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Space, state-making and contentious Kurdish politics in the East of Turkey: the case of Eastern Meetings, 1967

2011; Routledge; Volume: 13; Issue: 4 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1080/19448953.2011.623867

1944-8961

Azat Zana Gündoğan,

Islamic Studies and History

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Acknowledgements I would like to thank Kolya Abramsky, Zeynep Gambetti, David Gutman, Joost Jongerden, Nilay Özok-Gündoğan and Yiğit Akın for their constructive criticisms and suggestions. The commentators of the virtual workshop deserve special thanks. Notes 1 One exception is İsmail Beşikçi, Doğu Mitinglerinin Analizi (1967), Yurt Yayinlari, Ankara, 1992 [1968]. This work exemplifies both an invaluable scholarly endeavour and a historical account. Beşikçi participated and observed one of the demonstrations, the Ağrı demonstration. In this book he mentions the imbalance in levels of social justice between the East and the West, feudal property relations, the institutionalization of landlordism, the relations between religion and society, and language and education as the major points of reference in the organization of the demonstrations. Throughout this analysis, Beşikçi presents an in-depth examination of each of these topics. I have also analysed these demonstrations in my master's thesis, which uses the recent synthesizing approaches within social movement theories. Most of the research presented in this paper is based on my earlier work: see Azat Zana Gündoğan, ‘The Kurdish political mobilization in the 1960s: the case of “the Eastern Meetings”’, MS Thesis, Middle East Technical University, Ankara, 2005. For an analysis focusing specifically on the Tunceli demonstration, see: Azat Zana Gündoğan, ‘1960’larda Tunceli/Dersim kent mekânında siyasal eylemlilik: Doğu Mitingleri', in Şükrü Aslan (ed.), Herkesin Bildiği Sır: Dersim, İletişim, Istanbul, 2010, pp. 481–506. In addition to the existence of these academic works, there are also numerous non-academic accounts of the demonstrations in the memoirs of activists from the period. This paper has benefited from them too. 2 I here draw upon Jordi Tejel Gorgas' delineation of the ‘East’ as a shared political product that is a resistant territory in the early Republican era. He problematizes the depictions of the Turkish state as an autonomous entity and emphasizes the role of the not-so-weak Kurdish dissident movement in the period. Although I share his stress on the mutually constitutive positions of the state and the Kurdish elite at the time, I do not start and end this process with the policies of the early Republican state. See Jordi Tejel Gorgas, ‘The shared political production of “the East” as a “resistant” territory and cultural sphere in the Kemalist era, 1923–1938’, European Journal of Turkish Studies, No. 10, 2009, available at < http://ejts.revues.org/index4064.html>. 3 Derek Gregory, Geographical Imaginations, Blackwell, Cambridge, MA, 1994. 4 Henri Lefebvre, The Production of Space, Blackwell, Oxford, 1991. 5 Charles Tilly, ‘Spaces of contention’, Mobilization: An International Quarterly, 5(2), 2000, pp. 135–159. 6 Silvan (3 August), Diyarbakır (3 September), Siverek (24 September), Batman (8 October), Tunceli (15 October), Ağrı (22 October) and Ankara (5 November). İsmail Beşikçi gives different dates in his Doğu Mitinglerinin Analizi, but according to the memoirs of Mehdi Zana and Naci Kutlay and also of Tarık Ziya Ekinci, the dates were in accordance with the ones given above. Cf. İsmail Beşikçi, Doğu Mitinglerinin Analizi (1967), Yurt Kitap-Yayın, Ankara, 1992, p. 15. 