Portal de Periódicos da CAPES

Performing American: Ragtime Dancing as Participatory Minstrelsy

2009; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 32; Issue: 1 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1080/01472520802690317

1532-4257

Danielle Robinson,

Diversity and Impact of Dance

Abstract This article considers ragtime dancing within the contexts of American minstrelsy, African American migration, and European immigration. Based on archival research and drawing upon contemporary minstrelsy scholarship, I argue that ragtime dancing of the early twentieth century can be understood as a form of participatory minstrelsy that allowed dancers to embody markers of "blackness." I further suggest that, as they danced "black" to ragtime music, European immigrant youths distanced themselves from African Americans and facilitated their own strategic assimilation as Americans. Acknowledgements I would like to thank ethnomusicologist Jeff Packman for his unwavering support, insightful comments, and wise criticisms. Many thanks also to my extraordinary colleagues Roxane Fenton and Juliet McMains as well as professors Deborah Wong, Sally Ness, Anthea Kraut, Sterling Stuckey, and Linda Tomko—each of whom invested deeply in this research during its early stages. For opening her home and personal archives and for being willing to improvise with me, special thanks to Cheryl Stafford, dance reconstructor extraordinaire. Versions of this paper, which were presented at the Society for Ethnomusicology Annual Conference in 2006 and the Congress on Research in Dance in 2007, benefited from invaluable research assistance by York University graduate students Samantha Mehra, Jennifer Taylor, and Andreah Barker. Thank you to Joan Erdman, Julie Malnig, and Sally Sommer for their helpful comments on my 2007 CORD presentation. Notes ∗Throughout this article, I draw upon the terms "black" and "white" in reference to people and dances because they were so commonly used during the period. For a fuller discussion of this issue, see Thomas DeFranz, ed., Dancing Many Drums: Excavations in African American Dance (Madison, Wisc: University of Wisconsin Press, 2002), 15–17. ∗Jazz musician and educator Mark C. Gridley has defined ragtime music in the following way: "The word 'rag' refers to a kind of music that was put together like a military march and had rhythms borrowed from Afro-American banjo music. You could tell ragtime music because many of the loud accents fell in between the beats." See Mark C. Gridley, Jazz Styles: History and Analysis, 6th ed. (Upper Saddle River, N.J.: Prentice Hall, 1997), 35. ∗During this period, the majority of New York City's working-class people were recent European immigrants or children of such immigrants. Bureau of the Census, Fifteenth Census of the United States: 1930, Census Reports. Volume 3.2: New York (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1933), 258–327. ∗It is important to note that the social dance traditions of each immigrant group varied, as did their views toward leisure, gender roles, and assimilation. Social historians Kathy Peiss and Susan Glenn have suggested that among European immigrants, ragtime dancing was perhaps most vociferously practiced by Jewish young people from Eastern Europe, especially women. On the other hand, Italian women in particular were rarely allowed to recreate beyond the reach of community oversight in public leisure spaces where ragtime flourished, although reportedly Italian men were avid social dancers. See Kathy Peiss, Cheap Amusements: Working Women and Leisure in Turn-of-the-Century New York (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1986), 88–114; Susan A. Glenn, Daughters of the Shtetl: Life and Labor in the Immigrant Generation (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1990), 132–66. †Committee of Fourteen (COF), Investigators' Reports, Records of the Committee of Fourteen, Rare Books and Manuscripts Division, New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundations. For more information about the COF, see John Punnett Peters, The Story of the Committee of Fourteen of New York (New York: American Social Hygiene Association, 1918); Research Committee of the Committee of Fourteen, The Social Evil in New York City: A Study in Law Enforcement (New York: Kellogg, 1910). This research focuses on the COF investigative reports written between 1905 and 1927 containing information collected by the