From page to print: the transformation of the ‘wild woman’ in early modern Northern engravings
2011; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 27; Issue: 4 Linguagem: Inglês
10.1080/02666286.2011.611381
ISSN1943-2178
Autores Tópico(s)Historical and Archaeological Studies
ResumoClick to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes 1 – Briefly described in Richard Bernheimer, Wild Men in the Middle Ages (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1952), pp. 47–48. 2 – Max Lehrs, Geschichte und Kritischer Katalog des Deutschen, Niederländischen und Französischen Kupferstichs im XV. Jahrhundert, vol. 2 (Wien: Gesellschaft für vervielfältigende Kunst, 1908); Martha Wolff, ed., The Illustrated Bartsch v. 23 (New York: Abaris Books, 1985), cat. no. 25, p. 220. 3 – For these sources see Lise Lotte Möller, Die wilden Leute des Mittelalters: Ausstellung vom 6. September bis zum 30. Oktober (Hamburg: Museum für Kunst und Gewerbe, 1963); Timothy Husband, The Wild Man: Medieval Myth and Symbolism (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1981); Bernheimer, Larry Silver, ‘Forest Primeval: Albrecht Altdorfer and the Early German Wilderness Landscape,’ Simiolus 13 (1983), pp. 4–43. 4 – For example, Bernheimer observed that the wild woman as she is represented in the medieval arts was a departure from the literary tradition, but he insufficiently explained this as a result of the wild woman's ‘secondary’ development in the visual arts as only a ‘companion’ to the wild man. See Wild Men pp. 38–39. Wild men and women in the medieval arts are, however, consistently portrayed as violent, promiscuous, and primitive, a trajectory that I argue is most clearly altered in fifteenth century prints of the wild woman. For some of the many examples of analysis of the wild man as literary figure, see the variety of essays edited by Edward J. Dudley in The Wild Man Within: An Image in Western Thought From the Renaissance to Romanticism (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1973). In response to the overwhelming scholarly emphasis on the wild man, Dorothy Yamamoto asks the direct question ‘are there any wild women?’ Her investigation, however, explores acceptable boundaries of behavior for literary characterizations of women, rather than the wild woman herself. See The Boundaries of the Human in Medieval English Literature (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), p. 198. 5 – Leopold Schmidt, Das Deutsche Volkschauspiel: Ein Handbuch (Berlin: Erich Schmidt Verlag, 1962), pp. 97, 149–50; Lise Lotte Möller, ‘Die Wilden Leute in der deutschen Graphik des ausgehenden Mittelalters,’ Philobiblon 8 (1964), pp. 260–72. 6 – Bernheimer Wild Men, pp. 33–39. 7 – Oswald A. Erich and Richard Beitl, Wörterbuch der Deutschen Volkskunde (Stuttgart: Alfred Krüner Verlag, 1974), pp. 890–1. 8 – Bernheimer, Wild Men, pp. 34–35. 9 – Ibid. p. 34. 10 – Leopold Schmidt, Das Deutsche Volkschauspiel, pp. 97, 149–50; Bernheimer, Wild Men, p. 33. 11 – ‘Creditisti, quod quidem credere solent, quod sint agrestes feminae, quas silvaticas vocant, quas dicunt esse corporeas et quando voluerint, ostendant se suis amatoribus et cum eis dicunt se oblectasse et item quando voluerint abscondat se et evanescent.’ Burchard as quoted in Jacob Grimm, Deutsche Mythologie (Göttingen: Dieterich, 1854), p. 359; Burchard is also noted in Bernheimer, Wild Men, p. 36. 12 – Silver describes the wild man as an ‘antipode to the courtly ideal of the knight.’ Silver, ‘Forest Primeval,’ p. 7. 13 – Bernheimer, Wild Men, p. 38; For a range of medieval literary sources describing the wild woman, see Margaret Schaus, ed. Women and Gender in Medieval Europe: An Encyclopedia (New York: Routledge, 2006), p. 837 and Susan L. Smith, The Power of Women: A Topos in Medieval Art and Literature (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1995), pp. 123–24. 14 – Husband, The Wild Man, pp. 62–64. For a facsimilie of the Wolfdietrich manuscript, see Edward Haymes, ed., Ortnit und Wolfdietrich: Abbildungen zur handschriftlichen Überlieferung spätmittelalterlicher Heldenpik (Göppingen: Kümmerie, 1984). 