7 Tarık Ziya Ekinci, Sol siyaset sorunları: Türkiye İşçi Partisi ve Kürt aydınlanması, Cem yayınevi, Beyoğlu, İstanbul, 2004, p. 306. 8 All accounts regarding the period and the contentious movement of this generation of Kurdish activists reflect a gender aspect. Memoirs, personal and published interviews and other secondary sources all tell us a HIStory. A thorough analysis of the demonstrations should seek to hear the voices of women who, for instance, participated in the demonstrations en masse. 9 For a detailed analysis of the autonomization of Kurdish politics, the political mobilization on the legal platform and Mehdi's election, see: Gilles Dorronsoro and Nicole F. Watts, ‘Toward Kurdish distinctiveness in electoral politics: the 1977 local elections in Diyarbakir’, International Journal of Middle East Studies, 41(3), 2009, pp. 457–478; Nicole F. Watts, Activists in Office: Kurdish Politics and Protest in Turkey, University of Washington Press, Seattle, 2010; Nicole F. Watts, ‘Activists in office: pro-Kurdish contentious politics in Turkey’, Ethnopolitics, 5(2), 2006, pp. 125–144. 10 Anthony Giddens, The Nation-State and Violence, University of California Press, Berkeley, 1987, p. 13, emphasis added. 11 Mesut Yeğen, ‘The Kurdish question in Turkey: denial to recognition’, in Marlies Casier and Joost Jongerden (eds), Nationalisms and Politics in Turkey: Political Islam, Kemalism and the Kurdish Issue, Taylor & Francis, Abingdon, 2010, pp. 67–84. 12 In addition to Henri Lefebvre's path-breaking account on social production of space, some contemporary works have dealt with scale, de/territorialization and state-centric epistemology. See: Lefebvre, The Production of Space, op. cit.; Neil Brenner, New State Spaces: Urban Governance and the Rescaling of Statehood, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2004; Neil Brenner, ‘Beyond state-centrism? Space, territoriality, and geographical scale in globalization studies’, Theory and Society, 28(1), February 1999, pp. 39–78; Andreas Wimmer and Nina Glick Schiller, ‘Methodological nationalism, the social sciences, and the study of migration: an essay in historical epistemology’, International Migration Review, 37(3), Fall 2003, pp. 576–610. 13 For an extensive review of how space and place take in social geography, see Tim Unwin, ‘A waste of space? Towards a critique of the social production of space’, Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, 25(1), 2000, pp. 11–29; and in sociology, Thomas F. Gieryn, ‘A space for place in sociology’, Annual Review of Sociology, 26, 2000, pp. 463–496. 14 Among others, see: John A. Agnew and Stuart Corbridge, Mastering Space: Hegemony, Territory and International Political Economy, Routledge, London, 1995; Brenner, New State Spaces, op. cit.; Anthony Giddens, The Constitution of Society: Outline of the Theory of Structuration, University of California Press, Berkeley, 1984; Mark Gottdiener, The Social Production of Urban Space, 1st edn, University of Texas Press, Austin, 1985; Gregory, op. cit.; David Harvey, The Condition of Postmodernity: An Enquiry into the Origins of Cultural Change, Blackwell, Oxford, 1989; Lefebvre, The Production of Space, op. cit.; Doreen B. Massey, For Space, Sage, London, 2005; James C. Scott, Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition have Failed, Yale ISPS Series, Yale University Press, New Haven, CT, 1998; Neil Smith, Uneven Development: Nature, Capital, and the Production of Space, 3rd edn, University of Georgia Press, Athens, 2008; Edward W. Soja, Postmodern Geographies: The Reassertion of Space in Critical Social Theory, Verso, London, 1989. 