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The Embroidered Antependium of Wernigerode, Germany: Mary Magdalene and Female Spirituality in the Thirteenth Century∗

2007; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 76; Issue: 3 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1080/00233600701596476

1651-2294

Barbara Baert,

Medieval Literature and History

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes ∗. This article was developed in the context of an interdisciplinary project between the department of Art History and the faculty of Theology at the Catholic University of Leuven, financed by the Fund for Scientific Research–Flanders, on the Noli me tangere motif. I would like to thank my colleagues on this project for their suggestions: Prof. Dr. Reimund Bieringer, Prof. Dr. Ine Van Den Eynde, Prof. Dr. Karlijn Demasure, Isabelle Vanden Hove and Liesbet Kusters. Thanks also to Prof. Jeffrey H. Hamburger (Harvard University) for his essential comments. ∗∗. The Canticle of Mary Magdalene is a monologue written in the thirteenth century in Provence; F.A. Brunklaus, Het Hooglied van Maria Magdalena, Maastricht, 1940, p. 89. 1. R. Kroos, Niedersächsische Bildstickereien des Mittelalters, Berlin, 1970, p. 35–37, cat. no. 110, fig. 35. Further mentions in: G. Lehnert and O. von Falke, Illustrierte Geschichte des Kunstgewerbes, 1, Berlin, s.d., p. 344; O. Doering and G. Voss, Meisterwerke der Kunst aus Sachsen und Thüringen, Magdeburg, 1905, p. 20, p. 102, fig. 37; E. von Sydow, Die Entwicklung des figuralen Schmucks der christlichen Altar-Antependia und -Retabula bis zum XIV Jahrhundert, (Zur Kunstgeschichte des Auslandes, 97), Strasbourg, 1912, p. 50, p. 92; Zeitschrift des Harzvereins für Geschichte und Altertumskunde Nos 56, 57, 1924/24, p. 119; J. Braun, Der christliche Altar in seiner geschichtlichen Entwicklung 2, Munich, 1924, 34; H. Karlinger, Die Kunst der Gothik, (Propyläen-Kunstgeschichte VII), Berlin, 1926, p. 696; J. Baum, Die Malerei und Plastik des Mittelalters in Deutschland, (Handbuch der Kunstwissenschaft), Potsdam, 1930, p. 332ff.; M. Schuette, Gestickte Bildteppiche und Decken des Mittelalters, 2, s.l., 1930, p. 53, fig. 35; J. Gerhardt, Die Spätromanischen Wandmalereien im Dome zu Braunschweig, Hildesheim/Leipzig, 1934, p. 45, note 62; H. T. Bossert, Geschichte des Kunstgewerbes, vol. 5: P. Metz, Das Kunstgewerbe von der Karolingerzeit bis zum Beginn der Gotik, Berlin, 1932, p. 352 and H. Kohlaussen, Gotische Kunstgewerbe, Berlin, 1932, p. 454; Feudalmuseum Schloss Wernigerode, (Fürher), Oschersleben, 1956, p. 23; H. Bethe and A. Bethe-Kränzner, Kunst und Kunsthandwerk im Feudalmuseum Schloss Wernigerode, Leipzig, 1957, p. 6; R. Kroos, Niedersächsische figürliche Leinen- und Seidenstickereien des 12–14. Jahrhunderts, Diss., Göttingen, 1957; D. Kluge, Gotische Wandmalerei in Westfalen, 1290–1530 (12. Sonderheft der Zeitschrift »Westfalen«), Münster, 1959, p. 83; H. Appuhn, Meisterwerke der niedersächsischen Kunst der Mittelalters, Bad Honnef, 1963, p. 54; M. Schuette and S. Müller-Christensen, Das Stickereiwerk, Tübingen, 1963, p. 119, p. 34, fig. 142; M. Wagner, Sakrale Weisstickereien des Mittelalters, Eslingen, 1963, p. 3, p. 20; R. Kroos, Die niedersächsischen Bildhandschriften des 13. Jaharhunderts in Wien (Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen, Philologisch-Historische Klasse, 2, 56), Göttingen, 1964, p. 38, note 153. F. Eisermann, Die Inschriften auf den Textilien des Augustiner-Chorfrauenstifts Heiningen, Göttingen, 1996, does not mention the textile. 2. In Matthew 26: 6–15, Simon is a leper. A woman pours ointment over Christ's head, not his feet. 3. Schuette, 1930, p. 53, identifies one of the women as Martha, as a contamination with John 12: 1–9, the meal in Bethany. But according to the text, Martha must serve, which is not the case on the antependium. 