The Spanish Translation of the Elémens du Commerce by François Véron Duverger de Forbonnais: A Linguistic Analysis
2014; Routledge; Volume: 40; Issue: 8 Linguagem: Inglês
10.1080/01916599.2014.968335
ISSN1873-541X
Autores Tópico(s)Historical and Literary Studies
ResumoAbstractIn 1754 Véron Duverger de Forbonnais published the two books of his Élemens du Commerce which, as the Avertissement stated, collected together some of the chapters the author had written for the Encyclopédie. The second edition was published in the same year with ‘quelques légères additions’. In 1765, Carlos Lemaur, a French engineer who worked in Spain from 1750 until 1785, translated the text into Spanish. The probable reason for the translation was the importance that Forbonnais attributed to the construction of roads and infrastructure that enabled improved communication between the markets and an increased distribution of money to the small cities located far from big centres. The translator worked as an engineer in a number of remarkable constructions designed to enhance logistics in Spain, and shared Forbonnais’ perspective on Enlightenment principles. My analysis will focus on the translation strategies adopted by Lemaur, and on the adaptation of the source text to the target culture, following the approach taken by Theo Hermans. I will examine the equivalence between the source text and the translation, which was the result of the functionality and dynamism of the translator's technique.Keywords: Economic lexicontranslation Notes1 Theo Hermans, The Manipulation of Literature: Studies in Literary Translation (London and Sydney, 1985).2 Regarding these translations, see the contribution by Marco Cavarzere in this journal.3 Regarding the Portuguese translation, see the contribution by Cardeira, Silvestre and Villalva and that by Guidi and Lupetti.4 Clavijo (1730–1806), a Spanish naturalist and man of letters, was responsible for the translation of Racine, Voltaire and Buffon (Britannica).5 Francisco Mariano Nipho (1719–1803) is considered to have been the most important Spanish journalist of the eighteenth century.6 José Clavijo y Fajardo, El Pensador, III (Madrid, Ioachín Ibarra, 1763).7 Pensamiento XXXVIII, id., 299–316, which corresponds to 1–15 of the original.8 Francisco Mariano Nipho, El hablador Juicioso y Crítico Imparcial, IV (Madrid, Imprenta Real de la Gaceta, 1763), 37–49.9 Pensamiento XL, in Clavijo y Fajardo, El Pensador, 331–360.10 Clavijo y Fajardo, El Pensador, n.p.11 ‘Dexo aparte examinar si es, o no agena del Plan de aquella Obra una historia del Comercio. Lo que no puedo evitar es advertir al Público del estratagema con que, para seguir el assunto comentado dos semanas ha, pretexta dicho Autor, que el Num. IV del Hablador Judicioso es una mala traducción, que se verá con gusto mejorada en sus Pensamientos’, Nipho, El hablador, IV, n.p.12 Nipho, El hablador, n.p.13 Nipho, El hablador, n.p. No evidence exists about the printed but unavailable text mentioned by Nipho. Nevertheless, he may have been referring to a handwritten translation that can currently be found in the Biblioteca Real of Madrid, II/1241. Regarding this matter, see Astigarraga's contribution in this journal.14 One of the examples that can be adduced is Clavijo's translation of this sentence from Forbonnais's work, ‘mais les guerres des Anglois nous firent perdre le fruit de cette découverte’, François Véron Duverger de Forbonnais, Elémens du Commerce, 2 vols (Leiden, Briasson, 1754), I, 27, with ‘las guerras entre Ingleses, y Franceses hicieron perder à estos el fruto de este descubrimiento’, Clavijo y Fajardo, El Pensador, III, 341.15 For example, Clavijo suppresses a critical passage by Forbonnais regarding Spain: ‘Le Portugal victime d'une querelle qui n'etoit point la sienne, s'affranchit en 1640 de la domination espagnole’, Forbonnais, Elémens du Commerce, I, 37.16 A significant example is the following passage, in which Nipho offers a harsh judgment of French politics in 1420, commenting on the benefits of free trade: ‘Su gobierno interior, que esclavizaba el Pueblo, baxo una multitud de Señores, havia impedido los progressos del Comercio en este reyno. En el Reynado