15 Deborah G. Martin and Byron A. Miller, ‘Space and contentious politics’, Mobilization: An International Quarterly, 8(2), 2003, pp. 143–156; Byron A. Miller, Geography and Social Movements: Comparing Antinuclear Activism in the Boston Area, Social Movements, Protest, and Contention, Vol. 12, University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, 2000; Steve Pile and Michael Keith, Geographies of Resistance, Routledge, London, 1997; Paul Routledge, Terrains of Resistance: Nonviolent Social Movements and the Contestation of Place in India, Praeger, Westport, CT, 1993; William H. Sewell, Jr., Space in contentious politics, in Silence and Voice in the Study of Contentious Politics, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2001, pp. 51–88; C. Tilly, ‘Contention over space and place’, Mobilization: An International Quarterly, 8(2), 2003, pp. 221–225; Tilly, ‘Spaces of contention’, op. cit. 16 See, among others, Cemşid Bender, Kürt Tarihi ve Uygarlığı, Istanbul, 1991; Faik Bulut, Kürt Dilinin Tarihçesi, Tümzamanlar Yayıncılık, Istanbul, 1993; Celîlê Celîl et al., Yeni ve Yakın Çağda Kürt Siyaset Tarihi, Pêrî Yayınları, Istanbul, 1998. 17 For a detailed analysis and the deconstruction of the area of Kurdish Studies, see Marie Le Ray and Clemence Scalbert-Yücel, ‘Knowledge, ideology and power. Deconstructing Kurdish Studies’, European Journal of Turkish Studies, No. 5, 2009. 18 Mesut Yeğen, Müstakbel-Türk'ten sözde vatandaşa: Cumhuriyet ve Türkler, İletişim, Istanbul, 2006; Mesut Yeğen, Devlet söyleminde Kürt sorunu, İletişim Yayınları, Istanbul, 1999. 19 However, this does not mean to homogenize a prolific area or to undervalue the contribution of a range of works in Kurdish Studies. The point is that scholars in the area have recently started to adopt space as an analytical lens. 20 For an extensive account on Kurdish Studies and the assumptions of time-space, see Zeynep Gambetti and Joost Jongerden's Introduction to this issue. 21 Zeynep Gambetti, ‘Politics of place/space: the spatial dynamics of the Kurdish and Zapatista movements’, New Perspectives on Turkey, No. 41, 2009, pp. 43–87; Zeynep Gambetti, ‘Decolonizing Diyarbakir: culture, identity and the struggle to appropriate urban space’, in Kamran Asdar Ali and Martina Rieker (eds), Comparing Cities: The Middle East and South Asia, Oxford University Press, Karachi, 2009, pp. 97–129; Zeynep Gambetti, ‘The conflictual (trans) formation of the public sphere in urban space: the case of Diyarbakir’, New Perspectives on Turkey, No. 32, 2005, pp. 43–71; Azat Zana Gündoğan, ‘1960’larda Tunceli/Dersim kent mekânında siyasal eylemlilik: Doğu Mitingleri', in Şükrü Aslan (ed.), Herkesin bildiği sır: Dersim: tarih, toplum, ekonomi, dil ve kültür, Iletişim, Istanbul, 2010, pp. 481–506; Joost Jongerden, ‘Crafting space, making people: the spatial design of nation in modern Turkey’, European Journal of Turkish Studies, No. 10, 2009; J. Jongerden, The Settlement Issue in Turkey and the Kurds: An Analysis of Spatial Policies, Modernity and War, Brill Academic, Leiden, 2007; Kerem Öktem, ‘The nation's imprint: demographic engineering and the change of toponymes in Republican Turkey’, European Journal of Turkish Studies, No. 7, 2009; Kerem Öktem, ‘Incorporating the time and space of the ethnic “other”: nationalism and space in Southeast Turkey in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries’, Nations and Nationalism, 10(4), 2004, pp. 559–578. 22 Tilly, ‘Spaces of contention’, op. cit., p. 137. 23 Tilly, ‘Spaces of contention’, op. cit., p. 139. 24 Tilly, ‘Spaces of contention’, op. cit. 25 Gregory, op. cit., pp. 401–402, emphasis in original. 26 Lefebvre, The Production of Space, op. cit., p. 308. 27 Brenner, New State Spaces, op. cit., p. 43. 