4. Wolfenbüttel, Herzog August Bibliothek, Cod. Guelf. 521 Helmst fol. 54v; R. Kroos, »Der Landgrafenpsalter kunsthistorisch betrachtet«, in F. Heinzer (ed.), Der Landgrafenpsalter. Vollständiges Faksimile im Original-Format der Handschrift HB II 24 der Württembergischen Landesbibliothek Stuttgart, Graz, 1992, p. 63–139, p. 97. For a different model scene in the Evangeliary of Henry the Lion (c.1180), see S. Haskins, Mary Magdalen: Myth and Metaphor, New York, 1993, p. 17; Wolfenbüttel, Herzog August Bibliothek, Cod. Guelf. 105 Noviss, fol. 2v, J.M. Plotzek, »Evangeliar Heinrichs des Löwen«, in Heinrich der Löwe und seine Zeit. Herrschaft und Repräsentation der Welfen 1125–1235, vol. 1 (exh. cat.), Munich, 1995, p. 206–210, D 31. There is also a similar scene in the Elizabeth Psalter, A. Haseloff, Eine Thüring-Sächsische Malerschule des 13. Jahrhunderts, (Studien zur deutschen Kunstgeschichte, 9), Strasbourg, 1897, p. 53, p. 130ff., fig. 25; and a fresco in Helmstedt/Marienberg; J. Gerhardt, Die Spätromanischen Wandmalereien im Dome zu Braunschweig, Hildesheim/Leipzig, 1934, fig. 25; Compare also the mosaic of Monreale: O. Demus, The Mosaics of Norman Sicily, New York, 1950, p. 120, note 391, fig. 89B. 5. In the Greek text, it was written as Me mou haptou, which can be translated as »Do not hold on to me (any longer)«. This could imply a metaphorical prohibition of touching. The Vulgate, which handed down the tactility of the tangere, however, became the basis for the iconographic and literary tradition; concerning this problem, see R. Bieringer, »Mary Magdalene in the Four Gospels«, The Bible Today, No 43, 2005, p. 34–41. 6. 1241–1245, Halberstadt, Domschatz, MS 114, Fol. 252; Kroos, 1970, p. 34, fig. 40. 7. J. Szövérffy, Die Annalen der lateinischen Hymnendichtung. Ein Handbuch, 1: Die lateinischen Hymnen bis zum Ende des 11. Jahrhunderts, Erich Schmidt Verlag, s.d., p. 409–415; Analecta hymnica, p. 50, p. 344; J. Szövérffy, »Peccatrix Quondam Femina. A Survey of the Mary Magdalen Hymns«, Traditio, No 19, 1963, p. 79–146, 139, only mentioned for »special excellence«; R. Schieffer, »Gottschalk von Aachen«, in Die deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters. Verfasserlexikon, 3, Berlin–New York, 1981, p. 186–189 (Gottschalk is sometimes erroneously referred to as »von Limburg«, as is also the case in Kroos, 1970, p. 35). 8. J.-P. Migne (ed.), Patrologia Latina, 76, ed., 1849, cols 1238–1246, col. 1239; Gregor der Große, Homilia 33, in M. von Friedraeder (ed.), Gregor der Große, Homiliae in evangelia. Evangelienhomilien, Freiburg, 1998, p. 616–639, p. 618. 9. Gregory did, however, also write a sermon about John 20: 11–18 (no. 25): »La grâce de Dieu (sur Jean 20,11–18)«, in A. Quéré and F. Jaulmes Hamman (eds), Le mystère de Pâque. Textes choisis et présentés. Cur (Lettres chrétiennes, 11), Paris, 1965, p. 289–303. 10. Hanc vero quam Lucas peccatricem mulierem, Iohannes Mariam nominat, illam esse Mariam credimus, de quae Marcus septem daemonia, nisi universa vitia designantur; von Friedraeder, 1998, p. 618. 11. Haskins, 1993, p. 3–32 for an overview. See also: E. Atwood, Mary Magdalene in the New Testament Gospels and Early Tradition, Bern, 1993, p. 147–204; C. Doumergue, Marie-Madeleine, la Reine Oubliée. L'Epouse du Christ, Nîmes, 2004, p. 404–425. 12. Translated from K. L. Jansen, The Making of the Magdalen: Preaching and Popular Devotion in the Later Middle Ages, Princeton, 1999, p. 29; original text in: Ambrosius, expositio evangelii secundam Lucam, Lib. X, CSEL 32, 1902, p. 513–514. 