de San Luis, y de Phelipe el Hermoso, à esfuerzos de la actividad de estos Monarcas, empezò, sin embargo, à florecer; y à medida que estos Señoríos se incorporaban à la corona, la libertad fue dando alas à la industria, y al Comercio’. Nipho, El hablador, IV, 42.17 These years were characterised by the precarious health of Fernando VI, the fall of Ensenada (1754), the advent to the throne of Charles III (1759) and the dominance of the Italian ministers Esquilache and Grimaldi, who liberalised the grain trade, and by the popular discontent that led to the 1766 revolt and the subsequent expulsion of the Jesuits.18 Regarding Carlos Lemaur's life and works, see Horacio Capel, Los ingenieros militares de España. Siglo XVIII. Repertorio bibliográfico e inventario de su labor científica y espacial (Barcelona, 1983), 258–261; Santos Madrazo, El sistema de transportes en España. 1750–1850 (Madrid, 1984); Teresa Sánchez Lázaro, Carlos Lemaur y el canal de Guadarrama (Madrid, 1995); Manuel Esteban García, ‘Carlos Lemaur, un ingeniero excepcional en la Ilustración’, Cimbra, 353 (July–August 2003), 50–53; María Soledad Pita González, ‘Carlos Lemaur: ingeniero militar, arquitecto e impulsor del desarrollo económico de Galicia en el siglo XVIII’, Norba-Arte, XXVIII–XXIX (2008–2009), 99–112.19 Ensenada was Prime Minister of Spain from 1743 to 1754. His tenure was focused on reforms to finance, trade and naval rearmament, which were ‘key elements of a Bourbon growth model’ (Stanley J. Stein and Barbara H. Stein, Silver, Trade, and War (Baltimore and London, 2000), 239). His plans for improving the logistics of Spanish inland navigation, as well as the road network, should be understood in this reformist context, as elements capable of ameliorating the internal trade of the peninsula.20 A letter written by Sarmiento in 1757—cited in Capel, Los ingenieros militares de España, 259—refers to the disagreements that caused his move away from Castile: ‘Es el que planeó el canal de Campos, riñó con Ulloa sobre eso y don Zenon [de Somodevilla, marqués de la Ensenada] lo echó a Galicia’.21 In 1756 the Count of Aranda created the Real Sociedad de Matemáticas, asking Lemaur to participate, but this Society was dissolved in 1760 by Aranda's successor. In 1764 Lemaur discovered deposits of iron and coal in Galicia and began exploitation, but his numerous enemies launched a legal case against him. In 1765 his project for the Ría de Betanzos was rejected. Later, in 1785 his Proyecto de un gran canal navegable desde el río Guadarrama al Océano, que pasará por Madrid y Sierra Morena was criticised as unrealistic. In letter XXXIV of the Cartas marruecas, José de Cadalso, ‘Carta 34. Gazel á Ben-Beley’, Correo de Madrid (4 April 1789), 247, 1593–1594 (1593) refers to Lemaur when making fun of proyectistas who wanted to build very long and complex canals: ‘Tengo un proyecto para hacer uno en España […] desde la Coruña ha de llegar a Cartagena y desde el cabo de Rosas al de San Vicente’.22 Even if Ensenada's successor, the Count of Valparaiso, turned his back on the Canal of Campos project on which Lemaur was working (http://www.geoinstitutos.org/geoinstitutos/), ‘the change of monarch, with the appointment of Carlos III in September 1759, does not constitute a break in the field of thought, nor political action, but rather an acceleration, in a way, part of an earlier effort’: see Enrique Fuentes Quintana, Economía y Economistas españoles. La Ilustración, 5 vols (Barcelona, 2000), III, 19–20 [my translation].23 In 1755 he built the harbour at Corcubión, in 1757 he was part of a royal commission to improve the defences of Galician ports, in 1764 he designed the presbytery of the Cathedral of Lugo and the bridge of las Cascas in La Coruña and, in the same year, he discovered the ancient military road from Astorga to Bergidum.24 It is the translation of Elémens du Commerce, and Réflexions sur la nécessité de comprendre l'étude du Commerce et des Finances dans celle de la politique. See 3.1.25 Jesús Astigarraga Goenaga, ‘André Morellet y la enseñanza de la economía en la ilustración española. La “Memoria sobre la utilidad del establecimiento de una escuela de comercio”’, Cuadernos de Historia Moderna, 35 (2010), 143–173 (157).