28 Gregory, op. cit., p. 401. 29 Lefebvre, The Production of Space, op. cit., p. 308. 30 Lefebvre, The Production of Space, op. cit., p. 287. 31 The ‘East’ in the pre-Republican period refers to the Ottoman provinces of Bitlis, Trabzon, Van, Erzurum, Sivas, Mamuret-ul Aziz, Diyarbekir and Aleppo. 32 Among the most recent works on Young Turk social/ethnic/demographic policies against various ethnic groups inhabiting the region, see: Taner Akçam, A Shameful Act: The Armenian Genocide and the Question of Turkish Responsibility, Holt Paperbacks, New York, 2007; Taner Akçam, From Empire to Republic: Turkish Nationalism and the Armenian Genocide, Zed Books, London, 2004; Donald Bloxham, The Great Game of Genocide: Imperialism, Nationalism, and the Destruction of the Ottoman Armenians, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2005; Fuat Dündar, Crime of Numbers: The Role of Statistics in the Armenian Question (1878–1918), Transaction, New Brunswick, NJ, 2010; Fuat Dündar, Modern Türkiye'nin şifresi, İletişim, Istanbul, 2008; Fuat Dündar, Ittihat ve Terakki'nin Müslümanlari iskân politikasi: (1913–1918), Iletişim, Istanbul, 2002; Joost Jongerden, The Settlement Issue in Turkey and the Kurds: An Analysis of Spatial Policies, Modernity and War, Social, Economic, and Political Studies of the Middle East and Asia, Vol. 102, Brill, Leiden, 2007; J. Jongerden, ‘Resettlement and reconstruction of identity: the case of the Kurds in Turkey’, The Global Review of Ethnopolitics, 1(1), 2001, pp. 80–86; Nesim Şeker, ‘Demographic engineering in the late Ottoman Empire and the Armenians’, Middle Eastern Studies, 43(3), 2007, pp. 461–474; Erol Ülker, ‘Assimilation of the Muslim communities in the first decade of the Turkish Republic (1923–1934)’, European Journal of Turkish Studies, 2010; Erol Ülker, ‘Assimilation, security and geographical nationalization in interwar Turkey: The Settlement Law of 1934’, European Journal of Turkish Studies, No. 7, 2008; Erol Ülker, ‘Contextualising “Turkification”. Nation-building in the late Ottoman Empire. 1908–1918’, Nations and Nationalism, 11(4), 2005, pp. 613–636; Uğur Ümit Üngör, ‘Geographies of nationalism and violence: rethinking Young Turk “social engineering”’, European Journal of Turkish Studies, No. 7, 2008. 33 Üngör, ‘Geographies of nationalism and violence’, op. cit., §14. 34 Dündar, Modern Türkiye'nin şifresi, op. cit., p. 29. According to Dündar the CUP cadres were predominantly from the Balkans and Macedonia and mainly ‘ignorant’ of Anatolia. Only after the loss of European territories of the Empire did they determine Anatolia as their new base of operation that is nation-state building. 35 Dündar, Modern Türkiye'nin şifresi, op. cit., p. 29. According to Dündar the CUP cadres were predominantly from the Balkans and Macedonia and mainly ‘ignorant’ of Anatolia. Only after the loss of European territories of the Empire did they determine Anatolia as their new base of operation that is nation-state building, pp. 85–143. 36 Dündar, Modern Türkiye'nin şifresi, op. cit., p. 29. According to Dündar the CUP cadres were predominantly from the Balkans and Macedonia and mainly ‘ignorant’ of Anatolia. Only after the loss of European territories of the Empire did they determine Anatolia as their new base of operation that is nation-state building, pp. 434–435. 37 Dündar, Modern Türkiye'nin şifresi, op. cit., p. 29. According to Dündar the CUP cadres were predominantly from the Balkans and Macedonia and mainly ‘ignorant’ of Anatolia. Only after the loss of European territories of the Empire did they determine Anatolia as their new base of operation that is nation-state building, p. 439, emphasis added. 