13. D. Iogna-Prat, »La Madeleine du ‘Sermo in veneratione sanctae Mariae Magdalenae’ attribué à Odon de Cluny«, Mélanges de l’école française de Rome. Moyen Âge, No 104, Vol 1, 1992, p. 37–79, p. 58. 14. Groundbreaking work was carried out by V. Saxer, Le culte de Marie Madeleine en Occident des origines à la fin du moyen âge (Cahiers d'archéologie et d'histoire, 3), 2 vols, Paris, 1959. 15. M. Marrier and A. Duchêne, Bibliotheca Cluniacensis, Paris, 1614, p. 131–138; PL 133, cols 713–721. The origin could be Vézelay, c.1040. The sermo was used monastically with liturgical adaptation through the use of 12 readings; Iogna-Prat, 1992, p. 41–42. 16. The reason why Christ forbids Mary Magdalene to touch him is not that he never wants to be touched. This would contradict Matt. 28: 9, where one of the Marys is permitted to touch his feet. This thought permeates medieval exegesis; Iogna-Prat, 1992, p. 52. 17. K. L. Jansen, 1999, 31: Sermo 232, SC 116, 1966, 262. 18. The Hebrew word migdol or magdol means »tower«. 19. With reference to Proverbs 18: 10 and the Song of Songs 4: 4; Iogna-Prat, 1992, p. 48. 20. PL 22, 1090; Selected Letters of St Jerome, trans. F. A. Wright, London, New York, 1933, p. 450–451. Jerome wrote this letter in 412 to Marcella, a prosperous lady who had founded a women's community with her mother Albinia on the Aventina hill in Rome. The letter is intended to encourage Marcella: »those who read this will laugh at me because I praise weak women«. Then he refers to the Marys at the grave and to Mary Magdalene as exemplum. 21. The castle is a conventional background in thirteenth-century narrative art, e.g. in miniatures. On the other hand, the castle (or tower) is far from a neutral image in a feminine context of courtly love and mysticism. Herrad van Landsberg (1176–1195: Hortus deliciarum) interprets the entrance of Christ in the house of Bethany (Jn. 12: 1–11) as an entry into the »virginal« castle as well (fol. 127); Strasbourg, Dépôt central du District, burned in 1870, fol. 127, facsimile: R. Green, Hortus deliciarum. Reconstruction, vol. 2, Leiden, 1979, p. 217. 22. Iogna-Prat, 1992, p. 56. 23. P.L. 133, 715 A. 24. De virginitate III, 14–20, 20; Dom M.-G. Tissot, Saint Ambroise. Ecrits sur la virginité, Solsmes, 1980, p. 164–165. Further commentary in Iogna-Prat, 1992, p. 60. 25. Femineum sexum depones tempore certo/ cum fueris Christo viro; Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, MS Lat. 12949, Fol. 43v.; C. Jeudy, »L'oeuvre de Remi d'Auxerre. Etat de la question«, in L’école carolingienne d'Auxerre, D. Iogna-Prat, C. Jeudy and G. Lobrichon (eds), Paris, 1991, 382. In truth and faith, the sex distinction is resolved. This strain of thought is dependent on gnosis, and is connected to Abelard by Annele Mulder-Bakker: A. Mulder-Bakker, »Was Mary Magdalene a Magdalen? On Abelard's sermon no. 8 on Easter Sunday in which Mary Magdalene is portrayed as a female apostle«, in Media Latinitas. A Collection of Essays to Mark the Occasion of the Retirement of L. J. Engels (Instrumenta patristica, 28), Turnhout, 1996, p. 269–274, p. 273. 26. Kroos, 1970, p. 152; Schuette, 1930, Vol 2, p. 53. 27. This information came to us thanks to Eva-Maria Hasert of the Feudalmuseum, Wernigerode in a correspondence of 28 October 2005. 28. Kroos, 1970, p. 37. 29. Eisermann, 1996, p. 233ff. 30. Kroos, 1970, p. 37–38, fig. 41, cat. no. 55; L. von Wilckens, Die textilen Künste. Von der Spätantike bis um 1500, Munich, 1991, p. 187ff.; M. Wolfson, art. »Antependium aus dem Kloster Heiningen, ca. 1260«, in Krone und Schleier. Kunst aus mittelalterlichen Frauenklöstern (exh. cat.), Bonn–Essen, 2005, p. 255, No. 83, Eisermann, 1996, p. 232–238; A. Fink, »Das weisse Antependium aus Kloster Heiningen«, Jarhbuch der Berliner Museen, No 1, 1959, p. 168ff., p. 176ff. 31. G. Taddey, Das Kloster Heiningen von der Gründung bis zur Aufhebung, (Veröffentlichungen des Max-Planck-Instituts für Geschichte, 14. Studien zur Germania sacra, 4), Göttingen, 1966, p. 55ff.; H. A. Schultz, »Die Klosterkirche Heininge«, Braunschweiger Heimat, No 58, Vol 2, 1972, p. 33–38. 