ì26 See Astigarraga's contribution on this issue.27 Hermans, The Manipulation of Literature, 11–12.28 Eugene Albert Nida and Charles Russel Taber, The Theory and Practice of Translation (Leiden, 1969), 200.29 Teun A. van Dijk, Tekstwetenschap. Een interdisciplinaire inleidin (Utrecht and Antwerp, 1978), 55.30 id., 59.31 NTLLE: Real Academia Española, Nuevo tesoro lexicográfico de la lengua española (NTLLE). 32 ARTFL project: Dictionnaires d'autrefois. 33 DAF: Dictionnaire de L'Académie française, 4th Edition (1762), DAF: Dictionnaire de L'Académie française, 5th Edition (1798), < http://portail.atilf.fr/dictionnaires/ACADEMIE/CINQUIEME/cinquieme.fr.html > 34 François Véron Duverger de Forbonnais, Réflexions sur la nécessité de comprendre l’étude du Commerce et des Finances dans celle de la politique, in Considérations sur les finances d'Espagne (Dresden and Paris, Estienne, 1755).35 Another example of this type of intervention is the omission of a long passage that runs from page 320 to 323 of volume II, which stresses the ‘douceur dans les manières’ of the French (Forbonnais, Elémens du Commerce, II, 320) and emphasises the importance of welcoming foreigners by enabling them to integrate into society with help from people ‘capables de donner aux étrangers une idée juste de nos moeurs & de notre politesse’ (Forbonnais, Elémens du Commerce, II, 320).36 For example, on the fact that the Appendix with additions would be distributed free of charge to those who bought the first edition.37 When explaining why he considered trade to be a science.38 Forbonnais, Elémens du Commerce, n.p.39 François Véron Duverger de Forbonnais, Elementos del Comercio, traducidos en español por don Carlos Le-Maur, ingeniero en segundo, y teniente coronel de los reales exércitos (Madrid, Imprenta de Francisco Xavier García, 1765: i–ii).40 Classical rhetoric captures the reader of a written or oral text, tackling a potentially difficult subject, by building the exordium so as to arouse emotions: see Heinrich Lausberg, Handbook of Literary Rhetoric: A Foundation for Literary Study, edited by David E. Orton and R. Dean Anderson (Leiden, Boston and Cologne, 1998), 127.41 Forbonnais, Elementos del Comercio, ix. For example, both Esquilache and the manteísta procurator of the Consejo de Castilla, Rodríguez Campomanes, did not come from aristocratic families. A manteísta was a ‘Bachelor of law who attended colleges other than the colegios mayores controlled, for the most part, by the Society of Jesus. These students were named after the cloak they wore, which differentiated them from colegiales […] Although the opposition between colegiales and manteístas existed from the seventeenth century in various Spanish universities […] the truth is that until the middle of the eighteenth century the colegiales block, supported by the Jesuits and the aristocracy, controlled the key positions in the administration. The presence of manteístas in the government of the monarchy took centre stage during the reign of Charles III. […] The typical manteísta was especially identified with an anti-collegial, anti-aristocratic, anti-Jesuit, and strongly reformist group within the parameters of Enlightened despotism’, Diccionario de Historia Moderna de España. II. La administración, directed by Enrique Martínez Ruiz (Madrid, 2007), 248 [my translation].42 Forbonnais, Elementos del Comercio, vii.43 Forbonnais, Réflexions sur la nécessité, 280.44 ‘Les loix du duel ne sont point celles de la politique d'un Etat, il lui seroit même bien plus honorable de ne réclamer ses droits qu'avec la certitude de les reprendre, que de précipiter une vengeance incertaine & qui reculeroit peut-être pour long-tems ses effets’. Forbonnais, Réflexions sur la nécessité, 267. Duels were forbidden in Spain by the pragmatic sanction of 9 May 1757.45 Forbonnais, Réflexions sur la nécessité, 285–286.46 In relation to this, in the note on page lxv, Lemaur recalled the translation of the Navigation Act included by Uztáriz in his Tratado de Comercio.47 Forbonnais, Elementos del Comercio, lxxiii.48 See also footnote (b) page 156, concerning the different types of cereals