38 Harvey, op. cit. 39 Dündar, Modern Türkiye'nin şifresi, op. cit. 40 During the period from 1925 to the late 1930s, the region witnessed a series of Kurdish uprisings and stayed in constant turbulence: Kocgiri in 1921, Sheikh Said in 1925, Ararat between 1927 and 1930, and Dersim between 1936 and 1938. 41 Jongerden, The Settlement Issue in Turkey and the Kurds, op. cit., p. 175. 42 Dündar, Modern Türkiye'nin şifresi, op. cit., pp. 99–422; Jongerden, The Settlement Issue in Turkey and the Kurds, op. cit., pp. 175–187. 43 İsmail Beşikçi, Kürtlerin mecburi iskani, Yurt Kitap-Yayın, Ankara, 1991. 44 İsmail Beşikçi, Tunceli kanunu (1935) ve dersim jenosidi, Yurt Kitap-Yayın, Ankara, 1992. 45 Martin van Bruinessen, Agha, Shaikh, and State: The Social and Political Structures of Kurdistan, Zed Books, London, 1992, p. 26. 46 Mesut Yeğen, ‘Turkish nationalism and the Kurdish question’, Ethnic and Racial Studies, 30(1), 2007, p. 600. 47 General Inspectorates were established with the Law on the Establishment of the First General Inspectorate (Birinci Umumî Müfettişlik Teşkiline Dâir Kanun) of 25 June 1927. The scope of the First General Inspectorate included Elazığ, Urfa, Hakkari, Bitlis, Diyarbakır, Siirt, Mardin and Van. For a study on General Inspectorates, see: Cemil Koçak, Umumi müfettişlikler: (1927–1952), İletişim, Istanbul, 2003; for a study of the Turkish Hearths, see: Füsun Üstel, Türk Ocakları, 1912–1931, İletişim, Istanbul, 1997; finally, for accounts on the People's Houses, see: Neşe Gürallar-Yeşilkaya, Halkevleri: ideoloji ve mimarlık, İletişim, Istanbul, 1999. 48 By 1930, there were 250 Hearths distributed throughout the country, which attempt at the establishment of ‘modern Turkey’ with their activities in health, social aid, drama, music, culture, etc. Furthermore, after the Sheikh Said Rebellion, they became highly operational in the Eastern regions of the country in terms of the provision of cultural facilities. As Koca states, in a short time period, the Turkish Hearths were opened especially in the towns and provinces within the realm of the First General Inspectorate. Especially, see Hüseyin Koca, Yakın tarihten günümüze hükümetlerin Doğu-Güneydoğu Anadolu politikaları, Mikro Basım Yayım Dağıtım, 1998. 49 Ruşen Arslan, Cim karnında nokta: anılar, 1st edn, Doz Yayınları, Istanbul, 2006, pp. 53–54. 50 For ethnographic research on this incident and the place it still occupies in the collective memory, see: Neşe Özgen, Van-Özalp ve 33 kurşun olayı: toplumsal hafızanın hatırlama ve unutma biçimleri, TÜSTAV, Istanbul, 2003; also see İsmail Beşikçi, Orgeneral Mustafa Muğlalı olayı: otuzüç kurşun, 1st edn, Belge Yayınları, Cağaloğlu, Istanbul, 1991. 51 Tilly, ‘Spaces of contention’, op. cit., p. 143. 52 Jongerden, The Settlement Issue in Turkey and the Kurds, op. cit.; Öktem, ‘The nation's imprint’, op. cit. 53 See Beşikçi, Tunceli kanunu (1935) ve dersim jenosidi, op. cit.; Nicole Watts focuses on state-making in Dersim in the 1930s and political/strategic positioning of the local tribes and the state during the Dersim uprising and bloody military campaign in 1938. See Nicole F. Watts, ‘Relocating Dersim: Turkish state-building and Kurdish resistance, 1931–1938’, New Perspectives on Turkey, 23, 2000, pp. 5–30. 54 Öktem, ‘The nation's imprint’, op. cit., §31. 