The World of German Democracy, 1789‐1914
1969; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 31; Issue: 4 Linguagem: Inglês
10.1111/j.1540-6563.1969.tb00360.x
ISSN1540-6563
Autores Tópico(s)European history and politics
ResumoClick to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes1. Cf. Hans Kohn, The Mind of Germany: The Education of a Nation (New York, 1960) with the same author's Prelude to Nation‐States: The French and German Experience, 1789‐1815 (Princeton, 1967).2. See, e.g., John L. Snell, “Des Reiches verlorenes Jahrzehnt: Die ausgebliebene Wahlrechtsreform in Preussen (1904‐1914),”Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte: Beilage zur Wochenzeitung Das Parlament, B8/66 (February 23, 1966), 14–23, for bibliographical references appropriate to the paragraph above.3. On “liberalism,”“democracy,” and the relationship between liberals and democrats see, e.g., Erich Brandenburg, Die ReichsgrÜndung (2 vols.; Leipzig, 1916), I, 118–126 (emphasizing the differences between them); criticism of Brandenburg's interpretation by Friedrich Meinecke, “Zur Geschichte des älteren deutschen Parteiwesens,”Historische Zeitschrift, CXVIII (1917), 46–62; Brandenburg's rebuttal, “Zum älteren deutschen Parteiwesen,”Historische Zeitschrift, CXIX (1919), 63–84; Franz Schnabel, Deutsche Geschichte im neunzehnten Jahrhundert, 4th edn. (4 vols.; Freiburg im Breisgau, 1948), II, 62–63, 86, and 90–214 passim; Leonard Krieger, The German Idea of Freedom: History of a Political Tradition (Boston, 1957), 268–276 and passim; Theodor Schieder, Stoat und Gesellschaft im Wandel unserer Zeit: Studien zur Geschichte des 19. und 20. Jahrhunderts (Munich, 1958), 11–57 and passim; and Walter Tormin, Geschichte der deutschen Parteien seit 1848 (Stuttgart, 1966), 16–126 passim. The inability of liberals and democrats to achieve sustained cooperation will be a major theme in a forthcoming volume by the author of this article, The Struggle for Democracy in Germany, 1789‐1914. Carlton J. H. Hayes, A Generation of Materialism, 1871‐1900 (New York and London, 1941), 46–50, 54, and passim made an impressive attempt to describe the changing character of European liberalism and the differences between it and the movement for democracy within a few pages and as Continent‐wide phenomena. Probably no such attempt can adequately comprehend the differences from nation to nation. Hayes appears to overstate the changes that occurred between 1859 and the 1880s and the differences between “ecumenical” and “sectarian” liberalism — concepts unknown to the German liberals of the period. In Germany the liberals of the 1880s did not differ substantially in basic principles from the true liberals of the 1840s, though in both periods differences between liberals and liberal democrats were of fundamental importance.4. Among the older works, I have found the following useful: Jakob Venedey, Die deutschen Republikaner unter der französischen Republik (Leipzig, 1870); H. A. L. Fisher, The Republican Tradition in Europe (London, 1911); H. A. L. Fisher, Studies in Napoleonic Statesmanship: Germany (Oxford, 1903); Guy Stanton Ford, Stein and the Era of Reform in Prussia, 1807‐1815 (Princeton, London, and Oxford, 1922); and Heinrich von Srbik, Metternich: Der Staatsmann und der Mensch (3 vols.; 1925‐1954). The most relevant and valuable more recent studies are Fritz Valjavec, Die Entstehung der politschen Strömungen in Deutschland 1770‐1815 (Munich, 1951); Otto Tschirch, Geschichte der öffentlichen Meinung in Preussen vom Baseler Frieden bis zum Zusammenbruch des Staates (1795‐1806) (2 vols.; Weimar, 1933‐1934); Jacques Droz, L'Allemagne et la rävolution franλaise (Paris, 1949); Jacques Droz, Le romantisme