Committee's undercover investigators. Handwritten or typed, a report typically consisted of a date and address, followed by at least a paragraph (sometimes several pages) of text describing the social vice conditions found at that address. Investigators usually signed their reports with initials on the bottom of the last page. ‡This organization's interests quickly broadened from prostitution to an array of what they considered to be "social vices." Topics of concern that frequently appear in their internal correspondence include alcohol consumption and sale, "immorality" among women and children, and even social mixing among people of different "races." ∗Initially, members of the Committee who went undercover to suspect locations wrote the reports. In later years, investigators (without the middle- or upper-class privileges of Committee members) were probably hired, as evidenced by a sudden decline in writing quality and a lack of correspondence between Committee member names and the initials appearing at the end of the reports. ∗One notable exception published in 1912 in the New Bedford Sunday Standard [Connecticut] includes photographs of several animal dances, demonstrated by a pair of professional dancers. The text itself contains detailed accounts of many of the dances pictured, as exemplified by this description of the Grizzly Bear: "Bang! A swirl of skirts, a twist of a body and the girl falls back into the arms of her companion, a la a Spanish castanet effect. A brief gaze into each other's eyes, a little more of the swaying and the hugging—another bang—a switch of skirts, a twist of the body, and the dancers are again facing each other" ("The Turkey Trot, Grizzly Bear and Other Naughty Diversions: Whether Objectionable or Not, They Are Neither Pretty Nor Artistic—Originated in Far Western Mining Camps and Found Their Way to the Stage," New Bedford Sunday Standard, February 4, 1912). †These writers criticize ragtime dancing to sell an alternative—modern dance—actively differentiating their dance product by constructing class-based (and race-based) differences. See Danielle Robinson, Race in Motion: Reconstructing the Practice, Profession, and Politics of Social Dancing, New York City 1900–1930, doctoral dissertation, University of California, Riverside, 2004. ∗Historical research in general involves imagination; the key here is Bohlman's rigorous acknowledgment of when he is relying on creative imagination. ∗Eastern European Jewish immigrants transported their dancing practices with them to the new world (LeeEllen Friedland, "'Tantsn Is Lebn': Dancing in Eastern European Jewish Culture," Dance Research Journal, vol. 17, no. 2/vol. 18, no. 1 [1985–1986]: 77–80). In both the old and new world, group folk dancing as well as partner dancing occurred at dance events (Peiss, 91). As part of the group dancing, men often performed improvised solo movement that exhibited skill, strength, and stamina. Women danced primarily in unison and only with other women. Participants touched each other's hands and arms, although torso contact was minimal, and level changes were frequent. Sonic accents, in the form of clapping and shouting, were also a regular feature. Social dancing that involved partnering occurred with greater frequency in Eastern European Jewish communities toward the latter half of the twentieth century (Zvi Friedhaber, "Jewish Dance Traditions," in International Encyclopedia of Dance, vol. 3, 602–6). ∗John Edward Hasse has made a similar argument in relation to the origins of ragtime music. He writes that the music combined "African and European antecedents into a wholly new creation … one of the first truly American musical genres … allow[ing] Afro American rhythms to penetrate to the heart of the American musical culture, at a time when blacks were denied access to many avenues of American society." See John Hasse, ed., Ragtime: Its History, Composers, and Music (New York: Schirmer Books, 1985), 37. See also Samual A. Floyd and Marsha J. Reisser, "The Sources and Resources of Classical Ragtime Music," Black Music Research Journal, vol. 4 (1984): 22–59. ∗See, for example, The Mississippi Dippy Dip (New York: Joseph W. Stern and Co., 1911); Anna Held, performer, I'm Crazy 'bout the Turkey Trot (New York: F. B. Haviland Pub., 1911); James Duffy, The African Glide (New York: Joseph Morris Co., 1910). For period sheet-music examples, consult: Bella C. Landauer Collection of Business and Advertising