cultivated in France.49 Forbonnais, Elémens du Commerce, I, 160/161.50 Forbonnais, Elementos del Comercio, I, 143. In this case the addition of a note allowed Lemaur to underline the French condescension towards Spain.51 Forbonnais, Elémens du Commerce, I, 332.52 Forbonnais, Elementos del Comercio, I, 239. During the reign of Ferdinand VI the political approach taken by the minister José de Carvajal had been conciliatory towards England, which was seen as a naval power with whom it was judicious to form alliances, such as the 1750 trade treaty. However, Charles III's rise to the throne introduced radical changes in his ministers’ conduct. The Pacte de Famille agreed with France in 1761 involved Spain in the colonial war between France and Great Britain. The unfavourable outcome of the conflict and the oppressive peace agreed in the 1763 Treaty of Paris nurtured a widespread anti-British sentiment which informs the background against which the alterations made by Lemaur to the original text should be interpreted.53 Forbonnais, Elémens du Commerce, 2.54 Forbonnais, Elémens du Commerce, 138.55 On this, see the paper by Antonella Alimento in this journal.56 Cf. Doohwan Ahn, ‘The Anglo-French Treaty of Commerce of 1713: Tory Trade Politics and the Question of Dutch Decline’, History of European Ideas, 36 (2010), 167–180.57 van Dijk, Tekstwetenschap, 60.58 Forbonnais, Elémens du Commerce, II, 218.59 Forbonnais, Elementos del Comercio, II, 185.60 Forbonnais, Elémens du Commerce, II, 73.61 Forbonnais, Elementos del Comercio, II, 63.62 Forbonnais, Elémens du Commerce, II, 300. The implicit reference is to David Hume.63 Forbonnais, Elementos del Comercio, I, 85.64 Forbonnais, Elémens du Commerce, I, 95.65 Forbonnais, Elementos del Comercio, I, 85.66 On the Penal Laws, see Julie Guyot, ‘Comparaison des discours publics de Theobald Wolfe Tone (Irlande) et de Louis-Joseph Papineau (Bas-Canada) sur le lien à la Grande-Bretagne et sur la Constitution. Mémoire présenté comme exigence partielle de la Maîtrise en Histoire. Université du Québec à Montréal’ (2009), 16–19 67 Forbonnais, Elémens du Commerce, II, 336–337.68 Forbonnais, Elémens du Commerce, II. 339.69 Niccolò Guasti, Lotta politica e riforme all'inizio del regno di Carlo III (Florence, 2006), 58.70 See Vicente Rodríguez Casado, ‘La revolución burguesa del XVIII español’, Arbor, 61 (1951), 5–30, and, by the same author, La política y los políticos en el reinado de Carlos III (Madrid, 1962). Cf. also, Pierre Vilar, Hidalgos, amotinados y guerrilleros. Pueblo y poderes en la historia de España (Barcelona, 1982). For a comprehensive overview of the Spanish aristocracy in the eighteenth century see John Lynch, Bourbon Spain 1700–1808 (Oxford, 1989); Concepción de Castro, Campomanes. Estado y reformismo ilustrado (Madrid, 1996) and Maria del Mar Felices de la Fuente, La nueva nobleza titulada de España y América en el siglo XVIII (1701–1746). Entre el mérito y la venalidad (Almeria, 2012).71 However, this alteration by Lemaur might also be explained in politico-social terms. In fact, as early as the sixteenth century, the Spanish government had intervened by passing sumptuary laws regulating the way each social class was allowed to dress. Such initiatives were above all driven by protectionist economic motivations, as can be understood from the comments by Sempere y Guarinos in the Pragmática of 15 November 1723, which was still in force when Lemaur translated the Elémens, albeit without being enforced: ‘Don Gerónimo Uztariz […] expresa las grandes ventajas, que resultarian á España de su cumplimiento, particularmente por las travas, que en ella se ponian á la introduccion de géneros extranjeros, en beneficio de las fábricas nacionales’ (Juan Sempere y Guarinos, Historia del luxo y de las leyes suntuarias de España, t. II (Madrid, Imprenta Real, 1762), 156). Nevertheless, in the social context in which the publication of the Spanish translation of Forbonnais's text took place, fashion also took on political meaning. It is sufficient to recall that the cause of the so-called motín de Esquilache (1766) was the ‘Ley XIII. Prohibicion de usar capa larga, sombrero chambergo ó redondo, montera calada