15 – ‘…nu mine mich Wolfdietrich, ich gib dir ein künieriche, ‘Ich bin ghehiure gar./ sô wirstu sorgen bar./ dar zuo ein witez lant.’ Quoted in Archer Taylor, ‘The Loathly Lady in the Wolfdietrich Epics,’ Washington University Studies 4/2 (1917), pp. 175–89, here p. 180. 16 – Heinrich von dem Türlin, The Crown: A Tale of Sir Gawein and King Arthur's Court, trans. J.W. Thomas (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1989), pp. 104–05. 17 – Ibid. Bernheimer, Wild Men, p. 35. 18 – For a sampling of this imagery, see Lise Lotte Möller, Die wilden Leute des Mittelalters, and Husband, The Wild Man, throughout. 19 – Ibid., pp. 167–69, and Anne H. van Buren and Sheila Edmunds, ‘Playing Cards and Manuscripts: Some Widely Disseminated Fifteenth-century Model Sheets,’ Art Bulletin 56 (1974), pp. 12–30, here p. 14. 20 – See note 15. 21 – For the limited scope of the wild topos (focusing on the wild man) in post-medieval literature, see the essays in Edward J. Dudley, The Wild Man Within. 22 – For the wild nature as part of human nature, see Hayden White, ‘The Forms of Wildness: Archaeology of a Idea’, ibid., pp. 6–10. 23 – For the wild nature as a source of social anxiety, see Husband, The Wild Man, p. 5 and p. 13. 24 – Ibid., The Wild Man, p. 13. 25 – Silver has shown that wild folk were popular as mock-knights within courtly contexts, especially during Maximilian I's rule (1493–1519) as part of a romantic revival of chivalric codes. Silver, ‘Forest Primeval,’, pp. 7, 9. 26 – For notions of increasing divisions between public and private spheres see Witold Rybczynski, Home: A Short History of an Idea (New York: Penguin Group, 1987), pp. 25–43; Jürgen Habermas, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society, trans. Thomas Burger, (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1991), p. 7. 27 – See Anna Dronzek, ‘Gendered Theories of Education in Fifteenth-Century Conduct Books’, in Medieval Conduct, ed. Kathleen Ashley and Robert L.A. Clark (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2000), p. 139; Felicity Riddy, ‘Mother Knows Best: Reading Social Change in a Courtesy Text,’ Speculum 71/1 (1996), pp. 66–86. 28 – As Jeremy Aynsley and Charlotte Grant note, the use of terms ‘bourgeois’ and ‘domestic’ is a ‘construct of nineteenth-century bourgeois ideology and the term[s] should only be employed in relation to earlier periods with extreme caution and qualification.’ Jeremy Aynsley and Charlotte Grant, ‘Introduction,’ in Imagined Interiors: Representing the Domestic Interior Since The Renaissance (London: V&A Publications, 2006), p. 15. I am using ‘middle class’ and ‘bourgeoisie’ as comparable terms. For the term ‘bourgeois’, or ‘middle class’ I have found Felicity Riddy's definition compatible with the social group under discussion here: ‘the citizens or the freemen of an urban society, who enjoyed privileges in relation to trade, the law, and the tenure of property. They did not form a homogenous grouping, either within or between towns, and in the course of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries the social style of the urban elites was increasingly distinguished from that of the craft and lesser merchant groups.’ From Riddy, p. 67. 29 – Chandra Mukerji, ‘Pictorial Prints and the Growth of Consumerism: Class and Cosmopolitanism in Early Modern Culture,’ in Consumption: Critical Concepts in the Social Sciences, ed. Daniel Miller (New York: Routledge, 2001), pp. 106–132, here p. 112. Reprinted from From Graven Images: Patterns of Modern Materialism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1983), pp. 30–60. 30 – For the wild topos as subject for elite decorative arts in the Middle Ages, see Silver, ‘Forest Primeval,’ p. 8, and Husband, The Wild Man, throughout. 31 – For a sampling of this variety, see Martha Wolff, ed., The Illustrated Bartsch, vol. 23. 32 – Anne H. van Buren and Sheila Edmunds, ‘Playing Cards and Manuscripts, pp. 18–20. 33 – Rybczynski, Home, pp. 25–30, 51. Kathleen Ashley, ‘The Miroir des Bonnes Femmes,’ in Medieval Conduct, ed. Kathleen Ashley and Robert L. A. Clark (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2000), pp. 86–105, here pp. 88–89. This definition of family is derived from David Herlihy, ‘The Making of the Medieval Family: Symmetry, Structure and Sentiment,’ Journal of Family History 8 (1983), pp. 116–30, here p. 117; Rosemary O'Day, The Family and Family Relationships, 1500–1900 (New York: St Martin's Press, 1994), pp. 1–368, here pp. 9, 184. 