Ephemera, Collection of The New-York Historical Society, and the Sam DeVincent Collection of Illustrated American Sheet Music, Archives Center, National Museum of American History, Smithsonian Institution. ∗Interestingly, music researcher Ingeborg Harer has suggested that ragtime music and dance originated on minstrel stages, where European American and African American performers in blackface drew upon and mimicked black performance styles. She writes, "what later, in the last decade of the 19th century, was labeled 'ragtime' was played much earlier at minstrel shows, disseminated by itinerant musicians …and performed at the same time as dance and song." In a sense, this author has located another working-class entertainment site where black and white aesthetics merged, importantly, at an earlier time frame than usually attributed to ragtime ("Defining Ragtime Music: Historical and Topological Research," Studia Musicologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 38, no. 3/4 [1997]: 410). ∗It is true that, over time, the vestiges of minstrelsy diminished in these representations as ragtime music increasingly became the province of a white music industry, sometimes called Tin Pan Alley, and came to be seen as owned by white composers. See Edward Berlin, Ragtime: A Musical and Cultural History (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980), 128; Berlin, Reflections and Research on Ragtime (Brooklyn: Institute for Studies in American Music, Conservatory of Music, Brooklyn College of the City of New York, 1987). †See M. Pickering, "Eugene Stratton and Early Ragtime in Britain," Black Music Research Journal, vol. 20, no. 2 (2000): 151–80. Ragtime researcher Edward Berlin locates the origins of ragtime in coon songs of the 1890s, arguing that the term "ragtime" replaced the term "coon songs" as mainstream attitudes toward public displays of such offensive language slowly changed. See Berlin, Ragtime, 23. See also Arnold Shaw, Black Popular Music in America: From the Spirituals, Minstrels, and Ragtime to Soul, Disco and Hip Hop (New York: Schirmer Books, 1986). ∗On changes in musical meaning, informed by the embodied participation of singing along, I have been influenced by Jeff Packman, "Signifyin(g) Salvador: Professional Musicians and the Sound of Flexibility in Bahia, Brazil's Popular Music Scenes," Black Music Research Journal, forthcoming vol. 29, no. 1 (2009). ∗In Cultures of Opposition: Jewish Immigrant Workers, New York City, 1881–1905 (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2000), Hadassa Kosak says, "Jews emigrated in proportionally greater number than any other European group except the Irish. In absolute numbers, they ranked second after Italians among the newcomers. During the peak years of immigration, they constituted 10.5 percent of all new Americans" (p. 15). See also Daniel Soyer, Jewish Immigrant Associations and American Identity in New York, 1880–1939 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1997), 49–80; Kathy Peiss, Cheap Amusements, 38–41; Susan A. Glenn, Daughters of the Shtetl; John Higham, Strangers in the Land: Patterns of American Nativism, 1860–1925 (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1998). 1. See Elizabeth Perry, "'The General Motherhood of the Commonwealth': Dance Hall Reform in the Progressive Era," American Quarterly, vol. 37, no. 5 (1985): 719–33. 2. Susan A. Glenn, Daughters of the Shtetl: Life and Labor in the Immigrant Generation (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1990), 137. 3. Kathy Peiss, Cheap Amusements: Working Women and Leisure in Turn-of-the-Century New York (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1986), 38–41. See also Glenn, Daughters of the Shtetl, 132–66. 4. Ibid., 45–50. 5. On leisure as a source of escape, see Daniel Soyer, Jewish Immigrant Associations and American Identity in New York, 1880–1939 (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1997), 103; Peiss, Cheap Amusements, 44–45; Glenn, Daughters of the Shtetl, 164–66. On leisure as source of agency, see Peiss, 4, 34–55. 