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The White Rose In Film And History

2007; Routledge; Volume: 27; Issue: 3 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1080/01439680701443150

1465-3451

Paul Rutschmann,

European history and politics

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Acknowledgements My thanks to Dr. Thomas Adam and Dr. Richard Francaviglia of University of Texas Arlington for their reading and invaluable suggestions made during the rough draft phase of this article. Notes 1 ‘Was geschähe, wenn diese subjective Maxim meines Handelns ein allgemeines Gesetz würde.’ Quoted in Der Nationalsozialismus Dokumente 1933–1945, Hrg. Walter Hofer (Frankfurt a.M., Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag, 1957), 332. Professor Kurt Huber spoke these words, quoting Kant's categorical imperative in anticipation of the death sentence. Huber spent his last days before his execution, July 13, 1943, in a cell working on his biography of Leibniz, focusing on the thoughts of the philosopher who had argued that this world is the best of all possible worlds. 2 In total, there are three films, one play, and an opera that dramatize the White Rose. One of the three films, not examined in this paper, was a television production produced the same year as Verhoeven's film and starred the same as actress, Lena Stolze, in the role of Sophie. 3 Throughout this paper, I have attempted to adhere to my own distinction between authenticity and realism. By ‘authenticity’ I mean that which we perceive to be real, whereas with ‘realism’ I mean that which we hold to be an adequate representation of visible reality. 4 Harald Steffahn, Die Weiße Rose. Mit Selbstzeugnissen und Bilddokumenten. (Hamburg, Rowohlt Taschenbuch Verlag, 1992), 10. 5 Robert A. Rosenstone, Visions of the Past, 78. 6 There is no single word for word translation of Mitläufer in English that fully communicates the sense of this term as it is usually understood in German texts. It is sometimes translated as fellow-traveler. The concept of fellow-traveler appears in English speaking literature most commonly in connection with the Cold War, and it generally refers to those who in some manner displayed sympathy with Communism. Mitläufer, however, strictly held within the context of national socialist historiography, should clearly be distinguished from fellow-traveler and its association with the Cold War. The concept of Mitläufer in German refers not only to the majority of individuals who applauded silently or vociferously national socialists, but also to those who profited from national socialist political, economic, and cultural institutions. 7 Rosenstone, Visions of the Past, 117. 8 Inge Scholl first published her book, Die Weiße Rose, in 1955 with Fischer Verlag in Frankfurt. She recorded all that she knew about the White Rose's activities from memory, and in 1982 republished a somewhat expanded version of her book. Two years after Verhoeven's film ran its course in the cinemas, Inge, together with Anneliese Graf-Knoop, edited and published Hans’s and Sophie's letters and diaries. 9 Interview given for a 2003 DVD release of The White Rose. 10 Ibid. 11 See Christiane Moll, Die Weiße Rose, in Peter Steinbach and J. Tuchel (eds.), Widerstand gegen den Nationalsozialismus (Berlin, Bundeszentral für politische Bildung, 1997). 12 Included in the DVD special features section of Rothemund's Sophie Scholl—die letzten Tage 13 Moll, Die Weiße Rose, 446/47. 14 See Steffahn, Die Weiße Rose. Alexander Schmorell, born September 16, 1917, raised bilingually, speaking Russian and German at home, was also a medical student in Munich. He preferred Russian poets over German, and a few of his friends noted that he complained often of homesickness for Russia. Along with Professor Huber, he was executed on July 13, 1943. Willi Graf, born January 1918, was raised in a family of devout Catholics in Saarbrücken. Through medical studies, he became acquainted with Hans and Alexander, and somewhat later joined the White Rose. Graf was more adamant in his belief that one would have to be more aggressive in opposing the Nazis. He was executed on October 12, 1943. Another medical student, Christoph Probst, was at the age of 22 already a father of two children while his wife was expecting a third as he was strapped on the executioner's gurney on February 22, 1943. From a similar religious upbringing as Sophie and Hans, Christoph was raised believing that a morally sound world view was anchored in the realm of Protestantism. 