34 – In this study ‘domestic’ is used as a general descriptor for the sphere of the late medieval/early modern home as a mostly urban ‘nuclear’ family-oriented arena with gender-specific associations that were aligned with the virtues of woman as mother, wife, and household manager as sustaining features of the home. Aynsley and Grant, Imagined Interiors, p. 15; See also Felicity Riddy, ‘Looking Closely: Authority and Intimacy in the Late Medieval Urban Home,’ in Gendering the Master Narrative: Women and Power in the Middle Ages, ed. Mary C. Erler and Maryanne Kowaleski (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 2003), pp. 212–28; See the useful overview of ‘Domesticity’ by Felicity Riddy in Margaret Schaus, ed., Women and Gender in Medieval Europe, pp. 221–22. 35 – For the relatively low status of marriage, see Steven Ozment, When Fathers Ruled: Family Life in Reformation Europe (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1983), pp. 1–6. See Haskins for an exegetical overview of the privileging of an ascetic tradition in Christianity. Susan Haskins, Mary Magdalene: Myth and Metaphor (London: HarperCollins, 1993), pp. 80–85. Changing family structure and altering attitudes toward marriage amongst nobles in the high Middle Ages are discussed in Georges Duby, Love and Marriage in the Middle Ages, trans. Jane Dunnett (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994), pp. 106–10. 36 – For an overview of the theme in the visual arts, see Susan L. Smith, The Power of Women. For a broader Reformation perspective, see the relevant literature cited in Merry E. Wiesner, ‘Beyond Women and the Family: Towards a Gender Analysis of the Reformation’ Sixteenth Century Journal 18/3 (1987), pp. 311–21. 37 – See chapter 5 from Keith Moxey, ‘Battle of the Sexes and the World Upside Down,’ in Peasants, Warriors, and Wives: Popular Imagery in the Reformation (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989), pp. 101–26. 38 – Husband, The Wild Man, p. 141, fig. 91. Moxey, Peasants, Warriors, and Wives, pp. 104–06. 39 – For issues related to marriage and family, see Ozment, When Fathers Ruled, pp. 1–6. The Black Death certainly had an effect on population, but for discussions on other causes of medieval infant mortality, see Mary Martin McLaughlin, ‘Survivors and Surrogates: Children and Parents from the Ninth to the Thirteenth Centuries,’ in Medieval Families: Perspectives on Marriage, Household and Children, ed. Carol Neel (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2004), pp. 20–124, here p. 32, note 37; and Ozment, When Fathers Ruled, p. 1; Jan De Vries characterizes the European population as experiencing limited growth until the late fifteenth century. See The Economy of Europe in an Age of Crisis 1600–1750 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976), pp. 4–5. 40 – Ruth Mazo Karras, Sexuality in Medieval Europe: Doing Unto Others (New York: Routledge, 2005), pp. 68–69. 41 – Annette Le Zotte, ‘Defining Domestic: an Examination of the Characteristics and Functions of the Home Setting in Early Netherlandish Paintings,’ Home Cultures 6 (2009), pp. 8–10. 42 – Silver, ‘Forest Primeval,’ p.14. 43 – Hanns Bächtold-Stäubli, ed., Handwörterbuch des deutschen Aberglaubens, v. 1 (Berlin: Walter De Gruyter, 1941), p. 89; Husband, The Wild Man, p. 110; Bernheimer, Wild Men, p. 33. 44 – F.W.H. Hollstein, Dutch and Flemish Engravings and Woodcuts 1450–1700, vol. 49 (Amsterdam: Menno Hertzberger 1954), p. 205; cited in Husband, The Wild Man, p. 185; Grössinger, Humor and Folly, p. 134. 45 – Silver, ‘Forest Primeval,’ pp. 12–15; Simon Schama, Landscape and Memory (New York: Vintage, 1995), pp. 97– 99. 46 – For catalogue entries on Bourdichon's series, see Husband, pp. 128–31. 47 – Silver, ‘Forest Primeval,’ pp. 8–9; Husband, The Wild Man, p. 3. 48 – See Husband, The Wild Man, pp. 128–31, cat. no. 32. 49 – Ibid., pp. 107–9, cat. no. 24. 50 – Ibid., Silver, ‘Forest Primeval,’ p. 36. 