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Majoritarian State and the Marginalised Minorities: The Hindus in Bangladesh

2013; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 37; Issue: 4 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1080/09700161.2013.802516

1754-0054

Smruti S. Pattanaik,

South Asian Studies and Diaspora

Abstract Abstract The problem confronting the Hindu minority in Bangladesh is analysed in this article within the framework of a majoritarian state, which embodies the socio-cultural ethos of the majority community in its effort to establish itself as a nation state with a unique history. Such a state by its very nature marginalises the minorities, who are considered unequal in the construction of the 'nation state' narrative even though constitutionally they enjoy equality as citizens. While the article looks at the role of the Hindus in politics in former East Pakistan and later in Bangladesh, it also explores whether the approach adopted by the Hindu minority in recent years has provided physical security, economic and political opportunities, and made them important stakeholders. The article also analyses the future of minorities in the context of the larger national identity debate in Bangladesh. Notes 1. The Shahbag movement was spearheaded by youths mostly belonging to the post-liberation generation in a spontaneous protest against a verdict of the International War Crime Tribunal that gave a life sentence to a convict belonging to Jamaat Islami. The younger generation perceived this as a lenient verdict, attributing it to a behind-the-scenes political deal. The Hindus are also seen as bolstering the Awami League support base and have a keen interest in the preservation of secularism in the constitution. This automatically makes them the ideological 'other' to the BNP and Jamaat, who believe in religion as a politico-ideological basis of the Bangladesh state. This ideological division has made the minorities vulnerable. For details see Smruti S Pattanaik, 'What Does War Crime Trial Portend for the Future of Bangladesh?', Mainstream (Bangladesh special edition), LI(14), March 23, at http://www.mainstreamweekly.net/article4070.html, (Accessed March 31, 2013). 2. Amena Mohsin, 'Rights of Minorities', in Hameeda Hossain (ed.), Human Rights in Bangladesh, Ain O Salish Kendra (Legal Aid and Advice Centre), Dhaka, 2002, p. 243. 3. For details of the verdict on the fifth amendment, see http://www.dwatch-bd.org/5th%20Amendment.pdf, and for the seventh amendment, see http://www.dwatch-bd.org/7thAmendment.pdf (Accessed April 3, 2013). 4. Bangladesh Population Census, 2011, Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics, July 2012, p. 68. 5. The construction of a nation state based on religion and language is hegemonic. Both identities marginalise the identities of tribes such as the Chakmas, Marmas and Tripuris, who linguistically- and religion-wise do not conform to the conception of a Bengali nation state. However, in the context of Hindus, while the Bengali nation state based on language made them part of the nation, Islam as a component of the nation state set them apart as the 'other'. 6. Rupert Emerson, From Empire to Nation, Beacon Press, Boston, 1960, p. 110. 7. The term 'majoritarian state' is used to denote a state which provides official status to the religion of the majority in the constitution and, as a result, promotes a particular religion. Though the minorities are provided protection in the constitution the state remains biased structurally to a particular community. 8. To emphasise this point, the government appointed Mr Mandal, Minister of Law and Labour, as the temporary president of the Pakistan Constituent Assembly. The scheduled Caste Federation headed by Mandal had a strong presence in the Constituent Assembly, since they had formed an alliance with the Muslim League. 9. Partition left 11.4 million or 42 per cent of undivided Bengal's Hindu population in East Bengal. At the time of the partition, only 344,000 Hindu refugees journeyed to West Bengal. In 1948, around 786,000 Hindus migrated to India and in 1949 over 213,000 Bengali refugees crossed the border. See Tai Yong Tan and Gyanesh Kudaisya (eds.), The Aftermath of Partition in South Asia, Routledge, London, 2000, p. 144. 