuresti Editura Academiei R.P.R., 1978). Ortelius cites one of the most popular illustrated accounts by Nicolas de Nicolay, Les Quatre Premiers livres des Navigationns et peregrinations Orientales (Lyons, 1567). One of the earliest printed costume books, François Descerps' Recueil de la diversité des habits (Paris: Richard Breton, 1562), saw many editions: 1562, 1564 and 1567 in Paris and later editions in Antwerp in Latin and in Dutch; it was probably owned by Ortelius, as suggested by a letter from Marcus Laurinus to Ortelius, Hessels, Epistolae, 36; Kavaler, Pieter Bruegel, 176–77. On costume books recently, Bronwen Wilson, ‘Reproducing the contours of Venetian identity in sixteenth-century costume books,’ Studies in Iconography 25 (2004): 221–274; Wilson, The World in Venice: Print, the City, and Early Modern Identity (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2005); Margaret F. Rosenthal and Ann Rosalind Jones, The Clothing of the Renaissance World: Europe, Asia, Africa, The Americas. Cesare Vecellio's Habiti Antichi et Moderni (London: Thames and Hudson, 2008). 40 – D. de Hoop Scheffer (ed.) and Christiaan Schuckman (comp.), Maarten de Vos, Hollstein's Dutch and Flemish etchings, engravings and woodcuts 1450–1700, vol. 46 (Rotterdam: Sound & Vision Interactive, 1995), 1150. 41 – Hessels, Epistolae, 67. 42 – Matthias Quad's Geographisch Handtbuch (Cologne, 1600) is a good example of this. 43 – The text is greatly expanded on the new map of Palestine included in editions after 1584. On this map see Melion, ‘Ad ductum,’ 57; Van den Broecke, Ortelius Atlas Maps: An Illustrated Guide (Westrenen: HES, 1996), 173. 44 – Waterschoot provides English translations of the Latin and Dutch versions of the poem, ‘Title page of Ortelius's Theatrum,’ 60–65. 45 – Manfred Sellink (ed.) and Manfred Sellink and Marjolein Leesberg (comps), Philips Galle, The New Hollstein Dutch and Flemish etchings, engravings and woodcuts 1450–1700, vol. 10 (Rotterdam: Sound & Vision Interactive, 2001), 357. 46 – For example, Dirk Barendsz's series of engravings of the continents, dated 1581, published and engraved by Jan Sadeler; see J. Richard Judson, Dirck Barendsz. 1534–1592 (Amsterdam: Van Gendt, 1970), 150, cat. no. 103. A German copy of Marten de Vos' series of continental allegories, engraved by Gregorius Fentzel, has Asia proclaim: ‘Ich habe ihren [Europe's] Gott ihr auch zur Welt geboren.’ Antwerp print cabinet, MPM. III/C 135–138. 47 – Exceptions are the 1598 personifications of the continents by Jan van der Straet which seem strongly influenced by Ortelius' title page and the Africa of Martin de Vos (ca. 1600) engraved by Adrien Collaert, which has black facial features although not skin color. The title page of the 1581 edition of Abraham de Bruyn's costume book, Omnium pene Europae, Asiae, Aphricae atque Americae gentium habitus, also represents Africa as black. For reproductions see ‘Une princesse nue,’ in Alain Parent, Sylvie Béguin, Frank Lestringant, Jean-René Béguin and Marie-Élaine Béguin (eds), La Renaissance et le nouveau monde (Québec: Musée du Québec, 1984), 129–147. 48 – See note 38. An English edition of Nicolay, Navigation into Turkie, published in London in 1585, is accessible in facsimile (Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, 1968). Willem Silvius published a Dutch edition of Nicolay in Antwerp in 1576, translated and with a long laudatory poem by Ortelius' friend Pieter Heyns; a German edition was published in Nuremberg in 1572. 49 – Johannes Leo Africanus, De totius Africae descriptione, written ca. 1523. First published in Ramusio's Navigatione et viagge (Venice, 1550) and published separately in 1556 in Lyon in French and Latin editions and in several editions in Antwerp. An English translation, A Geographical Historie of Africa (London, 1600), is accessible in facsimile (Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, 1969). On Africanus see Natalie Zemon Davis, Trickster Travels: A Sixteenth-Century Muslim between Worlds (New York: Hill and Wang, 2006). 50 –Africanus, Geographical Historie of Africa, 39–41. J. Denucé, in Afrika in de XVIde Eeuw en de Handel van Antwerpen (Antwerp: De Sikkel, 1937), 14–16, suggests that Ortelius may have gained his knowledge of North Africa from Antwerp merchants, several of whom had considerable commercial links with the region, particularly in Morocco. Chief among these was Gilles Hooftman, who had strong ties with Ortelius' circle. The state of current scholarship on Ortelius' sources suggests that he generally had recourse to scholarly printed texts, not information circulating in the merchant community. However, to date there has been little published on the texts of the Theatrum, in contrast with the excellent work published on the maps. 51 – In an adjacent passage: ‘The negros likewise leade a beastly kinde of life, being utterly destitute of the use of reason, of dexteritie of wit, and of all artes. Yea they so behave themselves, as if they had continually lived in a forrest among wild beasts. They have great swarmes of harlots among them; whereupon a man may easily conjecture their manner of living….’ Africanus, Geographical Historie of Africa, 42. Curiously, Leo later gives detailed regional descriptions of black Africans, which contradict this sweeping judgment. 52 – Anthony Pagden, The Fall of Natural Man: The American Indian and the Origins of Comparative Ethnology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 52. 53 – On the motif of the sagging breasts in depictions of American ‘savages,’ see Bernadette Bucher, Icon and Conquest. A Structural Analysis of de Bry's Great Voyages, trans. Basis Miller Gulati (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981), 50. 54 – A.O. Lovejoy and George Boas, Primitivism and Related Ideas in Antiquity (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1935); more recently, Stephanie Moser, Ancestral Images. The Iconography of Human Origins (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 21–38. 55 – Moser, Ancestral Images, 39–65. In the sixteenth century, these two views were often conflicted, as in the introduction to Boemus' influential Omnium Gentium Mores (Augsburg, 1520), iv recto and repeated by Sebastian Münster in the introduction to his Cosmographia (Basel, 1544), iii verso. 56 – This division is also made in Ortelius' text for the world map, following Gerhard Mercator's division of the world into three parts: the Old World, America and Magellanica. 57 – Waterschoot, ‘Title-page of Ortelius's Theatrum,’ 55–56. 58 – Frank Lestringant, Cannibals: The Discovery and Representation of the Cannibal from Columbus to Jules Verne, trans. Rosemary Morris (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1997 [1994]). For the connection to cannibalism in Europe during the wars of religion in France, see also Janet Whatley's introduction to Jean de Léry, History of a Voyage to the Land of Brazil, Otherwise Called America (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1990), xxviii–xxix; Lestringant, ‘Catholiques et Cannibales. Le Thème du cannibalism dans le discours protestant au temps des guerres de Religion,’ in J.-C. Margolin and R. Sauzet (eds), Practiques et discours alimentaires à la Renaissance (Paris: G.-P. Maisonneuve et Larose, 1982), 233–245. 59 – André Thevet, Les Singularitez de la France antarctique, autrement nommée Amerique: et de plusieurs Terres et Isles decouvertes de nostre temps (Paris, 1557); Hans Staden, Warhaftige Historia und Beschreibung eyner Landtschafft der Wilden, Nacketen, Grimmigen Menschfresser, Leuthen in der Newenwelt America gelegen (Marburg, 1557). 60 – Waterschoot, ‘Title-page of Ortelius's Theatrum,’ 53. 61 – Lestringant, Cannibals, 62, 69 and 91. Jean Bodin's Methodus ad facilem historiarum cognitionem (1567) gives an elaborate account of environmental determinants of the characters of the world's peoples, wherein cannibalistic fury in southern climates is driven by vengeance. Method for the Easy Comprehension of History, trans. B. Reynolds (New York: Octagon Books, 1945), 102–103. 62 – My thinking on this issue has been stimulated by Joseph Leo Koerner's readings of Bosch and Bruegel, especially ‘Hieronymus Bosch's World Picture,’ in Caroline A. Jones and Peter Galison (eds), Picturing Science Producing Art (New York and London: Routledge, 1998), 297–323. 63 – Marcia Kupfer, ‘Medieval world maps: embedded images, interpretive frames,’ Word and Image 10 (1994): 262–288. 64 – Lestringant, Mapping the Renaissance World, trans. D. Fausett (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994). 65 – van den Broecke, Ortelius Atlas Maps, 43, 3. On the use of this map, dated 1587, see Harris, ‘Abraham Ortelius and collaborative humanism,’ 20; also Hofstede, ‘Ästhetischer Landschaftsbegriff,’ 129–137; Melion, ‘Ad ductum,’ 52–53; Nuti, ‘World Map as Emblem,’ 45–51. 66 – Cicero, De natura deorum, II. 37, trans. H. Rackham (London and Cambridge: W. Heinemann, 1967). The passage is part of an exposition of Stoic theology presenting the universe as a beautiful structure, ordered by reason. 67 – In most later sixteenth century continental allegories, Asia swings a censer identical to the type held by Aaron in his role as High Priest in contemporary paintings and prints. 