6. Dance scholar Julie Malnig, musicologist Susan Cook, and historian Lewis Erenberg have all written on white, middle-class adaptations of ragtime—"modern dancing." See Julie Malnig, Dancing Till Dawn: A Century of Exhibition Ballroom Dance (New York: New York University Press, 1992); Malnig, "Two-Stepping to Glory: Social Dance and the Rhetoric of Social Mobility," Etnofoor X, vol. 1, no. 2 (1997): 128–50; Malnig, "Athena Meets Venus: Visions of Women in Social Dance in the Teens and Early 1920s," Dance Research Journal, vol. 31, no. 2 (1999): 34–62; Susan Cook, "Passionless Dancing and Passionate Reform: Respectability, Modernism, and the Social Dancing of Irene and Vernon Castle," in The Passion of Music and Dance: Body, Gender, and Sexuality, ed. William Washbaugh (New York: Berg, 1998), 133–50; Cook, "Watching Our Step: Embodying Research, Telling Stories," in Audible Traces: Gender, Identity and Music, ed. Elaine Barkin and Lydia Hamessley (Los Angeles: Carcifoli, 1999), 177–212; Cook, "Talking Machines and Moving Bodies: Marketing Dance before World War I," Proceedings of the Dancing in the Millennium Conference, Washington, D.C., July 2000; Cook, "Tango Lizards and Girlish Men: Performing Masculinity on the Social Dance Floor," Proceedings of the Society of Dance History Scholars conference, Barnard College, New York, 1997, 41–53; Lewis A. Erenberg, Steppin' Out: New York Nightlife and the Transformation of American Culture (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981). Historian Tera Hunter, musicologists Marshall and Jean Stearns, cultural theorist Hazel Carby, and dance scholar Lynne Fauley Emery have written on black social dance practices of the early twentieth century as well. Tera W. Hunter, To 'Joy My Freedom: Southern Black Women's Lives and Labors after the Civil War (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1997); Marshall and Jean Stearns, Jazz Dance: The Story of American Vernacular Dance (New York: MacMillan, 1968); Lynne Fauley Emery, Black Dance: From 1619 to Today, 2nd revised edition (Highstown, N.J.: Princeton Book Company, 1988); Hazel Carby, "Policing the Black Woman's Body in an Urban Context," Critical Inquiry, vol.18, no. 4 (1992): 738–55. 7. Peiss, Cheap Amusements, 6, 88–114. 8. Committee of Fourteen (COF), Investigators' Reports, Kennedy's, November 9, 1912, Records of the Committee of Fourteen, Rare Books and Manuscripts Division, New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundations. 9. COF, Investigator's Reports, Harlem River Casino, October 19, 1912. 10. See Carol Téten, collector, America Dances! 1897–1948: a Collector's Edition of Social Dance in Film (Dancetime Publications, 2003); Mr. and Mrs. Vernon Castle, Modern Dancing (New York: Harper and Bros., 1914); Beverly Armstrong Chapman, "New Dance in New York: 1911–1915," master's thesis, American University, 1977; F. Leslie Clendenden, Dance Mad or the Dances of the Day (Saint Louis: Arcade Print Co., 1914); Charles Coll and Gabrielle Rosiere, Dancing Made Easy (New York: Edward J. Clode, 1919); A. M. Cree, Handbook of Ball-Room Dancing (New York: John Lane Co., 1920); Gladys Beattie Crozier, The Tango and How to Dance It (London: Melrose, 1915); J. Harvey DeHoney, From the Ballroom and Dance Halls to Hell: The Right and Wrong of Dancing and Society (Portland, Ore.: DeHoney, 1929); V. Persis Dewey, Tips to Dancers: Good Manners for Ballroom and Dance Hall (n.p., 1918); J. S. Hopkins, The Tango and Other Up-to-Date Dances (New York: Saalfield Pub. Co., 1914); Troy and Margaret West Kinney, Social Dancing of To-Day (New York: F. A. Stokes Co., 1914); Guy A. Lamphear, The Modern Dance: A Fearless Discussion of a Social Menace (Chicago: Glad Tidings, 1922); Maurice Mouvet, The Tango and the New Dances for Ballroom and Home (Chicago: Laird and Lee Inc., 1914); Alfonso Josephs Sheafe, The Fascinating Boston: How to Dance and How to Teach the Popular New Social Favorite (Boston: Boston Music Comp., 1913); Caroline Walker, The Modern Dances: How to Dance Them (Chicago: Saul, 1914); Whirl of Life, dir. Oliver D. Bailey, performed by Vernon and Irene Castle (Cort Film Corp., 1915), Jerome Robbins Dance Division, New York Public Library for the Performing Arts. 11. Linda J. Tomko, "Reconstruction: Beyond Notation," International Encyclopedia of Dance, vol. 5, 326–27. See also Mark Franko, Dance as Text: Ideologies of the Baroque Body (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 1–14, 133–52. 12. Tomko, "Reconstruction," 328; Franko, Dance as Text, 133–152. 13. Cheryl Stafford, conversation with the author, Gaithersburg, Maryland, January and February 2001; Dance Through Time series, Dancetime! 500 Years of Social Dance, Carol Téten, artistic dir. and principal choreographer (Dancetime Publications, 1998). 