10. Samar Guha, Non-Muslims Behind the Curtain of East Pakistan, East Bengal Minorities Association, Calcutta, 1950, p. 33, as cited in Muhammad Ghulam Kabir, Minority Politics in Bangladesh, Vikas Publications, Delhi, 1980, p. 2. 11. For a discussion on evacuee property see Constituent Assembly of Pakistan, Debates, 1(20), April 6, 1951, pp. 897, 907, pp. 911–923. 12. Abul Barkat Shafique uz Zaman, Azizur Rahman and Avijit Poddar, Political Economy of the Vested Property Act in Rural Bangladesh, ALRD, Dhaka, 1997, p. 20. 13. The Pact, though aimed at eliminating harassment and intimidation, failed to provide any security. The incidence of actual violence was arrested, but intimidation through boycott remained as a more insidious form. There was much less evacuee property on the Indian side of the border, since the Muslims, who migrated to East Pakistan, did not possess much property. Thus, the compensation to the Hindus in material term was negligible. That they were still alive was the biggest compensation they received. 14. The prevailing misconception among Muslims is that Hindus are cunning, exploitative and were opposed to the idea of Muslims having their own state, as well as their right to education. In this, context many Muslims see the opposition to the establishment of Dhaka University as a Hindu conspiracy. Such biased opinion justifies and abets violence and justifies discrimination. 15. Basudeb Chattopadhyay, 'Impact of Noakhali Riots on Communal Situation in Calcutta', presented as part of a seminar on 'Fifty Years after Experiences of Decolonization, Partition and Independence, Bangladesh, India and Pakistan', March 12–14, 1997, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad Institute of Asian Studies, pp. 5–11. 16. For details see Bashabi Fraser, Bengal Partition Stories: An Unclosed Chapter, Anthem South Asia Press, London, 2008, pp. 32–36. 17. It was also clear that the Hindu minority wanted to have their politics and struggle within the geographical parameter of the present state. It was perceived that membership of Congress party would invariably link them to India and this was not conducive to their future in the new state. Moreover, the Congress nomenclature would have restricted the membership to Hindus only because in the pre-partition days the Muslims perceived Congress as a party representing the Hindu interest that was against partition and creation of a separate state based on religion. 18. Constituent Assembly of Pakistan Debates, 1(51), January 28, 1956, p. 2201. 19. The 1956 constitution was abrogated in 1958 militarily when Ayub Khan took over. The 1962 constitution declared Pakistan as the 'Republic of Pakistan'. However, due to protests by religious political parties, the first amendment to the 1972 constitution re-declared Pakistan as the 'Islamic Republic'. Bhutto in 1973 reserved the posts of prime minister and president for the Muslims and General Zia-ul-Haq, who usurped power through a coup, introduced a separate electorate system which was amended by General Musharraf, another military dictator in 2001. 20. Three of the minority members who argued against this provision are Mr Basant Kumar Das, Mr Peter Paul Gomez and B.K. Dutta. Some of the Bengali Muslim political leaders were also opposed to the 'Islamic' tag in the name of the state. The prominent among them were H.S. Suhrawardy and Mujib-ur-Rahman. The argument was that Pakistan should frame its constitution and define minority rights, keeping in mind the interest of Indian Muslims. If the Pakistan state is not sympathetic to minorities, the interests of Muslims in India will be put in jeopardy. 21. The Muslim League and the Krisak Sramik Party (Hamidul Haq) were opposed to a joint electorate. Later the bill for a joint electorate in the east wing was passed by 48 to 19 votes. The bill was introduced by Suhrawardy on 10 October 1956. The electorate bill (Amendment, 1957) provided for joint electorate for both wings of Pakistan. Initially in the proposed 1956 draft constitution, the framers were silent on the issue of the electorate. The provision that was provided in the draft constitution was that this question would be taken up by parliament. 22. For Suhrawardy's arguments in detail, see Constituent Assembly of Pakistan, Debates, February 1, 1956, pp. 2268–2269. 23. See Constituent Assembly of Pakistan, Debates, 1(60), January 31, 1956, p. 2267. 