15 The interview is to be found in the special features of the DVD version of the film, issued by Kinowelt Home Entertainment GmbH, Leipzig. 16 Moll, Die Weiße Rose. 17 Professor Harder's name is printed at the top of a confidential report found in Sophie's interrogation files. He is one of the nameless cogs in the machine and his name is otherwise nowhere to be found in any of the literature on the White Rose. But his report gives evidence of man with strong analytical literary skills; most likely he was a Germanist; most certainly not a man trained in philosophy; otherwise, he would have identified the influence of Leibniz. He provides an example of the type of precision of which Nazi officials were capable when it came to undermining their own populace. 18 Gestapo Interrogation Transcripts, trans. Ruth Sachs, ZC 13267, vols 1–16 (Phoenixville, PA, Exclamation! Publishers, 2003), Document 22. 19 For an analysis of Hillgruber's book and its role in the Historikerstreit, see Charles Maier, The Unmasterable Past: history, holocaust, and German national identity (Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press, 1997), 9–34. For Jürgen Habermas, Hillgruber had gone too far in an uncritical empathy for the German troops. Maier noted that for Habermas, this emphasis on Verstehen and empathy ‘had to be suspect, especially after justifying German power politics for over a century.’ Hillgruber created a problematic of identification in its overemphasis on empathy for the experiences of fighting Wehrmacht soldiers and the sufferings of German civilians. 20 Inge Scholl, Die Weiße Rose (erw. neue Ausgabe) (Frankfurt a.M., Fischer Verlag, 1993), 146/47. Arvid and Mildred were caught, tried, and executed in Berlin-Plötzensee two months prior to the meeting of Falk with the White Rose. 21 Moll, Die Weiße Rose, 450. The records in the archives of Dallwitz-Hoppegarten reveal that both Hans and Falk had disclosed to the Gestapo interrogators their meeting in February 1943. These records have since been moved to the Bundesarchiv (the largest Federal Republic archive that houses most of Germany's historical materials). The assassination attempt on Hitler of July 1944 occupies by far the largest portion of the literature on the German Resistance. This episode, operation Walküre, has been the subject of countless books and films. For one of the best historical accounts available, see Joachim Fest, Staatsstreich: Der lange Weg zum 20. Juli (Berlin, Siedler Verlag, 1994). In film, the 1955 production, directed by Karl Löb, Der 20. Juli: Das Attentat auf Hitler, gives a clear depiction of the complexity and problems involved with this assassination attempt. 22 See Steffahn, Die Weiße Rose. Steffahn argues that the leaders of the military resistance would never have worked closely with the White Rose because the White Rose's high level of idealism appeared to affect contrary methods of operation thus posing greater risks to exposure. But Arvid and his cousins, the brothers Dietrich and Klaus Bonhoeffer, a preacher and a lawyer, encouraged Falk to maintain further contact with the students from Munich. Falk was critical, however, of the idealistic approach of the White Rose and viewed Hans’ writings as too ‘philosophically decorated’ and instructed Hans to write a little ‘more realistically, and politically clearer.’ See esp. 90–91. 23 Interview with Anneliese Graf-Knoop. See footnote 12. 24 After the premier of Die Weiße Rose, numerous articles and reviews appeared in the Berlin daily papers that are notable in that they mention the hate mail and death threats that Clara Huber received. Examples were cited in which Clara was regarded as nothing more than the wife of a traitor; and along with her husband did not deserve to live. 25 Interview with the Bayerische Rundfunk (BRF, the Bavarian Radio) in 1983. Accessible at http://www.filmverleih/dieweisserose.html. 26 Maier, The Unmasterable Past, 82. 