32. Urkundenbuch des Hochstifts Hildesheim und seiner Bischöfe I–IV (Publicationen aus den K. Preussischen Staatsarchiven, 65), s.l., 1896: »Quellen und Darstellungen zur Geschichte Niedersachsens«, No. 583, 290. 33. Taddey, 1966, p. 17ff.; Schultz, 1972, p. 34. 34. Taddey, 1966, p. 25–26. 35. The worldly attitude of the Augustinians also corresponds with a different pedagogical model, based on an anthropology that links the outer person with the inner person. Asceticism is not a necessary condition for the purification of the soul. Education transforms the learner into a better person. This view is opposed to, for example, that of the Cistercians, who employ external asceticism to make visible the internal virtue of the soul; see C. Muessig, »Learning and Mentoring in the Twelfth Century. Hildegard of Bingen and Herrad of Landsberg«, in G. Ferzoco and C. Muessig (eds), Medieval Monastic Education, London, 2000, p. 87–104. 36. Fink, 1959, p. 178; Taddey, 1966, p. 56. 37. Urkundenbuch des Hochstifts Hildesheim und seiner Bischöfe I–IV (Publicationen aus den K. Preussischen Staatsarchiven, 65) (1896): »Quellen und Darstellungen zur Geschichte Niedersachsens«, 6, 11, 22, 24, 28 (1903), 838. 38. There was an indulgence for the Feast of Magdalene in 1261: Urkundenbuch der Stadt Goslar, figs 1–5 (Geschichtsquellen der Provinz Sachsen, 7), 1878, fig. 2, 1896, p. 74; D. Lange, Eine baugeschichtliche Untersuchung. Kirche und Kloster am Frankenberg in Goslar, (Beiträge zur Geschichte der Stadt Goslar, 28), s.l., 1971. See also A. Simon, L'ordre des Pénitentes de Ste. M.-Madeleine en Allemagne, Freiburg, 1918. Magdalens were penitent women (also known as Reuerinnen). They were under the supervision of Dominicans and had lived according to the rule of St Augustine since 1232. The heyday of these »White Ladies« was the thirteenth century. Kroos also considers the convent of Huysburg near Halberstadt, seeing that the records mention – as an altar to Gregory and Magdalene – saints who were featured on the monastery seal. See: H. Meibom, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum, img. 2, Helmstedt, 1688, p. 533: twelfth century. A copy of the sermons of Gregory the Great has also been preserved at Huysburg since the eleventh century, but then again, that text is commonly included in the breviary for the Feast of Magdalene. On the external patrons of the Augustinians in Heiningen, see Fink, 1959, p. 168ff., p. 176ff. 39. T. Renna, »Mary Magdalen in the Thirteenth Century«, Michigan Academician. Papers of the Michigan Academy of Science, Arts, and Letters, No 30, Vol 1, 1998, p. 59–68, p. 59. 40. Renna, 1998, passim, develops five factors: preaching about penance; penance and Eucharist; vita contemplativa; development of the concept of purgatory and the role of the mediatrix; imitation of the historical Christ. 41. K. J. Jansen, »Mary Magdalene and the Mendicants. The Preaching of Penance in the Late Middle Ages«, The Journal of Medieval History, No 21, Vol 1, 1995, p. 1–25, p. 3. 42. W. G. Ryan (ed.), Jacobus de Voragine: The Golden Legend. Readings on the Saints, Vol 1, Princeton, 1995, p. 375–375. The legend tells of the post-Biblical history of Mary Magdalene and her cult in France. I cannot go into this, see: Jansen, 1999, p. 18ff., p. 328–332. 43. Renna, 1998, p. 62. 