24. See Jinnah's speech on 'National Consolidation', given on March 21 to the people at Dacca, pp. 84–86. Also see 'Farewell Message to East Pakistan on 28 March 1948', in Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, Speeches as Governor General 1947–1948, Pakistan Publication, Karachi, pp. 108–119. Also see Md Nazrul Islam Mian, 'Language Based Nationalism and Birth of Bangladesh', Journal of the Institute of Bangladesh Studies, 16, 2003, p. 216. The first report of the basic Principles Committee was published in 1950 under the prime minister-ship of Liaquat Ali Khan which proposed Urdu as the only state language of Pakistan. 25. Meghna Guhathakurta, 'Amidst the Wind of Change: The Hindu Minorities in Bangladesh', South Asian History and Culture, 3(2), April 2012, p. 290. 26. Abul Barkat et al., no. 12, p. 3. This study samples a total of 161 affected persons, 20 beneficiaries and 11 officials, who were all interviewed. Twenty-three case studies were conducted. This survey selected only small farmers. 27. Planning Commission of Bangladesh, First Five Year Plan, Government of People's Republic of Bangladesh, Dhaka, 1974, p. 1. 28. This hegemonic conception of nation state, based on linguistic identity, was questioned by the Chakma minority. 29. See 'Communal Discrimination in Bangladesh: Facts and Documents', published by Bangladesh Hindu, Buddhist Christian Unity Council, May 20, 1993. p. 95. 30. The amendment reads that enemy property 'shall be administered, controlled, managed and disposed of by transfer or otherwise, by the government or by such officer or authority as the Government may direct'. 31. For details of the Vested Property Act, see papers presented at the National Seminar on Enemy (Vested) Property Act, May 6–7 1994, Dhaka, organised by Samprodaik Samprity Parishad. 32. According to General Ershad, he faced compelling circumstances which led him to declare Islam as state religion. Among various factors he cited Pakistan, which had greater influence among the the Muslim countries, propagated that Bangladesh is not a real Muslim country as it does not have Islam as state religion. It was the pressure from the OIC countries that forced him to take this decision. Apart from this, he wanted to make the distinction between Epar Bangla Opar Bangla ('This side Bengal and that side Bengal'). The Bengali Hindu-dominated state of West Bengal is a major source of cultural insecurity for Bangladesh, which is reflected on the issue of national identity (from an interview with General Ershad, former president of Bangladesh, on December 28, 2007, Dhaka). However, people from other mainstream parties dismiss this view and argue that there was no such compulsion; instead, Ershad declared Islam as the state religion to co-opt religious political parties and he failed. 33. For elaboration on the politics played by the AL and BNP in their relations with Jamaat, see Mizanur Rahman Khan, 71 Parobarti Bangladeshbirodhitai Jamaat ['Post-71 Jamaat Opposition to Bangladesh'], Prathom Alo, March 22, 2013. 34. The Jamaat chose to ally with the BNP in the 2001 elections, even though it fought jointly with the AL for the restoration of a caretaker government. From 1991 to 1996 Jamaat was preoccupied with organisation issues. Both the BNP and Jamaat were suspicious of each other. Jamaat preferred BNP due to its ideological rivalry with the AL (from an interview with Motiur Rahman Nizami, former Ameer of Jamaat-i-Islami, February 2010). 35. Meghna Guhathakurta, no. 25, p. 291. 36. Dr Muntassir Mamoon and Shariar Kabir, 'Resurgence of Fundamentalism and Condition of Religious Minorities in Bangladesh', paper presented at the conference 'Fifty Years After: The Experiences of Decolonization, Partition and Independence: Bangladesh, India and Pakistan', organised by Maulana Abul Kalam Azad of Asian Studies, Calcutta, March 12–14, 1997, p. 8. 37. This was the statement made in 1996. Uludhhwani is a kind of noise the Bengali Hindus make during celebrations and festivals, using their tongue. 38. 'Houses of Three Hindu Families Attacked for Skipping AL Meeting', Daily Star, March 28, 2013, at http://www.thedailystar.net/beta2/news/houses-of-three-hindu-families-attacked-for-skipping-al-meeting/ (Accessed March 28, 2013). 