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Popular Scottish Song Traditions at Home (and Away)

2011; Routledge; Volume: 122; Issue: 3 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1080/0015587x.2011.608265

1469-8315

Josephine Dougal,

Diverse Musicological Studies

Abstract This article addresses the way in which collective ideas of cultural identity in song are appropriated and customised at the local level. More specifically, it examines how the cultural construction of Scottishness in popular song was deployed and mediated in my Scottish/Australian family's song repertoire. Footnote[1] It thus considers how song performance served as a vehicle for the formation of family and cultural meaning. Notes [1] The substance of this article draws from a recent Ph.D. study of my own migrant family's Scottish song traditions in Australia. [2] There is also a growing reconsideration of these pessimistic accounts of Scottish popular culture; see, for example, McCrone (Citation2001), Goldie (Citation2000; Citation2006) and Maloney (Citation2003). Examples of Scottish popular song culture in the form of references to specific songs and singers, and children's rhymes, are provided in this article as contextual information. [3] The popular representation of Scottishness owes a great deal to the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries and to Robert Burns and Sir Walter Scott, respectively (see Maclean Citation2002, 202–4). In the critiques of Scottish culture, the highlands stand for an invented tradition signified by “tartanry” and a romanticised sentimental vision of Scotland of the past—see McCrone (Citation2001, 127–48) for an account of these critiques that include those by Nairn (Citation2003) and Trevor-Roper (2000). Angela McCarthy notes the pervasive influence of these discourses in interpretations of Scottish identities and cultural practices abroad (McCarthy Citation2006, 201). [4] Anthony Cohen draws an important distinction between the “icons” of a culture that represent ethnic identity at the collective level as “apparently monolithic,” and the “continual reconstruction of ethnicity at the personal level” (Cohen Citation1993, 198). Similarly, Michael Pickering and Tony Green have made the point that while localised and privatised forms of tradition may be “indistinct in practice from dominant constructions … [they] … are not wholly identical with them” (Pickering and Green Citation1987, 17). [5] As Thomas McKean notes, songs arise “from social interaction–family and community contact where song is both the catalyst and the product” (McKean Citation2003, 3). Mary-Ann Constantine and Gerald Porter have argued that fragments and scraps of songs have been treated as “artefacts rather than as ways of saying” (Constantine and Porter Citation2003, 8). [6] For the Scottish tradition of singing in the home, see Finlay (Citation2004, 136) and West (Citation2006, 120–3). For this tradition in the Australian context, see Bain (Citation2001, 672) and Lyle (Citation1976). See also Hammerton (Citation2006). [7] See also Gary West for a discussion of the “functional” uses of family singing in a Scottish context (West Citation2006, 122). [8] “National” songs are typically those written by Allan Ramsay, Robert Burns, Lady Nairne, Sir Walter Scott and James Hogg. Such songs have found a permanent place in Scotland's popular song culture, generating hosts of other songs of a similar type and style (Collinson 1966, 3). See also Johnson (Citation2003), Crawford (Citation1979), McGuirk (Citation2006), Davis (Citation2004), McCue (Citation1997), and Donaldson (Citation1976; Citation1988) for the role of these songs in constructing a Scottish national identity. The Jacobite story “includes the exploits of Charles Edward Stuart, ‘Bonnie Prince Charlie’, the drama of the '45 rebellion and the epic last stand of the Highland clans at Culloden” (Devine Citation1999, 31). [9] See also Constantine and Porter (Citation2003, 94). Jerome Bruner and Carol Feldman suggest that key words, phrases and expressions, “distinctive lexemes,” which are shared within a group, give expression to its cultural preoccupations and sense of identity (Bruner and Feldman Citation1996, 298). [10] See also McKean (Citation2003, 7–8), for a discussion on the uses of text in song analysis; and also Engle, Porter and Roger deV. Renwick (Citation2003, 365–6). I employ the concept of text in its cultural sense; that is, a song that functions as a “cultural text,” a site of the construction of meaning (see Storey Citation2003, 1–6). [11] David Atkinson also emphasises that tradition is selective (Atkinson Citation2004, 148). [12] See, for example, James (Citation2000), Shelemay (Citation1998) and Gilroy (Citation1993). [13] Porter (Citation1998, 4) draws on Tilley (Citation1994) in the course of his analysis. [14] “Bissom”: “a term of contempt