44. J. M. Wood, Women, Art, and Spirituality: The Poor Clares of Early Modern Italy, Cambridge, 1996; Jansen, 1999, p. 291, gives another example. Clara of Montefalco (d. 1308) was posed a trick question by a heretic. He asked: What pleases God the most: the virginity of Agnes or the wickedness of Mary Magdalene? But Clara escapes from the trap by defending equal divine love. After all, through her penance, Mary Magdalene achieves the dignity of the virginal Agnes. 45. P. Nagy, Le don des larmes aux moyen âge, Paris, 2000, p. 388–412. 46. The Legend Aurea makes a connection between the beauty of the mouth that was kissed by Christ kissed and the sincerity of what that mouth utters now. What could one do but believe her! Ryan, 1995, p. 377. 47. PL 158, 270. 48. Disputes broke out about the spoken confessio versus the inner confession, of which the tear is an important part; Jansen, 1995, 15. 49. Jansen, 1995, p. 15–16; Meditations on the Life of Christ, trans. and ed. I. Ragusa and R. Green, Princeton, 1961, p. 171–172. 50. Mulder-Bakker, 1996, 273. 51. According to Honorius Augustodunensis (first half twelfth century), Mary Magdalene was married: Haec Maria in Magdalum castellum marito traditur, sed ab eo in Hierosolimam fugiens, generis innemor, legis Dei oblita, vulgaris meretrix efficitur; quoted from Mulder-Bakker, 1996, p. 270. 52. D. Papebroeck, Vita Mariae Oigniacensis, AA SS, June, 5, Paris, 1867, p. 542–572. In 1231, the Dominican Thomas of Chantimpré added a supplement; p. 572–581. 53. M. Lauwers, » > Noli me tangere<. Marie Madeleine, Marie d'Oignies et les pénitentes du XIIIe siècle«, Mélanges de l'Ecole française de Rome. Moyen Âge, No 104, Vol 1, 1992, p. 209–268. 54. Mystice autem per hoc intelligi dedit quod mulieres maioribus ecclesiae ministeriis manum apponere non debent. Non enim licet praedicare vel sacramenta ministrare, in Lauwers, 1992, note 182, p. 243. The »mystical« declaration is in fact the position of male authority and prerogative (preaching and distribution of the host), which was linked with the theme of the Noli me tangere from Ambrose onwards. See Expositio evangelii secundam Lucam, X, CSEL 32, 1902, 519. 55. Décret, dist XXIII, Lauwers, 1992, p. 244–245, note 185. 56. I. Raming, Auschluss der Frau vom priesterlichen Amt: Gottgewollte Tradition oder Diskriminierung?, Cologne, 1973, passim. 57. In a letter of 1216, Jacques de Vitry himself argues for this flexibility, as long as teaching was not manifesta and publica. Exchanges between convents where women took the floor were considered beneficial; Lauwers, 1992, p. 245; see Alanus of Lille (+1203) about the more flexible position: Alain de Lille, Ars praedicandi, PL 210, col. 111. 58. Lauwers, 1992, p. 249; Vita Mariae, 1867, 562. 59. Lauwers, 1992, p. 242–243; Vita Mariae, 1867, 564C. 60. Lauwers, 1992, p. 255–256. A stream of tears. Guillaume of Auvergne (after 1223) compared this female capacity with childbirth itself. Sources testify to women who did such profound penance that they screamed as during childbirth: more parturiente, Vita Mariae, 1867, 551D. Juliana de Cornillon (1192–1258) was reported to scream out her penance. 61. Mechtilde von Hackeborn, Het boek der bijzondere genade, ed. and trans. R. L. J. Bromberg, Zwolle, s.d., p. 412. 62. Bromberg, s.d., p. 412. Item in festo eius ait Beata Maria. 63. Nagy, 2000, p. 262 and passim, p. 257–278. 64. B. Newmann, From Virile Woman to Woman Christ: Studies in Medieval Religion and Literature, Philadelphia, 1995, p. 175. Meister Eckhardt liked to let himself be influenced by women. The heterodox nature of his writings is close to the descriptions of female spiritual experiences. 65. For this problem, see the Introduction in J. F. Hamburger, The Visual and the Visionary. Art and Female Spirituality in Late Medieval Germany, New York, 1998, p. 13–34. 66. I discussed grammar, style and imperfections with Prof. Dr. Jan Papy, K.U. Leuven. 