39. The organisations which were at the forefront of these demands were the sector Commander forum, Ekatturer Ghatak, Dalal Nirmul Committee (EGDNC), Sammilito Sangskrutik Jote, etc. These organisations are sympathizers of AL but in 1993 the AL had not supported the public trial initiated by the EGDNC. The political preference of this group is limited and thus sometimes seen to be close to the AL. Many of them are supporters of the left parties in Bangladesh, who are alliance partners of AL. 40. For the Awami League 2008 election manifesto, see http://www.albd.org/english/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=177&Itemid=113 (Accessed April 1, 2012). 41. Ibid. 42. See BNP, Manifesto, Ninth National Assembly Elections, 2008, p. 27. 43. The AL distances itself from state religion on ideological grounds. The BNP argues that they did not introduce Islam as the state religion, and thus cannot be held responsible. Liberal–secular minded people argue that Ershad established Islam as state religion when there was no such demand. Religious political parties were supportive of this clause at that time. They believed that Ershad was not competent enough to declare Islam as state religion (his own religious credentials being in doubt). In spite of Bangladesh Supreme Court judgment clause 2A pertaining to state religion has been retained with minor amendments. 44. In an interview with Talukdar Maniruzzaman in Dhaka on 26 July 2007, Enaytullah Khan, editor of the New Age, June 19, 2004. The Awami League supporters dismiss this theory as bogus and talk of the ideological affinity that has forged the BNP to have an alliance with the Jamaat. It is important to mention that AL and Jamaat fought jointly against the BNP in 1996 to establish a caretaker government. 45. This view was expressed during my interview with a senior leader of the BNP in April 2012 in Dhaka. This tussle was apparent in 2006, when the then finance minister Saifur Rahman threatened to resign due to a tussle between younger leaders led by Tarique Rahman, Begum Zia's son and senior leaders over the direction of the party's future in the aftermath of bomb blasts. BNP's dilemma was evident in its approach to Jamaat during the 1991–1996 period. 46. See 11 parties' election manifesto for the 8th Parliamentary election, Nirbachani Ghosana and Angikar ['Election Announcement and Manifesto'], pp. 10–11. These parties are the Bangladesh Communist Party, Ganoforum, Bangladesh Workers Party, Ganotantri Party, Bangladesher Samajtantrik Dal, Sramik-Krushak Samajbadi Dal, Bangladesh Samajtantrik Dal, Bangladesher Samyabadi Dal (ML), Ganotantrik Mazdoor Party, Ganoazadi League, and Communist Kendra (center). In an interview with Hasanal Haq Inu, April 5, 2012. 47. 'JSD Eyes 'National Government'', December 15, 2008, at http://dev-bd.bdnews24.com/details.php?id=120544&cid=2 (Accessed December 15, 2008). 48. See the election manifestos of Jatiyo Samajtantrik Dal, p. 4 and Jamaat-i-Islami's Nirbachani Istehar ['Election Manifesto'], 2008, pp. 4 and 7. 49. Some of the Hindu interviewees have suggested that Christians are not attacked because, if they are, western countries will come down heavily on Dhaka. India does not have leverage and is reluctant to act. Even the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government, headed by BJP prime minister, tried to underplay the violence against the Hindus in 2001. When Shariar Kabir was raising his voice against this violence (in what was then Calcutta), the Government of India refused to acknowledge the violence and migration of Hindu families to India. As a result, when Shariar Kabir returned to Dhaka, he was arrested by the BNP government for defaming the country. Sources for this prefer to remain unanimous; the interview was held on May 23, 2004. 50. Brajesh Mishra was sent as the prime minister's special envoy to Dhaka. The NDA decided not to overplay the violence as it wanted to improve relations with all its neighbours. From an interview with Brajesh Mishra, July 12, 2010. 51. Interview with Hindu youths, these students mostly from the Jaganath Hall, who are vocal about their views on India. The interviews took place in 2004, 2007 and 2011. 52. Some of the groups are Ekatturer Ghatak Dalal Nirmul, a committee formed by Jahanara Imam to try the collaborators of the Pakistan army during liberation Samillito Sangskrutik Jote, etc. 53. Bangladesh is one country where secular forces cut across the communal line. They are vocal. Some even dared to protest against the fatwa against Salman Rushdie. However, during the BNP–Jamaat regime, many preferred to be a little careful in articulating their views openly. Nonetheless, some human rights activists did not hesitate to form human chain to protect Ahmediya mosques, when the latter was threatened by a radical organisation which called itself Amra Dhakabasi. The secular forces, in order to create liberal space, need the minorities who would inevitably add to plurality of culture. A liberal space can only be strengthened in multicultural and multireligious socio-political setting. 