allemand et l'ätat: Resistance et collaboration dans l'Allemagne napoläonienne (Paris, 1966); R. R. Palmer, The Age of the Democratic Revolution (2 vols.; Princeton, 1959 and 1964); Sydney Seymour Biro, The German Policy of Revolutionary France: A Study in French Diplomacy during the War of the First Coalition, 1792‐1797 (2 vols.; Cambridge, Mass., 1957); Klaus Epstein, The Genesis of German Conservatism (Princeton, 1966); Harold C. Deutsch, The Genesis of Napoleonic Imperialism (Cambridge, Mass., 1938); Robert B. Holtman, Napoleonic Propaganda (Baton Rouge, 1950); Owen Connelly, Napoleon's Satellite Kingdoms (New York, 1965), 176–222 and passim; Walter M. Simon, The Failure of the Prussian Reform Movement (Ithaca, 1955); William O. Shanahan, Prussian Military Reforms, 1786‐1813 (New York, 1945); Eugene N. Anderson, Nationalism and the Cultural Crisis in Prussia, 1806‐1815 (New York, 1939); Enno E. Kraehe, Metternich's German Policy, Vol. I: The Contest with Napoleon, 1799‐1814 (Princeton, 1963); Leonard Krieger, The German Idea of Freedom: History of a Political Tradition (Boston, 1957); Kohn, The Mind of Germany, passim; and Kohn, Prelude to Nation‐States, passim.5. While the French impact on Germany in the period 1789‐1815 has been examined a great deal, systematic studies in depth of French influence after 1815 are lacking. For the period 1815‐1847, e.g., we need special studies of attitudes toward France as expressed in each of the state parliaments, particularly in those of Baden, WÜrttemberg, and Hesse‐Darmstadt. Comparative studies of the attitudes of specific individuals toward France (e.g., Karl von Rotteck, Theodor Welcker, Friedrich Römer, and Heinrich von Gagern) would be useful. At present, the following works are suggestive of the general impact of French principles and practices on the German left in the period 1815‐1847: Karl‐Georg Faber, Die Rheinlande zwischen Restauration und Revolution: Probleme der rheinischen Geschichte vom 1814 bis 1848 im Spiegel der zeitgenössischen Publizistik (Wiesbaden, 1966); F. Gunther Eyck, “English and French Influences on German Liberalism before 1848,”Journal of the History of Ideas, XVIII (1957), 313–341; J. P. Meyer (ed.), Alexis de Tocqueville: Werke und Briefe, Vols. I‐II: Über die Demokratie in Amerika (Stuttgart, 1959‐1962), I, xvi‐1xvii (discussion of Tocqueville's reception in Germany by Theodor Eschenburg); Oscar J. Hammen, “The Failure of an Attempted Franco‐German Liberal Rapprochement, 1830‐1840,”American Historical Review, LII (1946), 54–67; Georg G. Iggers, “Heinrich Heine and the Saint‐Simonians: A Re‐examination,”Comparative Literature, X (1958), 289–308; Beatrix Mesmer‐Strupp, Arnold Ruges Plan einer Alliance intellectuelle zwischen Deutschen und Franzosen, doctoral diss. (Bern, 1963); Fritz Schlawe, “Die junghegelische Publizistik,”Die Welt als Geschichte, XX (1960), 30–50. The extensive literature on political activity in Germany, 1815‐1847, is noted in the indispensable reference work by Ernst Rudolf Huber, Deutsche Verfassungsgeschichte seit 1789 (3 vols. to 1967; Stuttgart, 1957), I‐II passim.6. French influences in 1848‐1849 have been subjected to no such thorough study as that of Eckhart G. Franz on American influences. (See footnote 13, below.) Evidence is scattered through several secondary accounts. See: Veit Valentin, Geschichte der deutschen Revolution von 1848‐49 (2 vols.; Berlin, 1930‐1931), passim; Jacques Droz and Ernest Tonnelat, Les revolutions allemandes de 1848 (Paris, 1957), passim; and Huber, Deutsche Verfassungsgeschichte, II, 309–935; Hans Krause, Die demokratische Partei von 1848 und die soziale Frage: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der ersten deutschen Revolution (Frankfurt, 1923), passim. See also: Hellmut Kretzschmar and Horst Schlechte (eds.), Französische und sächsische Gesandtschaftsberichte aus Dresden und Paris 1848‐1849 (Berlin, 1956); Konrad Repgen, Märzbewegung und Maiwahlen des Revolutionsjahres 1848 im Rheinland (Bonn, 1955). Frequent references — pro and con — to French principles and practices may be found in Franz Wigard (ed.), Stenographischer Bericht Über die Verhandlungen der deutschen constituirenden Nationalversammlung zu Frankfurt am Main (9 vols.; Frankfurt, 1848‐1849).7. French influence in the period 1849‐1870 has received little study. The following studies are suggestive: H. Gollwitzer, “Der CSsarismus Napoleons III. im Widerhall der öffentiichen Meinung Deutschlands,”Historische Zeitschrift, CLXXIII (1952), 23–75; Andreas Dorpalen, Heinrich von Treitschke (New Haven, 1957), 139–144; Rudolf Buchner, Die deutsch‐französische Tragödie 1848‐1864: Politische Beziehungen und psychologisches Verhältnls (Wiirzburg, 1965), 41–84, 107–120, and passim. Leads for additional research may be found in Hans Rosenberg (ed.), Die nationalpolitische Publizistik Deutschlands vom Eintritt der neuen ära in Preussen bis zum Ausbruch des deutschen Krieges: Ein kritische Bibliographie (2 vols.; Munich & Berlin, 1935); Karl‐Georg Faber (ed.), Die nationalpolitische Publizistik Deutschlands von 1866 bis 1871 (2 vols.; DÜsseldorf, 1963).8. Vernon L. Lidtke, The Outlawed Party: Social Democracy in Germany, 1878‐1890 (Princeton, 1966), 152, writes that articles in the Sozialdemokrat during the 1880s often emphasized the failure of the Paris Commune. In the revolutionary year 1919 Rudolf Hilferding would warn his Independent Socialist colleagues that they might suffer the fate of the Commune if they acted rashly. (A. J. Ryder, The German Revolution of 1918: A Study of German Socialism in War and Revolt [Cambridge, 1967], 233.) German socialist interpretations of the Paris Commune should be worth a doctoral dissertation. The influence of French government and politics on German liberal and Social Democratic aspirations in the period 1871‐1914 merits several specialized studies. E.g., one “test tube” approach would be to look for possible changes in the views expressed by the Frankfurter Zeitung during the period. The fact of republicanism and a democratic parliamentary system in France undoubtedly encouraged many German Social Democrats, especially in the 1870s, but in the 1880s and later a number of them were questioning the desirability of parliamentary government. See, e.g., Lidtke, The Outlawed Party and Karl Kautsky, Parlamentarismus und Demokratie (2nd ed.; Stuttgart, 1911). One of the most critical liberals was the academician Robert Redslob. Publishing some of his criticisms of the French system before 1914, he pulled his ideas together in Die parlamentarische Regierung in ihrer wahren und in ihrer unechten Form: Eine vergleichende Studie Über die Verfassungen von England, Belgien, Ungarn, Schweden und Frankreich (TÜbingen, 1918). For quotations in the paragraph above and other suggestive material see: Marvin L. Brown, Jr., “The Monarchical Principle in Bismarck's Diplomacy after 1870,”The Historian, XV (1952), 44; Gustav Adolf Rein, Die Revolution in der Politik Bismarck (Göttingen, Berlin, Frankfurt, 1957), 196–201; Bernard Guttmann, Schattenriss einer Generation 1888‐1919 (Stuttgart, 1950), 234; E. Wetterle, Behind the Scenes in the Reichstag: Sixteen Years of Parliamentary Life in Germany (New York, 1918), 101. Hayes, Generation of Materialism, 55, comments: “The French … example of a democratic franchise appealed powerfully to Radical Liberals everywhere.” The German experience did not conform to so unqualified a