68 – Ortelius dedicated the atlas to Philip II, and this dedication follows immediately after the title page, preceding the explanatory poem. Ludovico Guicciardini's geographical survey of the Netherlands, Descrittione…di tutti i Paesi Bassi … (Antwerp: Willem Silvius, 1567), is also dedicated to Philip II. In his dedication, Guicciardini expresses the hope that the better understanding of his Netherlandish territories will encourage Philip to return, and although this is not stated, presumably to deal less harshly with them, despite the recent iconoclast riots. On the earlier use of maps as part of a mirror-of-princes program, see Kupfer, ‘Medieval world maps,’ 276–279. 69 – On Antwerp commerce, Herman van der Wee, The Growth of the Antwerp Market and the European Economy (The Hague: Nijhoff, 1963), 3 vols, remains fundamental. 70 – In his Synonymia geographia, under ‘Antwerpia’, Ortelius cites the opinion of Christopher Stella and also of Ludovico Guicciardini, that the city ‘Emporium est, non solum totius Europae celeberrimum; sed potius … universi terrarum Orbis Forum nundinarium. Tanta enim omnium gentium confluentia, merciumque omnigentium hic est negotiatio, ut orbem quis in urbe contemplari videatur.’ See also the entry of Nicolas Clemens, in Ortelius' Album, Puray, fol. 51 recto. 71 – A published booklet exists describing the eight new Weltlauf floats that were added to the procession in 1561: Ordinancie, Inhodende de Pointcten vanden Heylighen Besnijdenis Ommeganck der Stadt van Antwerpen, gheschiet inden Iare M.D.LXI (Antwerp: Hans de Laet, 1561). 72 – See Ger Luijten (ed.) and Ilja M. Veldman (comp.), Maarten van Heemskerck, New Hollstein Dutch and Flemish etchings, engravings and woodcuts 1450–1700 (Roosendaal: Koninklijke Van Poll, 1994), 482–490; Maarten de Vos, Hollstein, vol. 46, 1266–1273. A series of engravings of the ‘Misbruik van voorspoed’ was designed by Cornelis Anthonisz and published in Amsterdam by Jan Ewoutsz in 1546, see F.J. Dubiez, Cornelis Anthoniszoon van Amsterdam. Zijn leven en werken (Amsterdam: H.D. Pfann, 1969), 70–74, ill. 15. A poem by François Goedthals on the subject was published by Plantin in 1568. Philips Galle was a signatory of Ortelius' friendship album and de Vos too belonged to Ortelius' circle; Armin Zweite, Marten de Vos als Maler (Berlin: Mann, 1980), 178–179. 73 – Hessels, Epistolae, 23. 74 – Asia is also remarkably similar to the figure ‘Mundus’ in de Vos' print Spirituale Christiani Militis certamen, Maarten de Vos, Hollstein vol. 46, 1199. 75 – It is noteworthy in this context that the head is decidedly not Amerindian and is strikingly similar to those of beheaded tyrants in contemporary prints of tyranicides. See Yvonne Bleyerveld, ‘Van de tiran verlost. Het boekje Tyrannorum praemia. Den loon der tyrannen van Willem van Haecht (1578),’ Nederlands Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek 52 (2001): 127–153. 76 – The audience for Ortelius' atlas, like his own network of friends and correspondents, included merchants and scholars, but also members of the nobility and the administrative elites. The variations in editions, especially in the different vernaculars as opposed to the more scholarly Latin editions, suggest a deliberate targeting of a variety of audiences. Just as there is no need to suppose that all readers read the atlas in the same way, there is no reason to suppose that all readers saw the same things in the title page. Harris, ‘Abraham Ortelius and collaborative humanism,’ 33–36. 77 – For example, those of Johannes Vivianus, Bonaventura Vulcanius, Janus Dousa, Otto Venius and Ortelius' cousin, Emanuel van Meteren. 78 – Nuti, ‘The world map as an emblem.’ 79 – On emblematic literature in the intellectual environment of Plantin's press, see van Dorsten, The Radical Arts. The First Decade of an Elizabethan Renaissance (Leiden and London: Leiden University Press, 1970), 55; also Kavaler, Pieter Bruegel, 41–42. The authoritative study of Platin's printing business is Leon Voet, The Golden Compasses. A History and Evaluation of the Printing and Publishing Activities of the Officina Plantiniana at Antwerp, 2 vols (Amsterdam: Vangendt, 1969–1972). 80 – Wolfgang Harms, ‘On natural history and emblematics in the sixteenth century,’ in Allan Ellenius (ed.), The Natural Sciences and the Arts: Aspects of Interaction from the Renaissance to the 20th Century: An International Symposium, Uppsala 1985 (Stockholm: Imqvist & Wicksell International, 1985): 67–83, with further references.