applied to a person, generally a woman; sometimes to a woman of loose character, sometimes jocularly to a woman or young girl.” For this, and other examples of Scots words and phrases in this article, see Dictionary of the Scots Language (2010). [15] My transcription of this chorus (“Comarick, comarak, comara …”) is a phonetic interpretation of our sung version. Ewan McVicar (Citation2007, 174) identifies our version as a Gaelic chorus, as follows: Come a ree come a rye come a ro Come a ree come a rye come a ro russ Come a ree come a rye come a rach ee oh And that's the Fenian chorus. McVicar also suggests that the tune of the Gaelic chorus was typically used for “I'm Gaein' in the Train” (McVicar Citation2007, 174). [16] See West (Citation2006, 120), Finlay (Citation2004, 119) and Smout (Citation1997, 149). [17] There are a number of actuality recordings of Scottish children's songs and rhymes of the period that include many of the songs that we sang. See, for example: “Ippetty Sippetty …” (Folktrax Citation1978); “Here We Go Loobie Loo …” (Folktrax Citation1982); “Singing in the Streets …” (Rounder Records Citation2004); and “Chokit on a Tattie …” (Greentrax Recordings Citation2006). See also Robertson (Citation2003). For other twentieth-century examples of children's songs and rhymes in print, see Ritchie (Citation1999; Citation2000), Montgomerie (Citation1948), Opie and Opie (Citation1985; Citation2001) and McVicar (Citation2007). For the history of children's rhymes, see also Chambers (Citation1842), Moffatt (Citation1933), Shuldham-Shaw, Lyle, and Campbell (Citation2002, vol. 8) and Gomme (Citation1964). [18] This song was a guising rhyme that children performed door to door in Edinburgh on New Year's Eve (see Ritchie Citation2000, 115). The chorus that has been added at the end of this song appears to be from a popular nineteenth-century Irish political ballad, “Wearing of the Green” (see Bodleian Library Catalogue of Ballads Citation2010, Catalogue number 2806 b.10 [215]). [19] This commercially popular Scottish World War II song, adapted as a children's rhyme, refers to the Air Raid Protection (ARP) Wardens appointed to assist the police in protecting the public during air raids. “The Nicest-Looking Warden in the ARP” was by Dave Willis, a Scottish comic performer (Ritchie Citation2000, 24). See also Willis (Citation1895–1973). [20] Original song (1911) by Harry Lauder (Baker and Kiner Citation1990; see also Lauder Citation2004). Also sung by Jimmy Shand and by Andy Stewart (Shand Citation1957; Stewart Citation1993). “Deoch-an-doris”: a parting drink, “one for the road” (Dictionary of the Scots Language 2010); Gaelic “deoch-an-doruis” (see Dwelly Citation1977). [21] “But-an-ben”: a two-roomed house (Dictionary of the Scots Language 2010). [22] Original song (1921) by Will Fyffe (Fyffe Citation1921; see also Fyffe Citation1994). Also sung by Jimmy Shand and by Andy Stewart (Shand Citation1957; Stewart Citation1993). [23] See Gomme (1964, vol. 2, 2–6). [24] Original song (1960) by Andy Stewart (Stewart Citation1960). [25] See Roy Palmer (Citation1983, 68) for a reference to the popular song “Oh, Molly Riley, I Love you”: Oh, Molly Riley, I love you. Tell me, Molly Riley, does yer ‘eart beat true? Marry me my darling, I'll die if you say no And you'll never ‘ave another, Molly Riley, oh. [26] Original song (1904) by Harry Lauder (Baker and Kiner Citation1990; see also Lauder Citation2004). Also sung by other popular Scottish singers, such as by Jimmy Shand and by Andy Stewart (Shand Citation1957; Stewart Citation1993). [27] Original song (1911) by Harry Lauder (Baker and Kiner Citation1990; see also Lauder Citation2004). Also sung by Jimmy Shand and Andy Stewart (Shand Citation1957; Stewart Citation1993). [28] “Gloamin’”: “evening twilight, dusk” (Dictionary of the Scots Language 2010). [29] Original song written by Robert Burns in 1796 (Johnson and Burns Citation1991, vol. 5, 431). Also popularised by Moira Anderson (Anderson Citation2004). [30] Original song written by Robert Burns in 1792 (Johnson and Burns Citation1991, vol. 4, 387). Sung by Robert Wilson (Wilson Citation2005, vol. 3), Moira Anderson (Anderson 2004), and Kenneth McKellar (McKellar Citation1997). [31] Original song written by Robert Burns in 1792 (Johnson and Burns, Citation1991, vol. 5, 415). Sung by Robert Wilson (Wilson Citation2005, vol. 1) and Kenneth McKellar (McKellar Citation1997). [32] Original song (1950) by Robert Wilson (Wilson Citation1950; see also Wilson Citation2005, vol. 1). Also sung by Jimmy Shand (Shand Citation1957), Kenneth McKellar (McKellar Citation2005), and Andy Stewart (Stewart Citation1993). The “Gordon,” “Seaforths” and “Black Watch” were famous Highlander Regiments. [33] Original song (1905) by Harry Lauder (Baker and Kiner Citation1990; see also Lauder Citation2004). Also sung by Jimmy Shand and by Andy