y embozo en la Corte y Sitios Reales. El mismo por bando publicado en Madrid á 10 de marzo de 1766, renovando otros anteriores’ (Los Codigos Españoles concordats y anotados (Madrid, Imprenta de la Publicidad, 1850), 378).72 Forbonnais, Elémens du Commerce, I, 58-59.73 Forbonnais, Elementos del Comercio, I, 54.74 van Dijk, Tekstwetenschap, 62.75 Forbonnais, Elémens du Commerce, I, 93–94.76 Forbonnais, Elementos del Comercio, I, 83.77 The Edict granted freedom of worship in the whole of France, where the Protestants had already settled before 1597; with the Edict of Fontainebleau (1685), Louis XIV revoked the Edict of Nantes and Protestants were persecuted again. This led to a massive emigration to England and its colonies, Germany, Switzerland and the Netherlands, which supported the economy of these countries at the expense of the French.78 As will also be seen in 3.4.2, Lemaur was particularly careful not to offend, and in cases like this even to flatter, Spanish religious sentiment, which was very much alive despite the best efforts of the regalista ministers of Charles III. The Tratado de la regalía e amortización by Rodríguez Campomanes in fact dates back precisely to 1765.79 Forbonnais, Elémens du Commerce, I, 43.80 Forbonnais, Elementos del Comercio, I, 40.81 DAF.82 DAF.83 ‘The Sobrino was a real best-seller of its time. In the eighteenth-century there were two editions in 1705, one in 1721, one in 1734, one in 1744, one in 1751 and one in 1760-1761. After this date it was reissued under the title of Sobrino aumentado, and François Cormon was responsible for the edition’, Alberto Supiot, ‘Un diccionario bilingüe (español-francés, francés-español) del siglo XVIII. El Diccionario Nuevo de Francisco Sobrino’, in Traducción y adaptación cultural España-Francia, edited by María Luisa Donaire and Francisco Lafarga (Oviedo, 1991), 493–502. The Arte de traducir el idioma francés al castellano by Antonio de Capmany was published only in 1776.84 See Joan Bybee, Frequency of Use and the Organization of Language (Oxford, 2006).85 Forbonnais, Elémens du Commerce, I, 88.86 Forbonnais, Elementos del Comercio, I, 79.87 Forbonnais, Elémens du Commerce, II, 328.88 Forbonnais, Elementos del Comercio, II, 274–275.89 Forbonnais, Elémens du Commerce, II, 199.90 Forbonnais, Elementos del Comercio, II, 169.91 ‘Making an element important stylistically is the work of auxesis (Greek) or amplificatio (Latin). Making an element unimportant stylistically is the work of meiosis (Greek) or diminutio (Latin) […] Meiosis […] isolated the tactic of term substitution, ‘when a less word is put for a greater’ (Peacham, 1593, 168). […] The substitution with a lesser term in meiosis should pass unnoticed’: see Jeanne Fahnestock, Rhetorical Style: The Uses of Language in Persuasion (Oxford and New York, 2011), 390–403.92 Forbonnais, Elémens du Commerce, I, 31.93 Forbonnais, Elementos del Comercio, I, 29.94 See George H. Smith, The System of Liberty: Themes in the History of Classical Liberalism (Cambridge: 2013), especially pages 133 to 151, and The Cambridge History of Eighteenth-Century Political Thought, edited by Mark Goldie and Robert Wokler, (Cambridge and New York, 2006), 291–316.95 Forbonnais, Elémens du Commerce, II, 228.96 Forbonnais, Elementos del Comercio, II, 193–194.97 Forbonnais, Elémens du Commerce, I, 197.98 Forbonnais, Elementos del Comercio, I, 177.99 John Lyons, Language and Linguistics: An introduction (Cambridge, 1981), 309.100 In Lemaur's translation non-economic neological formations can also be found, such as ‘hypotesi' (Forbonnais, Elementos del Comercio, xx)—a loan translation of the French ‘hypothèse’ that would enter the RAE dictionary only in 1832—and ‘Semidoctos’ (id., lxviii) which is a translation of Forbonnais's neologism ‘demi-Sçavans’ (Forbonnais, Réflexions sur la nécessité, 278). This word was recorded in Vicente Salvá, Nuevo diccionario de la lengua castellana (Paris, Librería de Don Vicente Salvá, 1846) (SALVA), after a single appearance in Gongora's Romances.101 In those years they occur sporadically in Spanish texts concerning commerce: ‘Exportar’ and ‘Importación’ can be found in Pedro Rodríguez Campomanes, Reflexiones sobre