Moroccan Immigration in France: Do Migration Policies Matter?
2008; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 6; Issue: 3 Linguagem: Inglês
10.1080/15362940802371663
ISSN1556-2956
Autores Tópico(s)Migration, Identity, and Health
ResumoABSTRACT This article examines the relationship between Moroccan migration to France and French policy regarding migrant flows and integration alongside other factors determining individual decisions to come and settle in France. The article recalls that France remains the main destination country in terms of flows and stocks for Moroccans and hosts Moroccans of varied legal statuses, age, gender and occupation. Based on explorative interviews, the article suggests that Moroccans are mainly affected by administrative practices yet most decisions to come were made based on economic calculus and kinship interventions. The article also stresses that Moroccans are feeling the brunt of anti-migrant racism yet this does not deter their will to stay because of their presence of children in France. KEYWORDS: MigrationMoroccansFrancenetworksimmigration policiesstudent migrationundocumented migrationfamily reunionracismpost-colonial migration Notes 1. France has sought to attract foreign students to compete with other OECD countries, has free higher education and allows foreign students to work part-time. See Coulon and Pavandi (2003). 2. See Djemila Zeneidi-Henry (2001) for a detailed analysis of the arrival of 1200 Moroccan war veterans who settled in the Bordeaux area after the Pasqua Law of 1993 which permitted French war veterans to receive a residence permit and the creation of the RMI, a minimum social allowance for those that could not benefit from other schemes such as unemployment benefits. 3. There were over 20,000 new permits issued to Moroccans in 2000 (out of 169,428) and over 25,000 in 2002. The rise in the numbers of Moroccans becomes significant after 1998. See table 2 for 2003 detailed figures. 4. Marie-Christine Tabets, “Un Maghrébin en situation irrégulière travaillait depuis 1998 dans le même restaurant. Il risque d'être expulsé”, Le Figaro, 1 July 2007. 5. Source: French embassy in Morocco. 6. http://www.cefmaroc.org 7. See “Etudes en France: la barre trop haut?” in L'économiste, August 11, 2008. Accessed online on September 8, 2006. 8. See Guiraudon, 2006 for a full account of post 2000 French policies. 9. I worked through my network of acquaintances yet privileging the contacts that were once removed from my direct contacts (i.e. friends/kin of friends' friends or friends suggested by colleagues). There were two reasons for this. The absence of direct link helps keep a distance between the researcher and the informant as they are no affective connection and less chance of being too identical in social terms or habitus. Distance also allowed a form of anonymity for the respondents who therefore could perhaps be more at ease. After all, given the climate of suspicion of Arab-origin populations in France and beyond, people are wary of talking. In fact the persons that I interviewed were very happy to participate in the survey which they found interesting and forthcoming with information, displaying also a good memory of events even when they had taken place long ago.
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