67. Eisermann, 1996, p. 232 mentions Wernigerode as directly related to Helmstedt, formerly St. Marienberg. The epigraph contains fewer mistakes, only WALBURIIS instead of WALBURGIS. It was customary for the women's choir hymns to be translated into the vernacular; see on this subject Y. Desplenter, »Songs of Praise for the >Illiterate Sy bettet och gewonlich vor úser frowen bild …<: Überlegungen zur Funktion von Kunstwerken in spätmittelalterlichen Frauenklösterh«, in Femmes, art et religion, p. 63–86. 70. Oxford, Keble College, MS 49, Fol. 7; C. Andrä, »Lektionar aus dem Dominikanerinnenkonvent Heilig Kreuz in Regensburg«, in Krone und Schleier, 2005, p. 402–403. 71. Antwerp, Museum Mayer van den Bergh; J. Hamburger, The Visual and the Visionary, 1998, p. 131; R. Suckale, »Christus-Johannes-Gruppe aus St. Katharinenthal«, in Krone und Schleier, 2005, p. 409–411. 72. In situ, MS no. unknown, Fol. 87a; C. M. Kessler, »Fünf Fragmente …«, in Krone und Schleier, 2005, p. 406–407. 73. See note 85, no. 3. Pioneering research, and still the standard: C. W. Bynum, Jesus as Mother: Studies in the Spirituality of the High Middle Ages, California, 1982. 74. The 2005 exhibition Krone und Schleier (»Crown and Veil«), under the curatorship of Jeffrey F. Hambuger in Essen (Ruhrlandmuseum, 500–1200) and Bonn (Kunst- und Ausstellungshalle der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, 1200–1500), was constructed precisely around these topographical »shells«. 75. Vita venerabilis Juliane de Cornelion et sermones, c.1280, Paris, Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal, MS 945. 76. The experience of the thirteenth-century Beatrice of Spaalbeek is described by a contemporary as an intense joy of taste and feelings, a sense of melting together which made her go into a swoon, P. Vandenbroeck, Hooglied, p. 81. 77. Nagy, 2000, p. 400. 78. M. Rubin, Corpus Christi: The Eucharist in Late Medieval Culture, Cambridge, 1991, p. 319ff.; O. Nussbaum, Die Aufbewahrung der Eucharistie, Bonn, 1979, p. 187–189 and p. 427–440; H. Dünninger, “Zur Frage der Hostiensepulchren und Reliquienrekondierungen in Bildwerken”, Jahrbuch für Volkskunde, No 9, 1986, p. 72–84; J. Braun, Das christliche Altargerät in seinem Sein und in seiner Entwicklung, Munich, 1932, p. 348–411. 79. The Noli me tangere is added to Passion series, as in a niche curtain from c.1300 in Kestner-Museum, Hanover, Inv. Nr. 3842, Kroos, 1970, No 41, p. 127, ills. 132–133. 80. The Magdalenes foundation of Goslar was one of the earliest, together with those of Worms, Strasbourg, Mühlhausen and Würzburg. The thirteenth century was the flourishing period of the Magdalens in Germany: there were as many as 40 convents. By the end of the century, they became just like »normal« convents, based on the customs of choir sisters, and more and more noblewomen without a penitence calling took the vow; A. Simon, L'ordre des Pénitentes de Ste. M. Madeleine en Allemagne, Freiburg, 1918; A. Linage Conde, »A propósito de la continuidad de lo medieval en la vida religiosa. Las magdalenas«, Anales de la Universidad de Alicante. Historia Medieval, No 9, 1992–1993, p. 119–131. 81. The furnishings and possessions of Heiningen are well documented; Taddey, 1966, p. 45–51: Die Besitzentwicklung bis 1292. 82. See Taddey, 1966, p. 46. Between 1174 and 1195, the cathedral of Goslar donated goods and land to Heiningen: Ecclesia de Heninge (tenetur nobis censum) de tribus areis UB Goslar 1 no. 301, 320. 83. Lange, 1971, p. 16–18; E. Schiller, Bürgerschaft und Geistlichkeit in Goslar 1290–1365, (Kirchenrechtliche Abhandlungen, 77), Stuttgart, 1912, p. 30–32, p. 31. 84. Schiller, 1912, p. 32. 85. Lange, 1971, p. 22. 86. A. Goldschmidt, Das Evangeliar im Rathaus zu Goslar, Berlin, 1910, fig. 11.