el Comercio Español a Indias, edited by Vicente Llombart Rosa (Madrid, 1988 [1762]); ‘Exportación’ in Juan Enrique de Graef, Discursos mercuriales económico-políticos (Madrid, Imprenta de Agustín de Gordejuela, 1755); ‘Importar’ in Enrique Ramos, Reflexiones de D. Desiderio Bueno sobre el papel intitulado: el trigo considerado como género comerciable (Madrid, Imprenta Real de la Gaceta, 1764). They are probably calques from French, which in turn have been subjected to the influence of English. ‘Exporter’ began to be used in French in the sixteenth century; ‘importer’ exists from the fourteenth century but acquires ‘une vitalité nouv. sous l'infl. de l'angl. to import, terme de comm. «introduire dans un pays une marchandise étrangère» (1548; dès 1508 «introduire quelque part une chose venue de l'extérieur» terme gén. ds NED), lui-même empr. au m.fr. terme de comm. supra et antérieurement ca 1200 soi emporter «s'introduire» (Job, 353, 3 ds T.-L.; v. FEW t. 9, p. 222a, note 6), 1345 soi importer a «se reporter à» (Arch. JJ 77, fol. 8 ro ds GDF)’, Le Trésor de la langue Française Informatisé, (TLFI).102 Esteban de Terreros y Pando, Diccionario Castellano con las voces de ciencias y artes, facsimile edition (Madrid, 1987 [1765–1767]).103 Francisco Mariano Nipho, Estafeta de Londres, y extracto del correo general de Europa’ por D. Francisco Mariano Nipho (Madrid, Miguel Escribano, 1762). La Estafeta de Londres was a publication directed by Nipho comprised of a number of letters that provided news about English customs, and was published in Madrid from September to December 1762. See Yolanda Arencibia, ‘El Correo De Canarias y la Estafeta de Londres, en el diálogo social del Setecientos’, Anuario de Estudios Atlánticos, 50 (2004), 121–153 (126–137). Letter 8 of the Estafeta was dedicated to commerce and navigation.104 The first occurrence of this word can be found in (SALVA) (1846), which defines the word as: ‘El acto y efecto de reexportar’. The same dictionary describes reexportar as: “‘Sacar de un país los géneros introducidos de antemano’.105 François Véron Duverger de Forbonnais, Le Negotiant Anglois, ou traduction libre du livre intitulé ‘The British Merchant’, contenant divers mémoires sur le commerce de l'Angleterre avec la France, le Portugal & l'Espagne. Publié pour la première fois en 1713 (Dresden and Paris, Estienne, 1753). See the TLFI entry ‘reéxporter’.106 Pair politique was at the time a very recent neological formation. Research carried out on the keywords change and pair using the websites of the Gallica and Hathi Trust digital libraries did not reveal occurrences of this expression before Charles Dutot's Reflexions politiques sur les finances et le commerce (La Haye, Vaillant et Nicolas Prevost, 1738), I, 5. Forbonnais used pair politique in the third volume of the Encyclopédie (1753), in his article about exchange. The lexicographical research on ancient dictionaries included in the ARTFL project ‘Dictionnaires d'autrefois’ showed that this phrase could not be found in any repertoire from the eighteenth century or earlier. In fact, the first appearance of pair politique is recorded in Émile Littré, Dictionnaire de la langue française (Paris, Hachette, 1872–1877).107 Forbonnais, Elémens du Commerce, II, 110.108 Forbonnais, Elementos del Comercio, II, 94. The research for keywords conducted in the NTLLE Real Academia Española, Nuevo tesoro lexicográfico de la lengua española could not find any occurrence of the word, much like similar research on the CDH database of the Instituto de Investigación Rafael Lapesa de la Real Academia Española (2013). Corpus del Nuevo diccionario histórico [online], , and on CORDE, Real Academia Española: Banco de datos [online], Corpus diacrónico del español, < http://www.rae.es>. The same result came from the the digital libraries of the Hathi Trust and Biblioteca Digital Hispánica . The unique occurrence I have found querying the database held by Google Books is in Tadeo Lope y Aguilar, Curso de matemáticas para la enseñanza de los caballeros seminaristas del Real Seminario de Nobles de Madrid (Madrid, Imprenta Real, 1794, 539: ‘El par político es quando no se atiende ni al remedio de