generalization. Neither Progressives nor National Liberals in Prussia's Chamber of Deputies in 1873 supported a Center proposal for equal suffrage. The Center Party itself did not seriously want it either, making the proposal only in a bid for mass backing and to confront Bismarck with a counter‐threat in the midst of the Kulturkampf. See Walter Gagel, Die Wahlrechtsfrage in der Geschichte der deutschen liberalen Parteien 1848‐1918 (Dusseldorf, 1958), 73–78. The following study is suggestive: Ernst‐Otto Czempiel, Das deutsche Dreyfus‐Geheimnis: Eine Studie Über den Einfluss des monarchischen Regierungs‐systems auf die Frankreichpolitik des Wilhelminischen Reiches (Munich, Berne, Vienna, 1966).9. The influence of the British model on German thinking, like that of the French, needs more intensive and extensive examination than it has received. Literature consulted for 1776‐1848 includes C. W. Hasek, The Introduction of Adam Smith's Doctrines in Germany (New York, 1925); Theodor Wilhelm, Die englische Verfassung und der vormarzliche deutsche Liberalismus: Eine Darstellung und Kritik des Verfassungsbildes der liberalen Ftihrer (Stuttgart, 1928); Eyck, “English and French Influences,” 313–341; Erich Angermann, Robert von Mohl 1799‐1875: Leben und Werk eines altliberalen Staatsgelehrten (Neuwied, 1962); Frank G. Weber, “Palmerston and German Liberalism, 1848,”Journal of Modern History, XXV (1963), 134 and passim; and the valuable Yale Ph.D. dissertation by Charles Edgar McClelland (1967), “The German Historians and England: A Study of Nineteenth Century Views,” 1‐122.10. The paragraphs above on the British impact, 1848‐1914, are based upon Raymond James Sontag, Germany and England: Background of Conflict, 1848‐1898 (New York, 1938), ix, 61–89, and passim; Reinhard J. Lamer, Der englische Parlamentarismus in der deutschen politischen Theorie im Zeitalter Bismarcks (1857‐1890) (LÜbeck and Hamburg, 1963); Dorpalen, Heinrich von Treitschke, 147; Eugene N. Anderson, The Social and Political Conflict in Prussia, 1858‐1864 (Lincoln, Nebr., 1954), 396; Heinz Gollwitzer, Die politische und gesellschaftliche Stellung der Mediatisierlen 1815‐1918: Ein Beitrag zur deutschen Sozialgeschichte (Stuttgart, 1957), 101, 177–186; Heinrich Heffter, Die deutsche Selbstverwaltung im 19. Jahrhundert: Geschichte der Ideen und Institutionen (Stuttgart, 1952), 352, 358, 372–403, and passim; Pauline Relyea Anderson, The Background of Anti‐English Feeling in Germany, 1890‐1902 (Washington, 1939), 121–362; James J. Sheehan, The Career of Lujo Brentano: A Study of Liberalism and Social Reform in Imperial Germany (Chicago and London, 1966), 10–11, 17–43, 119, 181–184, and passim; Ernst Jackh, Der goldene Pflug: Lebensernte eines WeltbÜrgers (Stuttgart, 1954), 98; Hellmut von Gerlach, Von Rechts nach Links, edited by Emil Ludwig (Zurich, 1937), 131, 138–146; Hans Delbriick, Government and the Will of the People: Academic Lectures, Roy S. MacElwee trans. (New York, 1923), 60–63; E. Malcolm Carroll, Germany and the Great Powers, 1866‐1914: A Study in Public Opinion and Foreign Policy (New York, 1938), 669 and passim; essays by Percy Ernst Schramm and Werner Conze in Walther Hubatsch (ed), Schicksalswege deutscher Vergangenheit: Beitrage zur geschichtlichen Deutung der letzten hundertfiinfzig Jahre (Diisseldorf, 1950), 289–319 and 364; McClelland, “The German Historians and England,” 235–304; and Mack Walker, Germany and the Emigration, 1816‐1885 (Cambridge, Mass., 1964), 242 (Bismarck quotation).11. Scholars interested in studying the impact of America on Germany in both the colonial and later periods will want to consult a recently published five‐volume catalogue of manuscript materials in German private and public