54. This Act stipulated that the government publish a list of the properties that is vested and is 'under government control'; accordingly, claims can be made legally within 90 days of the publication of the list. For details of this Act, refer to the Bangladesh Gazette, April 11, 2001, pp. 1301–1316. 55. The deputy commissioners were made custodian of these properties until it is returned to the original owners. This has delayed the handing over of the properties to original owners. See Daily Star, 'Grabbers Gobble up Two-Third Vested Property', October 15, 2004. 56. http://www.db.idpproject.org/Sites/IdpProjectDb/idpSurvey.nsf/wViewCountries/CCD8B5BAAE59866EC1256DEE006638E1 (Accessed August 17, 2009). 57. Daily Star, no. 55. 58. Taking advantage of widespread corruption, false cases have been made in the name of victims. In this particular incident, 35 members of the minority community were made perpetrators of crime against the Muslims. Mominul Islam Shuruz, 'Caught in the Land-Grabber Grasp', Star Weekend Magazine, December 10, 2004, p. 17. 59. Based on interviews with Hindus from Noakhali, Khulna, Mymensingh and Dhaka, March 2011. Also see Abul Barkat (ed.), An Inquiry into Causes and Consequences of Deprivation of Hindu Minorities in Bangladesh through Vested Property Act: Framework for Realistic Solution, PRIP Trust, Dhaka, 2000, pp. 139–208. 60. According to a study, minorities combined constitute about 11 per cent of the electorate in Bangladesh. They constitute more than 20 per cent of the electorate in 50 of 300 parliamentary constituencies, 10–50 per cent of the electorate in 197 constituencies and more than 50 per cent in another six constituencies. This makes them a significant factor. See Mohammad Rafi, Can we Get Along: An Account of Communal Relationship in Bangladesh, Panjeree Publications, Daha, 2005, p. 183. 61. Founding members are Begum Sufia Kamal, Prof Anisuzzaman, Prof Kabir Chowdhury, Justice K.M. Sobhan, etc. 62. They are invariably labeled as 'Bharoter Char' (an Indian agent). For a critique of the role of intellectuals see the chapter on 'Bangladesher Buddhijibir Rajnaitika Bhumika' ['The Political Role of intellectuals in Bangladesh'], in Badruddin Umar, Bangladesh: Rajnaitik Sanskruti [Bangladesh: Political Culture], Afsar Brothers, Dhaka, 1997, pp. 116–122. 63. From an interview with Nim Chandra Bhowmick, Secretary, Bangladesh Hindu Bouddha Christian Oikya Parishad who feels that they cannot negotiate with a party which has deleted secularism from the constitution. Though the Parishad knows that their organisational affiliation with Awami Leagues has not brought any political fruit but on ideological ground they do not have much option. 64. Hindu Boudhha Christian Oikya Parishad, Ghosanapatra [Declaration], Dhaka, 2001, pp. 2–3. 65. The organisation prides itself on holding Durga Puja in the Ramana Kali temple in 2004, the first such Puja held after 1971. From a discussion with the then minister of state for water resources Gautam Chakravarty. During the discussion it was found that most of his meetings pertain to his visit to various religious and cultural functions of the minority community and has nothing to do with the ministry he heads. 66. For details regarding how the Front is different from Parishad and the Front's objectives see Gautam Chakravarty, Harun-ur Rashid Samipesu ['To Harun-ur Rashid'], Dainik Inquilab, October 15, 2004. 67. This observation is based on interviews that were conducted with Hindus from different regions of Bangladesh in 2004, 2007 and 2011. 68. Some political parties—such as the fundamentalist Hefajat-e-Islam spearheaded by Quami madrassa—are demanding the restoration of this provision, along with 21 other demands. See Dharmadrohare Mrityudand ain pass o Shahbagi Nastik-bloggerder Kathor sasti Deete hobe ['Government Must Pass Law Giving Death Penalty for People Against Islam and Nonbelievers Shahbag'], Dainik Sangram, April 2, 2013, p. 1. 