51 – See Silver, p. 14. For domestic interiors in fifteenth century art, see Le Zotte, ‘Defining Domestic,’ pp. 8–10. 52 – Silver, ‘Forest Primeval,’ pp. 10–11. 53 – Ibid. pp. 11–12. 54 – Norbert Elias, The Civilizing Process, revised and translated by Edmund Jephcott. Edited by Eric Dunning, Johan Goudsblom and Stephen Mennell. Revised Edition. Oxford: Blackwell, 2000, pp. 42–43. While Elias aligns the civilizing process with a ‘Renaissance’ sensibility, scholars have long argued that this impulse began in the Middle Ages. See the entry by Roberta L. Krueger ‘Medieval Conduct Books for Women: Works for Women After c. 1350,’ in Women and Gender in Europe, ed. Margaret Schaus, pp. 160–61. Also, Roberta L. Kreuger, ‘Identity Begins at Home: Female Conduct and the Failure of Counsel in Le Ménagier de Paris,’ Essays in Medieval Studies 22 (2005), pp. 21–39, here pp. 21–22. 55 – Translated in Husband, The Wild Man, p. 203. The entire text of Sachs's poem is reproduced in Appendix B. 56 – From the introduction, Kathleen Ashley and Robert L.A. Clark, Medieval Conduct, p. x: ‘During the late Middle Ages and early modern period, a combination of sociohistorical forces was changing religious practices, class structures, patterns of consumption, and political identities. In this period of flux, conduct books provided a guide for literate readers to negotiate new sets of social possibilities.’ 57 – Ashley, ‘Medieval Courtesy Literature,’ p. 36. See also Krueger, p. 22. 58 – For critical analysis, see Kathleen M. Ashley, ‘Medieval Courtesy Literature and Dramatic Mirrors of Female Conduct,’ in The Ideology of Conduct: Essays on Literature and the History of Sexuality, ed. Nancy Armstrong and Leonard Tennenhouse (New York: Methuen, 1987), p. 25. For the increasing numbers of late medieval conduct books and their middle-class audiences, see Krueger, ‘Identity Begins at Home,’ p. 22. 59 – The Good Wife's Guide: Le Ménagier de Paris, A Medieval Household Book, trans. Gina L. Greco and Christine M. Rose (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2009), pp. 2–3. 60 – Kreuger, pp. 26–27, 33. 61 – Greco and Rose, The Good Wife's Guide, pp. 59, 104–41. 62 – As translated in Tania Bayard, ed. A Medieval Home Companion: Housekeeping in the Fourteenth Century (New York: HarperCollins, 1991), p. 70. 63 – Greco and Rose, The Good Wife's Guide, p.12; For literary comparisons of women to animals that was common in medieval discourse see Yamamoto, The Boundaries of the Human, pp. 197–98. 64 – Christa Grössinger, Humor and Folly in Secular and Profane Prints in Northern Europe, 1430–1540 (London: Harvey Miller, 2002), p. 132; Christa Grössinger, Picturing Women in Late Medieval and Renaissance Art (New York: Manchester University Press, 1997), p. 82. Lengthier discourse on the unicorn as a signifier can be found in Grössinger, ‘The Unicorn on English Misericords,’ in Medieval Art: Recent Perspectives, ed. Gale R. Owen-Crocker and Timothy Graham (New York: Manchester University Press, 1998), pp. 148–51; See also Silver, ‘Forest Primeval,’ p. 8. 65 – Grössinger, Picturing Women, p. 82. 66 – Silver, ‘Forest Primeval,’ pp. 7–8. 67 – See especially Grössinger, Picturing Women, p. 82. 68 – Petrus Chrysologus, Sermon LXIV, Migne, P.L., vol. 52, col. 380, quoted in Helen Meredith Garth, Saint Mary Magdalene in Mediaeval Literature, Studies In Historical and Political Science Series 67, no. 3 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1950), p. 80. 69 – Gregorius Magnus, Homiliarium in Evangelia, II Homily 25, Migne P.L. vol 76, col. 194. Quoted in Garth, Saint Mary Magdalene, p. 79. 70 – For images and a thorough discussion of the theological underpinnings of Eve's reputation as seductress, see Yona Pinson, ‘The Large Ship of Female Fools and the Five Senses (1498; 1500),’ Word & Image 26/2 (2010), pp. 214–27, here pp. 214, 217–20. 71 – Augustine, City of God, trans. J.W.C. Ward, vol. 5, book 15, chapter 8 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1963), pp. 43–45. 