55 Öktem, ‘The nation's imprint’, op. cit. 56 See Jordi Tejel Gorgas, ‘The shared political production of “the East” as a “resistant” territory and cultural sphere in the Kemalist era, 1923–1938’, European Journal of Turkish Studies, No. 10, 2009; Jongerden, ‘Crafting space, making people’, op. cit.; Güneş Murat Tezcür, ‘Kurdish nationalism and identity in Turkey: a conceptual reinterpretation’, European Journal of Turkish Studies, No. 10, 2009; Dorronsoro and Watts, op. cit., pp. 457–478; Watts, ‘Activists in office’, op. cit., pp. 125–144. European Journal of Turkish Studies published a special issue titled ‘State–Society Relations in the Southeast’ that consists of articles problematizing the binary, state versus society type of depictions of the Kurdish–Turkish state relations. The special issue of the EJTS can be accessed online at: < http://ejts.revues.org/index4196.html>. 57 Çağlar Keyder, ‘Cumhuriyetin İlk Yıllarında Türk Tüccarının ’Millî'leşmesi', ODTÜ Gelişme Dergisi, 80, 1979, pp. 239–255. 58 Mustafa Sönmez, Doğu Anadolu?un hikâyesi: Kürtler: ekonomik ve sosyal tarih, Arkadaş Yayınevi, Istanbul, 1992, p. 119. 59 Mustafa Sönmez, Doğu Anadolu?un hikâyesi: Kürtler: ekonomik ve sosyal tarih, Arkadaş Yayınevi, Istanbul, 1992, p. 122. 60 İlhan Tekeli, Türkiye'de bölgesel eşitsizlik ve bölge planlama yazıları, Tarih Vakfı, Istanbul, 2008, p. 66. 61 İlhan Tekeli, Türkiye'de bölgesel eşitsizlik ve bölge planlama yazıları, Tarih Vakfı, Istanbul, 2008, p. 57. 62 Sönmez, Doğu Anadolu?un hikâyesi, op. cit., p. 128. 63 Zülküf Aydın, Underdevelopment and Rural Structures in Southeastern Turkey: The Household Economy in Gisgis and Kalhana, Ithaca Press, London, 1986, p. 17. 64 For a thorough examination of the transformation of the traditional feudal structure in the eastern and south-eastern regions and the phenomenon of what İsmail Beşikçi called ‘institutionalization of landlordism’, see: İsmail Beşikçi, Doğu Anadolu'nun düzeni. Sosyo-ekonomik ve etnik temeller, E. Yayınları, Istanbul, 1969. 65 For a thorough examination of the transformation of the traditional feudal structure in the eastern and south-eastern regions and the phenomenon of what İsmail Beşikçi called ‘institutionalization of landlordism’, see: İsmail Beşikçi, Doğu Anadolu'nun düzeni. Sosyo-ekonomik ve etnik temeller, E. Yayınları, Istanbul, 1969, p. 343. 66 Çağlar Keyder, ‘The cycle of sharecropping and the consolidation of small peasant ownership in Turkey’, in T. J. Byres (ed.), Sharecropping and Sharecroppers, Frank Cass, London, 1983, p. 131. 69 Mehmed Emîn Bozarslan, Doğu'nun sorunları, Avesta, Istanbul, 2002 [1966], p. 15. 67 SIS [State Institute of Statistics], 1965, pp. 5–6. 68 Specifically, within the Kurdish regions the main provinces of migration emerged as Diyarbakır, Elazığ and Siirt where most of the mining and manufacturing industries were located. M. R. Jafar, Under-underdevelopment: A Regional Case Study of the Kurdish Area in Turkey, Social Policy Association in Finland, Helsinki, 1976, p. 89. 70 Kendal, ‘Kurdistan in Turkey’, in Gérard Chaliand (ed.), A People without a Country: The Kurds and Kurdistan, Zed Books, London, 1993, p. 79. 73 Yeğen, ‘Turkish nationalism and the Kurdish question’, op. cit., p. 599. 71 Andrew Merrifield, ‘Place and space: a Lefebvrian reconciliation’, Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, 18(4), 1993, p. 520. 72 Yeğen, ‘The Kurdish question in Turkey’, op. cit., p. 67; Yeğen, ‘Turkish nationalism and the Kurdish question’, op. cit.; Yeğen, Müstakbel-Türk'ten sözde vatandaşa, op. cit. 74 Harvey, op. cit., p. 218. 75 Büşra Ersanlı, İktidar ve Tarih Türkiye'de ‘Resmi Tarih’ Tezinin Oluşumu (1929–1937), İletişim, Istanbul, 2003. 76 Jongerden, The Settlement Issue in Turkey and the Kurds, op. cit.; Öktem, ‘Incorporating the time and space of the ethnic “other”’, op. cit. 77 Öktem, ‘Incorporating the time and space of the ethnic “other”’, op. cit., pp. 567–569. 78 Sibel Bozdoğan, Modernism and Nation Building: Turkish Architectural Culture in the Early Republic, Studies in Modernity and National Identity, University of Washington Press, Seattle, 2001. 