69. http://bdlaws.minlaw.gov.bd/sections_detail.php?id=367§ions_id=24560 (Accessed March 15, 2013). 70. http://bdlaws.minlaw.gov.bd/sections_detail.php?id=367§ions_id=24549 (Accessed March 15, 2013). 71. Most of these bloggers are presumed to be young activists who were protesting against lenient verdict against Abdul Qadir Mollah who was accused to have committed war crimes during Bangladesh's war of liberation in 1971. Some of these bloggers were alleged to have posted blasphemous material pertaining to Islam and Prophet Mohammad in the web. 72. Interviews with Hindu students, teachers and other professionals working in NGO and media sectors. Interviews took place in September 2011 and between March 31 and April 7, 2012. 73. Interviews with Hindu students, teachers and other professionals working in NGO and media sectors. Interviews took place in September 2011 and between March 31 and April 7, 2012. 74. Interview with Hasanal Haq Inu, president Jatiyo Samajtantrik Dal and the present information minister of Bangladesh, April 4, 2012, Dhaka. 75. Sometimes it is surprising to see newspaper headlines where Hindus express their gratitude for being able to celebrate Durga Puja peacefully. Why should gratitude be expressed for being able to observe one's right as equal citizen? 76. This was the case during the BNP-led alliance government especially the question paper for 2004 exams. This was confirmed by some students who do not want to be named. One of the students even asked whether I could speak to him after his civil service exams, as he did not want to ruin his chances by speaking to an Indian before his interviews. This particular case pertains to 2004. 77. Meghna Guhathakurta, 'The Nature of Bangladesh State', in Hameeda Hossain (ed.), Human Rights in Bangladesh 2001, Ain O Salish Kendra, Dhaka, 2002, pp. 25–26. 78. For example: recruitment to the army and police. Hindus feel that there is less chance of them gaining these posts, and also that, even if they were to make it, they would not be promoted to higher positions. 79. However, some of them said that even after concealing explicit symbols, it remains easy for others to ascertain from their appearance that they belong to the minority community. In many cases the youngsters were told by their classmates to go back to their 'own country'. Another interesting thing is that almost all Hindus are referred as 'Malaun', even in offices, as a means to humiliate them. This word refers to infidels. From observations based on interviews with Hindu students in Dhaka. For an interesting article regarding the kind of epithets used and the stereotyped image held by the majority, see Haridhan Goswami and Zobaida Nasreen, 'Discourse on Minority Representation: The Case of Hindu Religious Minority in Bangladesh', Himalayan and Central Asian Studies, 7(3/4), July–December 2003, pp. 85–100. 80. One Muslim youth interviewed said that marrying a Hindu girl and converting her would bring swabab to seven generations. 81. Interview with Enaytullah Khan, editor, New Age, June 19, 2004, Dhaka. The argument is that Hindus fled to India and did not contribute to the liberation of Bangladesh; therefore, they cannot have any say in the state structure or claim equality with the majority community on the matter of religion. This view is shared by religious political parties and some other intellectuals, who strongly argue in favour of the primacy of Islam in Bangladesh and underplay the Hindu role in liberation, to deny them equality. 82. 'Hasina Vows to Maintain Secularism', The Hindu, April 15, 2013, at http://www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/tp-international/hasina-vows-to-maintain-secularism/article4618704.ece (Accessed April 15, 2013). 83. Various interviews conducted from February to December 2004, June to September 2007 and February 2011 on whether India gives the Hindus psychological comfort and migrating there would be an option, the respondents said that migrating to India will always remain an option to them. Though at the subconscious level India provides psychological comfort of security, India's inability to protect the interests of the Hindu minority in Bangladesh has made their future strategies clear. The Hindus, especially the youths feel that they have to fight, with the support of secularists, for their rights. 84. Beth Roy, Some Trouble with the Cows: Making Sense of Social Conflict, University Press Limited, Dhaka, 1996, pp. 193–194.