27 See Jürgen Leinemann, Mißtrauen gegen jede Form von Authorität, Der Spiegel, August 1985, vol. VIII, 80–90. 28 Hannah Vogt, The Burden of Guilt: a short history of Germany, 1914–1945, trans. Herbert Strauss, introduction by Gordon Craig (New York, Oxford University Press, 1964), 239. 29 Ibid., 239. 30 Ibid., 235. 31 Ibid., 239. 32 Clara Huber, Kurt Huber zum Gedächtnis: … der Tod … war nicht vergebens (München), 1986. 33 Claudia Schorcht, Philosophie an den bayerischen Universitäten 1933–1945 (Erlangen, Harald Fischer Verlag, 1990), 165. Huber's title as ‘außerordentlicher Professor’ was bestowed in recognition of his stupendous research in the history of folk music throughout Europe. Huber was as much an expert in the philosophical branch of music aesthetics as he was in the history of German idealism. A few witnesses of his trial reported that he probably got the better of Freisler in a debate over Fichte. 34 See the 2003 special features in Die Weiße Rose DVD edition. 35 Interview, 2003. 36 Sophie Scholl—die letzten Tage won best director and best actress in Germany's prestigious Berlinale Filmfestival, and was nominated for an Oscar in the best foreign film category of the Academy Awards. 37 The Kammerspiel (chamber play) is a theatrical form that borrows from the concept behind chamber music, characterized by its intimacy of few players and complexity of symphonic structure. For the theater, it was developed by Max Reinhardt, showing the influence of August Strindberg and Henrik Ibsen. It was a popular form used by film-makers in Germany during the Weimar period. 38 Rothemund's brief comments about the making of his film can found at http://www.movienet.com/sscholfinaldays.html 39 Ibid. 40 Quoted in Steffahn, Die Weiße Rose, 112. 41 Heinz Bude, Deutschland: Die Neorealisten, in Die Zeit, Nr. 4, January 19, 2006. 42 Ibid. 43 Ibid. 44 Interview with the Berliner Zeitung, February 12, 2005, 33 45 Rothemund used the term Aufarbeitung which I have interpreted as synonymous with the emotionally laden term of Vergangenheitsbewältigung, though scholars have written about the apparent and subtle differences. Aufarbeitung, in reference to the Nazi past, was coined by the philosopher Theodor Adorno. 46 Interview of February 21, 2005; http://www.br-online.de/kultur-szene/film/stars-interviews/0502/04458/druckversion.shtml 47 See Historikerstreit: Die Dokumentation der Kontroverse um die Einzigartigkeit der nationalsozialistischen Judenvernichtung (München, Piper Verlag, 1987). It is a compilation of all the writers involved in this dispute. 48 The Nazi Schauprozess was specifically designed for propagandistic purposes. Sophie believed, in a wishful way of thinking instilled by her cellmate, that such a proceeding might give her the opportunity to express her views and perhaps be heard. But as she immediately discovered, such court proceedings were designed with the explicit intention of staging as much a spectacle as well as creating a precedent in favor of Freisler's court. 49 William Sweet, The Volksgerichtshof: 1934–1945, The Journal of Modern History, 46(2) (June, 1974), 315. 50 Ibid., 318. 51 See Barbara Schlüter, ‘Im Geiste der Gemordeten …’: Die ‘Weiße Rose’ und ihre Wirkung in der Nachkriegszeit (Paderborn, Ferdinand Schöningh, 2000). Zuckmayer's manuscript was written in 1948 and was found among his papers. It was never used for film. His name in film history is associated with those film-makers of the SPD and KPD who during the Weimar period offered films to enlighten audiences with socialist-oriented political themes as a low budget challenge to the large commercial productions of Hugenberg's conservative UfA studios. Among film historians, he is best remembered for his collaboration with Heinrich Mann in the script for Germany's first major talky, The Blue Angel. Schlüter gives a thorough analysis of Zuckmayer's script and this script would be her preferred choice for the making of a film. 52 Ibid., 21–27. 53 See Steffahn, Die Weiße Rose. Steffahn quoted the following out of Sophie's diary in which she wondered ‘why Luise, who has blond hair and blue eyes cannot be a member while I with my dark hair and dark eyes am a member of the BDM’, 18–20.