14. Philip V. Bohlman, "Fieldwork in the Ethnomusicological Past," in Shadows in the Field: New Perspectives for Fieldwork in Ethnomusicology, ed. Gregory Barz and Timothy Cooley (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997). 15. For round dancing, I draw upon not only primary sources and consultations with Cheryl Stafford, but also a host of secondary sources devoted to it. A. H. Franks, Social Dance: A Short History (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1963); Elizabeth Aldrich, From the Ballroom to Hell: Grace and Folly in Nineteenth-Century Dance (Evanston, Il: Northwestern University Press, 1991); Philip J. S. Richardson, The Social Dances of the Nineteenth Century (London: Herbert Jenkins, 1960); Allison Thompson, comp., Dancing Through Time: Western Social Dance in Literature, 1400–1918: Selections (Jefferson, N.C.: McFarland, 1998); Belinda Quirey, "May I Have the Pleasure?" the Story of Popular Dancing (London: British Broadcasting Co., 1976); Peter Buckman, Let's Dance: Social, Ballroom, and Folk Dancing (New York: Paddington Press, 1978). 16. This quote is a mélange of phrases pulled from the following Committee of Fourteen investigator's reports: Kennedy's, November 9, 1912; 122nd Street and Broadway, May 24, 1912; Hynes Road House, July 3, 1914. 17. COF, Investigator's Report, The Crescent, January 31, 1914. 18. Castle, Modern Dancing, 177. Emphasis added. 19. See Randy McBee, Dance Hall Days: Intimacy and Leisure among Working-Class Immigrants in the United States (New York: New York University Press, 2000), 135. 20. COF, Investigator's Reports; James Weldon Johnson, Autobiography of an Ex-Colored Man in Three Negro Classics (1930) (reprint, New York: Avon Books, 1965), 449–53; Jervis Anderson, This Was Harlem: A Cultural Portrait, 1900–1950 (New York: Farrar Straus Giroux, 1982), 13–20. 21. Peiss, Cheap Amusements, 93–96. 22. Ibid, 88, 93. 23. Glenn, Daughters of the Shtetl, 137. 24. COF, Investigator's Report: Arbor Casino, October 16, 1912. 25. COF, Investigator's Report: Harlem Casino, October 19, 1912. 26. COF, Investigator's Report: Eldorado Casino, October 2, 1912. 27. COF, Investigator's Report: Lafayette Casino, June 1, 1912. 28. Johnson, Autobiography of an Ex-Colored Man, 449–53; Anderson, This Was Harlem, 13–20. 29. Many thanks to Kristin McGee for pointing out this perspective at the 2006 Society for Ethnomusicology conference in Honolulu. William Schafer, The Art of Ragtime: Form and Meaning of an Original Black American Art (New York: Da Capo Press, 1977), xi, 22. See also William Howland Kenny III, "James Scott and the Culture of Classic Ragtime," American Music, vol. 9, no. 2 (Summer 1991): 149–82. 30. Paul Gilroy, The Black Atlantic: Modernity and Double Consciousness (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1993), 89. 31. See also David Krasner, Resistance, Parody, and Double Consciousness in African-American Theatre, 1895–1910 (New York: St. Martin's, 1997); Thomas L. Riis, Just Before Jazz: Black Musical Theatre in New York, 1890–1915 (Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1989); Danielle Robinson, "'Oh, You Black Bottom!' Appropriation, Authenticity, and Opportunity in the Jazz Dance Teaching of 1920s New York," Dance Research Journal, vol. 38, no. 1/2 (2006); 19–42. 32. See also Jeffrey Maggee, "'Everybody step': Irving Berlin, Jazz and Broadway in the 1920s," Journal of the American Musicological Society, vol.59, no.3 (Fall 2006): 697–732; Linda Mizejewski, Ziegfeld Girl: Image and Icon in Culture and Cinema (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1999). 33. Edward Scott, The New Dancing As It Should Be: for the Ball-room, the Class-room and the Stage (London and New York: E. P. Dutton and Routledge, 1919), 125. Scott's emphasis. 34. Cree, Handbook of Ball-room Dancing, 148. 35. See Ingrid Monson on misidentification with African-American people and culture through music: "The Problem of White Hipness: Race, Gender, and Cultural Conceptions in Jazz Historical Discourse," in Journal of the American Musicological Society, vol. 48, no. 3 (1995): 396–422. 36. Eric Lott, Love and Theft: Blackface Minstrelsy and the American Working Class (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993); Monson, "The Problem of White Hipness"; David Roediger,The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class, rev. ed. (New York: Verso, 1991). 