archives and libraries: Americana in deutschen Sammlungen. The set may be purchased for about $200. from Omnia K. G., Kraus, Weiss and Company, 8000 Munchen 54, Hanauer Str. 30a. The following literature is useful for the period 1776‐1815: Eugene Edgar Doll, American History as Interpreted by German Historians from 1770 to 1815 in Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, New Series, Vol. XXXVIII (Philadelphia, 1948), 423–501; Ernst Fraenkel (ed.), Amerika im Spiegel des deutschen politischen Denkens (Cologne and Opladen, 1959), 16–24, 49–77; Elisha P. Douglas, “German Intellectuals and the American Revolution,”William and Mary Quarterly, XVII (1960), 200–218; Henry M. Adams, Prussian‐American Relations, 1775‐1871 (Cleveland, 1960), 4–25; Thomas Paine, Geschichte der Revolution von Nord‐Amerika vom Abt Raynal. Nebst Anmerkungen ilberdiese Geschichte von Thomas Paine, F. H. Wernitz, trans. (Berlin, 1786); and the many leads provided by Paul Ben Baginsky (ed.), German Works Relating to America, 1493‐1800 (New York, 1942), 64–93 and passim.12. See Paul C. Weber, America in Imaginative German Literature in the First Half of the Nineteenth Century (New York, 1926); Fraenkel (ed.), Amerika im Spiegel, 24–28; Henry A. Pochmann, German Culture in America: Philosophical and Literary Influences, 1600‐1900 (Madison, 1957), 67, 77, 115–122, 125–127; Geoffrey Barraclough, “Europa, Amerika und Russland in Vorstellung und Denken des 19. Jahrhunderts,”Historische Zeitschrift, CCIII (1966), 280–315; Walker, Germany and the Emigration, 1‐133 passim; John A. Hawgood, The Tragedy of German‐America: The Germans in the United States of America during the Nineteenth Century — and After (New York and London, 1940), 21–200 passim. Examples of the travel accounts are Friedrich Schmidt, Versuch Über den politischen Zustand der Vereinigten Staaten von Nord‐Amerika (2 vols.; Stuttgart and Tubingen, 1822); Bernhard, Duke of Saxe‐Weimar‐Eisenach, Travels through North America during the Years 1825 and 1826 (2 vols.; Philadelphia, 1828), a translation of the German original; Max Freund (ed.), Gustav Dresel's Houston Journal: Adventures in North America and Texas, 1837‐1841 (Austin, 1954). For leads to other works see Thomas D. Clark (ed.), Travels in the Old South: A Bibliography (3 vols.; Norman, Okla., 1956‐1959), II, 23, 35, 50, 58, 67, 142, 241 and III, 17–25, 35–60, 84–86, 97, 115, 133–143, 173–192, 256–282, 330–335 passim.13. Mayer (ed.), Alexis de Tocqueville: Werke und Briefe, I, 8 and xvi‐lxvii; Friedrich von Raumer, Die Vereinigten Staaten von Nordamerika (2 vols.; Leipzig, 1845), especially I, vi‐viii, xiv, 129, 181–149, 217–278, 312, 536, and II, 268–339. See also: Fraenkel (ed.), Amerika im Spiegel, 78–113; Eckhart G. Franz, Das Amerikabild der deutschen Revolution von 1848/49: Zum Problem der Übertragung gewachsener Verfassungsformen, No. 2, Beihefte zum Jahrbuch fÜr Amerikastudien (Heidelberg, 1958), 3‐98.14. The American impact in the period 1815‐1848 needs to be subjected to the kinds of studies suggested for French influence in footnote 5, above. The paragraphs above draw upon Carl Wittke, Against the Current: The Life of Karl Heinzen (1809‐80) (Chicago, 1945), 1–57; Valentin, Geschichte der deutschen Revolution, I, 286; Hans Blum, Die deutsche Revolution 1848‐1849 mit 256 authentischen Faksimilebeilagen (Jena & Leipzig, 1905), facing 96 (for the last quotation, above; emphasis as in Blum).15. Franz, Das Amerikabild der deutschen Revolution, 100–101, 104–115, and passim; John A. Hawgood, Political and Economic Relations between the United States of America and the Provisional Central Government at Frankfurt‐am‐Main in 1848‐1849, doctoral diss. (Heidelberg, 1928), 8–21 and