72 – For a discussion of the theme of Adam and Eve laboring, see Mitchell B. Merback, ‘Nobody Dares: Freedom, Dissent, Self-Knowing, and Other Possibilities in Sebald Beham's Impossible,’ Renaissance Quarterly 63 (2010), pp. 1068–75; and Philip Berk, ‘Et Adam dilexit Abel: Jan Mostaert's “First Family”’, Oud Holland 96 (1982), pp. 201–12, here pp. 203–04. 73 – See also examples of the fifteenth-century engraved playing card Nine of Wildmen by the anonymous Northern printmaker known as the Master of the Power of Women, among others. Wolff, The Illustrated Bartsch, vol. 23, p. 218. 74 – Genesis 3:20. The translation from the Luther Bible (1534) (Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 1984) reads: ‘Und Adam nannte sein Weib Eva; denn sie wurde die Mutter aller, die da leben.’ 75 – For another example of a similar type, see Cornelis van Dalem, Landscape with Adam and Eve, c.1564, Stanford, Cantor Arts Center at Stanford University. 76 – Berk, ‘Et Adam dilexit Abel,’ p. 201. 77 – Marjorie M. Malvern, Venus in Sackcloth: the Magdalen's Origins and Metamorphoses (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1975), pp. 57, 71; Diane H. Russell, Eva/Ave: Woman in Renaissance and Baroque Prints (Washington, DC: National Gallery of Art, 1990), p. 106. Haskins, Mary Magdalene, pp. 90–91. 78 – Gregorius Magnus, Homiliarium in Evangelia, II Homily 25, Migne P.L. vol 76, col. 194. Quoted in Garth, Saint Mary Magdalene, p. 79. 79 – Haskins, Mary Magdalene, p. 136. 80 – Russell, Eva/Ave, p. 106. 81 – For Northern images of this theme, see Barbara Baert, ‘The Gaze in the Garden: Body and Embodiment in Noli me tangere’, Nederlands Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek 58 (Zwolle: Waanders Publishers, 2007–2008), pp. 15–39. 82 – For examples of Mary Magdalene in domestic contexts, see throughout Max Friedländer, Early Netherlandish Painting, vol. 12 (Leyden: Sijthoff, 1967), along with Joachim Beuckelaer, Christ in the House of Mary and Martha, 1565 (Brussels: Musées des Beaux-Arts) and early sixteenth century paintings by Ambrosius Benson (Venice Galleria Franchetti, ca’ d'Oro and Bruges, Groeninge Museum). 83 – Because of folk belief in Mary Magdalene's generative powers, she was also the patron saint of gardeners and vineyard tillers in Northern Europe, as cited in Malvern, Venus in Sackcloth, p. 67. 84 – See note 29 in Garth, Saint Mary Magdalene, p. 80 85 – Jacobus de Voragine, The Golden Legend, trans. Granger Ryan and Helmut Ripperger (New York: Longmans, Green, 1989), pp. 377–79, 381. 86 – Ibid. 87 – For references to this object, see Max Lehrs, Geschichte und Kritischer Katalog, vol. 1, p. 147; also in Grössinger, Humor and Folly, p. 32, note 59. 88 – Geiler von Kaisersberg, Die Emeis, 1516. Republished in Zur Geschichte des Volks-Aberglaubens im Anfange des XVI Jahrhunderts (Basel: August Stöber, ed. 1856), p. 29. With thanks to John T. Moseley for translation assistance. J.P.Filedt Kok, ed., Livelier than Life: The Master of the Amsterdam Cabinet, or, the Housebook Master, c. 1470–1500, trans. Arno Pomerans, Gary Schwartz, and Patricia Wardle (Amsterdam: Rijksprentenkabinet/Rijksmuseum, in association with G. Schwartz, Maarssen, 1985), pp. 142–43; The connection between wild folk and anchorites in sermons is also referenced in Schama, p. 97; Möller, Die Wilden Leute, cat. 12. 89 – For studies of the anchorites as their tradition intersects with wild folk, see Werner Von Lynge, ‘Das Sommer und Winter Spiel und die Gestalt des Wilden Mannes.’ Osterreichische Zeitschrift für Volkskunde 5–6 (1952), pp. 4–42; Charles Allyn Williams, ‘Oriental Affinities of the Legend of the Hairy Anchorite: part I,’ University of Illinois Studies in Language and Literature 10/2 (1925), pp. 1–56. 90 – Kaufmann, pp. 29–42. 91 – Bernheimer, Wild Men, pp. 36–7. 92 – W. Mannhard, Wald und Feldkulte, vol. 1 (Berlin, 1875), p. 136 as cited in Bernheimer, p. 36, note 32. 93 – For humanity's wild nature, see note 21. 94 – According to Bahr, wild folk had all but vanished from literature by the seventeenth century. Erhard Bahr, ‘Papageno: The Unenlightened Wild Man in Eighteenth-Century Germany,’ in The Wild Man Within, p. 249–58, here p. 249. Comparatively, the wild folk topos does not seem to have a strong presence in the visual arts by the seventeenth century in Northern Europe.
Referência(s)