37. See Annemarie Bean, et al., eds., Inside the Minstrel Mask: Readings in Nineteenth-century Blackface Minstrelsy (Hanover, N.H.: University Press of New England for Wesleyan University Press, 1996); Robert C. Toll, Blacking Up: The Minstrel Show in Nineteenth Century America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1974); Carl Frederick Wittke, Tambo and Bones: a History of the American Minstrel Stage (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1930); Dale Cockrell, Demons of Disorder: Early Blackface Minstrels and their World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997). 38. Mizejewski, Ziegfeld Girl. 39. Juliet McMains, "Brownface: Representation of Latin-ness in Dancesport," Dance Research Journal, vol. 33, no. 2 (2001/2002): 54–71. 40. Susan Manning, Modern Dance, Negro Dance: Race in Motion (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2004). 41. Ibid., 10. 42. On black/white race relations and performance, see also Richard Dyer, Only Entertainment (New York: Routledge, 1992); Lott, Love and Theft; Monson, "The Problem of White Hipness"; Ronald Radano, "Hot Fantasies: American Modernism and the Idea of Black Rhythm," in Music and the Racial Imagination, ed. Ronald Radano and Philip V. Bohlman (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000). On black/white race relations more generally, see Bruce Ziff and Pratima Rao, Borrowed Power: Essays on Cultural Appropriation (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1997); Michael Omi and Howard Winant, Racial Formation in the United States: From the 1960s to the 1990s, 2nd ed. (New York: Routledge, 1994). 43. Roediger, The Wages of Whiteness, 117. 44. Richard Dyer, White (New York: Routledge, 1997), 51. 45. Roediger, The Wages of Whiteness, 21. 46. Michael Rogin, Blackface, White Noise: Jewish Immigrants in the Hollywood Melting Pot (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996), 30. 47. On period racial climate, see Madison Grant, The Passing of the Great Race: or, the Racial Basis of European History (New York: Scribner's Sons, 1916); Gary Nash and Richard Weiss, eds., The Great Fear: Race in the Mind of America (New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1970); Noel Ignatiev, How the Irish Became White (New York: Routledge, 1995). 48. On immigration, see Rose Laub Coser, Laura S. Anker, and Andrew J. Perrin, Women of Courage: Jewish and Italian Immigrant Women in New York (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1999); Glenn, Daughters of the Shtetl; John Higham, Strangers in the Land: Patterns of American Nativism, 1860–1925 (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1998); Hadassa Kosak, Cultures of Opposition: Jewish Immigrant Workers, New York City, 1881–1905 (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2000); Walter Laidlaw, Statistical Sources for Demographic Studies of Greater New York, 1910 (New York: New York Federation of Churches, 1913); Bureau of the Census, Fifteenth Census of the United States: 1930. Census Report, vol. 3, no. 2 (1930): New York; Soyer, Jewish Immigrant Associations, 49–80. On black migration, see Darlene Clark Hine, "Black Migration to the Urban Midwest: The Gender Dimension, 1915–1945," in The Great Migration in Historical Perspective: New Dimensions of Race, Class, and Gender, ed. Joe William Trotter, Jr. (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1991), 127–46; New York Urban League, The Negro in New York (New York: New York Urban League, 1931); Gilbert Osofsky, Harlem: The Making of a Ghetto / Negro New York, 1890–1930, 2nd ed. (1963) (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 1996); Joe William Trotter, Jr., ed., The Great Migration in Historical Perspective: New Dimensions of Race, Class, and Gender (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1991). 49. Higham, Strangers in the Land, 65. 50. Glenn, Daughters of the Shtetl, 56; Soyer, Jewish Immigrant Associations, 49–80. 51. Laidlaw, Statistical Sources, 1910. 52. Ann Douglas, Terrible Honesty: Mongrel Manhattan in the 1920s (New York: Noonday, 1995), 304. 53. Fifteenth Census (1930). 54. New York Urban League, 191. 55. Ibid. 56. Osofsky, Harlem, 17; James W. Johnson, Black Manhattan (New York: Knopf, 1930), 152. 57. Osofsky, Harlem, p. 20; Daniel M. Johnson and Rex R. Campbell, Black Migration in America: A Social Demographic History (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1981), 67; Jacqueline Jones, Labor of Love, Labor of Sorrow: Black Women, Work, and the Family from Slavery to the Present (New York: Basic, 1985), 155.