79 Tekeli, Türkiye'de bölgesel eşitsizlik ve bölge planlama yazıları, op. cit. 80 Jongerden, The Settlement Issue in Turkey and the Kurds, op. cit., p. 215. 81 For various reasons their number decreased to 49 during their trials and that is why they were called ‘49s’ (49'lar). The state elites were denying the existence of a Kurdish problem on the one hand; but on the other, because of their alarmist attitude about the awakening of Kurdishness that was triggered by the Barzani Revolt in Iraq, they intensified their intelligence activities. 82 Cumhuriyet (The Republic), 31 May 1960. 83 İsmail Beşikçi, Doğu Anadolu'nun düzeni: sosyo-ekonomik ve etnik temeller, E. Yayinlari, 1970, p. 328. 84 Sosyalizm ve Toplumsal Mücadeleler Ansiklopedisi, p. 2113. 86 Şükrü Laçin, Dersim isyanından Diyarbakıra: bir Kürt işçisinin siyasal anıları, Sun Yayıncılık, 1992, p. 77. 87 Kemal Burkay, Anılar, belgeler, 2nd edn, Deng Yayınları, Istanbul, 2002, p. 66, emphasis added. 88 Personal correspondence in 2005. 85 İsmail Beşikçi, Doğu mitingleri'nin analizi, 1967, 1st edn, Yurt Kitap-Yayın, Kızılay, Ankara, 1992; Beşikçi, Doğu Anadolu'nun düzeni, op. cit. 89 Tilly, ‘Spaces of contention’, op. cit. 90 Yılmaz Çamlıbel, Kervan yürüyor: anılar: kuva dıçi?, Deng Yayınları, Istanbul, 2001, p. 23. 91 Musa Anter, Hatiralarim, Doz, 1991, p. 58. 92 Tilly, ‘Spaces of contention’, op. cit., p. 144. 93 Naci Kutlay, Anılarım, Avesta, 1998, p. 38. 94 Metin Yüksel, ‘A “Revolutionary” Kurdish Mullah from Turkey: Mehmed Emin Bozarslan and his intellectual evolution’, The Muslim World, 99(2), 2009, pp. 356–380. 95 Ruşen Arslan, Niyazi Usta, Doz Yayınları, 2004, p. 44. 96 Nihal Atsız, ‘Konuşmalar I’, Ötüken, Sayı 1, 1967. 97 Through Mehdi Zana and his wife, deputy Leyla Zana, this surname became the symbol of the Kurdish movement both in Turkey and abroad. 99 Kutlay, op. cit., p. 177. 100 Zana, op. cit., p. 92. 98 Mehdî Zana, Bekle Diyarbakır, Doz Basım ve Yayıncılık, 1991, pp. 88–90. 101 ‘Doğu Mitingi’, Ant (The Oath), 36, 5 September 1967. 102 The Mezrabotan in the last slogan refers to the region's traditional Kurdish name. Zana, op. cit., p. 93. 103 The poem written by Abdurrahman Alaca was first published in the fourth issue of the Yeni Akış (New Spring) in November 1966, < http://www.mehmetaliaslan.com/yazilar/YeniAkis/YeniAkis.htm> (accessed 11 April 2011). 104 Ulus (The Nation), 25 September 1967. 105 The print houses in Tunceli and Elazığ would not print the flyers because of their ‘political’ content. Burkay, op. cit., p. 203. 106 The print houses in Tunceli and Elazığ would not print the flyers because of their ‘political’ content. Burkay, op. cit., p. 203. 107 Zana, op. cit., p. 95. 108 Burkay, op. cit., p. 204. 109 Burkay, op. cit., p. 204. 110 Burkay, op. cit., p. 205. 111 Burkay, op. cit., pp. 205–206. 112 Kutlay, op. cit., p. 117. 113 Tilly, ‘Spaces of contention’, op. cit. 114 ‘Doğu mitinginin altıncısı yapıldı’, Cumhuriyet (The Republic), 23 October 1967. 115 ‘Ecevit Doğu'ya otobüsle hareket etti’, Ulus (The Nation), 11 October 1967. 116 Interview with Naci Kutlay, 10 November 2004, Ankara. 117 Interview with Tarık Ziya Ekinci, 30 March 2004, Istanbul. 118 Henri Lefebvre, Writings on Cities, trans. Eleanora Kofman and Elizabeth Lebas, Wiley-Blackwell, Oxford, 1996. 119 Mark Purcell, ‘Citizenship and the right to the global city: reimagining the capitalist world order’, International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 27(3), 2003, pp. 577–578. 120 See Marlies Casier's paper in this issue. 121 Watts, Activists in Office, op. cit.; Watts, ‘Activists in office’, op. cit.