Stewart (Shand Citation1957; Stewart Citation1966). [34] Original song (1960) by Andy Stewart (Stewart Citation1960). [35] Original song written by Harold Boulton and Annie Macleod (cited in Boulton and MacLeod Citation1884). Sung by many Scottish popular singers, such as Andy Stewart (Stewart Citation1993), Moira Anderson (Anderson Citation1996), and Kenneth McKellar (McKellar Citation1997). [36] Believed to have been written around 1746, and referring to Bonnie Prince Charlie's retreat from England in 1745 (Greig Citation1892–5, vol. 3, xxv). Sung by Jimmy Shand (Shand Citation1957), Harry Lauder (Lauder Citation1916), Robert Wilson (Wilson Citation2005, vol. 3), Andy Stewart (Stewart Citation1993), and Kenneth McKellar (McKellar Citation2008). [37] “Geordie”: George, and specifically George the 5th Duke of Gordon who raised the Gordon clan highlanders in 1795, and is affectionately known as the “Cock of the North” (Brewer Citation2001, 262). See McVicar (Citation2007, 269–74) for a detailed account of the song “Aunty Mary had a Canary up the Leg of her Drawers.” [38] Original song written by Lady Nairne and first published in 1846 (see McCue Citation1997, 52). Sung by Kenneth McKellar (McKellar Citation1997). [39] Original song written by Robert Burns in 1790 (Johnson and Burns Citation1991, vol. 3, 309). Sung by Andy Stewart (Stewart Citation1993). [40] Original song written by Robert Burns in 1796 (Johnson and Burns Citation1991, vol. 5, 440). [41] Our family version of “Heilan’ Laddie” has similarities with an old Highland Laddie song, described by John Greig as the most widely sung version of the many Highland Laddie songs (Greig Citation1892–5, vol. 4, ix): Bonnie Laddie, Highland Laddie Where hae ye been a' the day, Bonnie laddie, Highland laddie? Saw ye him that's far away, Bonnie laddie, Highland laddie? On his head a bonnet blue, Bonnie laddie, Highland laddie? Tartan plaid and Highland trews, Bonnie laddie, Highland laddie? (Greig Citation1892–5, vol. 4, 94–5.) See also Low (Citation1993, 932–3), Crawford (Citation1979, 105), Donaldson (Citation1976) and Glen (Citation1900, 241–3) for other examples of Highland Laddie songs. McVicar refers to the following children's rhyme from the 1940s, which, like our “Hielan' Laddie,” was sung to the well-known march tune “Bonny Laddie, Hielan Laddie,” which suggests that the song, or part of it, was parodied by children: See the monkeys kickin up a row Bonny laddie, Heilan laddie See the monkeys kickin up a row Bonny Heilan laddie (McVicar Citation2007, 300). [42] Original song published by James Johnson and Robert Burns in 1787 (Johnson and Burns Citation1991, vol. 1, 44). [43] For children's lore and its social functions, see Sutton-Smith et al. (Citation1999) and Darian-Smith and Factor (Citation2005). [44] See Maloney (Citation2003) for a detailed account of Scottish music-hall culture. [45] Ian Russell also makes a similar point in relation to song performance; that is, that parody can be “conservative and normative,” and “transformative” and “reflexive” (Russell Citation1987, 98–9). [46] Tia DeNora refers to the role of music as a device for “social ordering,” for bringing people into social alignment, and “social occasioning” through which social “scenes” are constructed, that “afford different kinds of agency, different sorts of pleasure and ways of being” (DeNora Citation2000, 123). Middleton suggests that music can only be grasped properly as a “social practice” and that music constructs social activity (Middleton Citation2003, 12). [47] This concept comes from Bruner and Feldman (Citation1996, 293). [48] My paraphrase of Martin Stokes's discourse on the appropriation of mainstream music by subcultures (Stokes Citation1997, 19). [49] Performance theorists have shed light on how social relationships are activated in musical performance, through social and cultural positioning. The performance implicitly locates the participants “in the social world of the event and the larger society” (Berger and Del Negro Citation2004, 89–96). See also Bauman (Citation1984). [50] See Shelemay (Citation1998) for how songs act as sites of family and cultural memories. [51] Keya Ganguly refers to how migrants “renovate” their cultural past in order to make it their own (Ganguly Citation1992, 40). Nancy Foner argues that as migrants reconstruct and redefine family life, old cultural patterns, although adapted and reinterpreted in the new setting, play a critical role in the family's “creative culture-building” (Foner Citation1997, 961). [52] Anne-Marie Fortier suggests that migrants' use of homeland traditions and culture in the symbolic construction of “home” is motivated by the desire for an identity that seeks attachment to places, people, or ways of being (Fortier Citation2000, 2). See also James (Citation2000, 187), Gilroy (Citation1993, 276) and McDonald (Citation1997, 58).