peso, ni al de ley, y sí solamente á la ley, al peso y al curso de las especies’).109 ‘Chirografaire’ is a word of classical origin which has existed in French since the sixteenth century, and is registered in the Dictionnaire de L'Académie française, 4th ed. (1762), : ‘Chirographaire: qui est créancier en vertu d'un acte sous seing-privé, qui n'est point reconnu en Justice. Créancier chirographaire’.110 Forbonnais, Elémens du Commerce, II, 234.111 Forbonnais, Elementos del Comercio, II, 198.112 Forbonnais, Elementos del Comercio, II, 202.113 In the same years ‘quirógrafo’, with the variant spelling ‘chirógrafo’ can be found in Gregorio Mayans y Siscar, Idea de un diccionario universal egecutada [sic] en la jurisprudencia civil (Valencia, Josef Estevan Dolz, 1768). The first lexicographic appearance of the word is in Esteban de Terreros y Pando, Diccionario Castellano con las voces de ciencias y artes, facsimile edition (Madrid, 1987 [1765–1767]).114 This aspect is made even thornier by the fact that Forbonnais was a great creator of semantic neologisms such as ‘industrie’, ‘population’, ‘patrie’, etc.115 Forbonnais, Elémens du Commerce, I, 63.116 Forbonnais, Elementos del Comercio, I, 58.117 This expression means the opposite of ‘mettre en valeur: ‘On dit pareillement, qu'une terre, qu'une ferme est en valeur, quand elle est bien cultivée, & en état de rapport'er ce qu'elle doit produire. Et en ce sens on dit, mettre, remettre une terre, une ferme, des bois, des vignes en valeur, pour dire, les rétablir en sorte qu'elles rapportent ce qu'elles doivent rapporter’, DAF, 4th ed. (1762) . Forbonnais uses it on page 243, speaking about colonies, and Lemaur translated it with ‘aumentan su cultura’. Forbonnais, Elementos del Comercio, xxxjv.118 The same approach can be found in the translation of ‘surcharge’, Forbonnais, Elémens du Commerce, I, 141 with ‘fatal circumstancia’, Forbonnais, Elementos del Comercio, I, 125.119 Forbonnais, Elémens du Commerce, I, 83.120 Forbonnais, Elementos del Comercio, I, 75.121 Registered in Jean Nicot, Thresor de la langue francoyse, tant ancienne que moderne (Paris, David Douceur, 1606).122 ‘Mercader: El que trata ò comercia con géneros vendibles’. Rae A (1734): Real Academia Española, Diccionario de la lengua castellana (Madrid, Imprenta de la Real Academia Española, por los herederos de Francisco del Hierro, 1734).123 Vicente Salvá, Nuevo diccionario de la lengua castellana (Paris, Librería de Don Vicente Salvá, 1846).124 The academic dictionary records this word only in Rae M (1927): Real Academia Española, Diccionario manual e ilustrado de la lengua española (Madrid, 1927).125 Forbonnais, Elémens du Commerce, I, 84.126 Forbonnais, Elementos del Comercio, I, 75–76.127 It could be found by the sixteenth century in Nicolás de La Mare, Collection formée par Nicolas Delamare sur l'administration et la police de Paris et de la France, Manuscript, f.128 (Gallica, ark:/12148/btv1b9007221b, 1698, and codified in the Dictionnaire de L'Académie française, 5th ed. (1798), .128 Documentary evidence of this expression in the nineteenth century allows to assume its prior use and the possibility of the loss of paper documents in this regard.129 Georg Friedrich Martens and Frédéric Murhard, Traité d'amitié, de navigation et de commerce conclu entre Sa Majesté le Roi de Prusse et les Etats-Unis du Mexique, in Supplément au recueil des principaux traités d'alliance, de paix, de trêve, de neutralité, de commerce, de limites, d'échange etc. conclus par les puissances de l'Europe […] : depuis 1761 jusqu'à présent. Précédé de Traités du XVIIIème siècle antérieurs à cette époque et qui ne se trouvent pas dans le Corps universel diplomatique de Mrs. Dumont et Rousset et autres recueils généraux de traités, (Gottingue, Librairie de Dieterich, 1837), t. 16, 1827–1835, vol. 12, 534–553 (540).130 Both first attested to in Rae A (1734): Real Academia Española, Diccionario de la lengua castellana (Madrid, Imprenta de la Real Academia Española, por los herederos de Francisco del Hierro, 1734).131 Forbonnais, Elémens du Commerce, II, 54.132 Forbonnais, Elementos del Comercio, II, 47.133
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