passim. See the frequent references in Wigard (ed.), Stenographischer Bericht, especially Vols. VI‐IX. See also the essay by Eberhard Kessel, “Carl Schurz and Gottfried Kinkel,” Otto Brunner and Dietrich Gerhard (eds.), Europa und Übersee: Festschrift fÜr Egmont Zechlin (Hamburg, 1961), 109–134; and Carl J. Friedrich, The Impact of American Constitutionalism Abroad (Boston, 1967), passim.16. Hawgood, The Tragedy of German‐America, 57–58, 227–266; Walker, Germany and the Emigration, 157–174; Theodor Griesinger, Freiheit und Sclaverei unter dem Sternenhanner oder Land und Leute in Amerika (2 vols.; Stuttgart, 1862), I, 150 and II, 524–546, 678–679; Fraenkel (ed.), Amerika im Spiegel, 28–33 and 114–115 (extracts from Schopenhauer's Parerga und Paralipomena). See also the leads to further research in Clark (ed.), Travels in the Old South, II, 195 and III, 203, 204, 210–218, 227, 238–240, 244, 252–266, 282, 291–314, 327, 366, and 377 passim. On Griesinger and other “returnee” 1848ers, see Alfred Vagts, Deutsch‐Amerikanische Riickwanderung (Heidelberg, 1960), 118–119 and passim.17. Rudolf Ullner, Die Idee des Föderalismus im Jahrzehnt der deutschen Einigungskriege dargestellt unter besonderer BerÜcksichtigung des Modells der amerikanischen Verfassung fur das deutsche politische Denken (LÜbeck and Hamburg, 1965); Krieger, The German Idea of Freedom, 446; Otto zu Stolberg‐Wernigerode, Germany and the United States of America during the Era of Bismarck (Reading, Pa., 1937), 45–64 and passim; Karl‐Georg Faber, “Realpolitik als Ideologic: Die Bedeutung des Jahres 1866 fur das politische Denken in Deutschland,”Historische Zeitschrift, CCIII (1966), 8–9 and passim.18. Jeannette Keim, Forty Years of German‐American Political Relations (Philadelphia, 1919), 30, 31n, 33n. See also: Adams, Prussian‐American Relations, 91–105; Stolberg‐Wernigerode, Germany and the United States, 108–131.19. Theodor Barth, Amerikanische EindrÜcke: Eine impressionistische Schilderung amerikanischer Zustände in Brief en (Berlin, 1907), 7, 10–117 passim; Friedrich C. Sell, Die Tragodie des deutschen Liberalismus (Stuttgart, 1953), 289. For both favorable and critical views among German liberals and liberal democrats in the period 1871‐1914 see: J. P. Mayer, Max Weber and German Politics: A Study in Political Sociology (London, 1944), 19–20; Marianne Weber, Max Weber: Ein Lebensbild (Heidelberg, 1950), 100–105 (first published in 1926); Hajo Holborn, “The Influence of the American Constitution on the Weimar Constitution,” in Conyers Read (ed.), The Constitution Reconsidered (New York, 1938), 286; Frankfurter Zeitung, April 15, 1917 (for letter of Theodor Mommsen of April 27, 1898); Carroll, Germany and the Great Powers, 412–413, 416; Bernhard von BÜlow, Memoirs of Prince von Billow, Geoffrey Dunlop, trans. (4 vols.; Boston, 1931‐1932), I, 255; Charles S. Campbell, Jr., Anglo‐American Understanding, 1898‐1903 (Baltimore, 1957), 21, 45, 180, and passim; Howard K. Beale, Theodore Roosevelt and the Rise of America to World Power (Baltimore, 1956), 92, 437, and 394–447 passim; Frank Freidel, Franklin D. Roosevelt: The Apprenticeship (Boston, 1952), 79; DelbÜrck, Government and the Will of the People, 6‐7; Theodor Heuss, Robert Bosch: Leben und Leistung (Stuttgart and Tubingen, 1946), 51–69; Stolberg‐Wernigerode, Germany and the United States, 157–165 and passim; Fraenkel (ed.), Amerika im Spiegel, 33–39, 208–210 and passim; Alfred Vagts, Deutschland und die Vereinigten Staaten in der Weltpolitik (2 vols.; New York, 1935), I, 617 and II, 1312–1316. Examples of travel accounts of the period are Ernst Otto Hopp, Transatlantisches Skizzenbuch: Federzeichnungen aus dem amerikanischen Leben (Berlin, 1876), 151–155, 202, 228 and passim; Eduard Grien, Bunte Skizzen aus den Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika (Leipzig, 1882). For leads to other travel accounts see Thomas D. Clark (ed.), Travels in the New South: A Bibliography (2 vols.; Norman, 1962), I, 17, 59, 61–69, 97, 121, 142, 148, 166, 179, 189–250 passim and II, 127–145, 171–175, 187–195, 201–215, 228–242, 257–281 passim. The following favorable and probing work was much more than a travel account: Hugo MÜnsterberg, Die Amerikaner (2 vols.; Berlin, 1904). See also Oscar Handlin (ed.), This was America (Cambridge, Mass., 1949), 383–389. The work performed by the novelist Karl May in publicizing an imagined America during this period was in a class all its own; for his life and leads to his novels see, e.g., Werner Raddatz, Das abenteuerliche Leben Karl Mays (GÜtersloh, 1965); Hans Wollschlfäger, Karl May in Selbstzeugnissen und Bilddokumenten (Reinbek bei Hamburg, 1965). Among German newspapers, the liberal Weser‐Zeitung (Bremen) showed special interest in American affairs; an offer of microfilm copies of a file for the whole period 1844‐1934 was made in 1967‐1968 by Mikropress G.m.b.H. (Gesellschaft fÜr die fotografische Reproduktion der Presse), 53 Bonn, Baunscheidtstrasse 17 (DM 17, 220).20. Wilhelm Leibknecht, Ein Blick in die neue Welt (Stuttgart, 1887), v‐vii, 40, 52, 54, 58, 63, 65, 75, 79–81, 87–88, 90–92, 94, 167–168, 182–183, 191–192, 209, 271, 281–282 and passim. For the German context of the trip see August to Julie Bebel, August 4, 1886, in Heinrich Gemkow (ed.), “Briefe August Bebels aus den Jahren 1886/1887,”Beiträge zur Geschichte der deutschen Arbeiterbewegung, II (1960), 140. (Bebel took a dim view of Liebknecht's trip because of what he knew of the “Stimmung drÜben.”) For evidence of other favorable comment on America by W. Liebknecht in 1896 and by Vorwärts in 1898 see Vagts, Deutschland und die Vereinigten Staaten, I, 618–619n and II, 1316n.21. Karl W. Meyer, Karl Liebknecht: Man without a Country (Washington, 1957), 34; Vagts, Deutschland und die Vereinigten Staaten, I, 612n (Communist Manifesto), 615 (Hermann Molkenbuhr); Fraenkel (ed.), Amerika im Spiegel, 147–150 (Engels in 1886, 1891, and 1892).22. Fraenkel (ed.), Amerika im Spiegel, 220–223 (Kautsky); C. Legien, Aus Amerikas Arbeiterbewegung (Berlin, 1914), 203 and passim; Fritz Kummer, Eines Arbeiters Weltreise (Stuttgart, 1913), 2, 10, 39, 49, 69, 75, 81–85, 92, 124–135, 159–170.23. Fraenkel (ed.), Amerika im Spiegel, 147–150 (Engels). See also the following reports by John L. Snell: “German Socialist Reaction to Wilsonian Diplomacy: From Neutrality to Belligerency,”Journal of Central European Affairs, IX (1949), 61–79; “Wilson's Peace Program and German Socialism, January‐March, 1918,”Mississippi Valley Historical Review, XXXVIII (1951), 187–214; “Die Republik aus Versäumnissen,”Die Welt als Geschichte, XV (1955), 196–219; and other material in “The German Socialists and Wilson's Peace Policy, 1914‐1918,” unpublished Ph.D. dissertation (University of North Carolina, 1949), passim.24. Fritz Ernst, The Germans and their Modern History, Charles M. Prugh, trans. (New York and London, 1966), 13, 17.Additional informationNotes on contributorsJohn L. SnellThis is a somewhat revised version of a paper presented to Philadelphia‐area specialists in European history on October 28, 1967, at Swarthmore College. Much of the work on the paper was completed during a leave of absence from the University of Pennsylvania during the fall term of 1966 that is herewith gratefully acknowledged. The author is now University Distinguished Professor of History, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.
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