Artigo Revisado por pares

The Role of State-Sponsored Militias in Genocide

2014; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 26; Issue: 3 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1080/09546553.2012.734875

ISSN

1556-1836

Autores

Ariel I. Ahram,

Tópico(s)

Political Conflict and Governance

Resumo

Abstract This article explains how and why armed, non-state actors collaborate with states to inflict massive levels of violence. Regime type and state capacity interact to provide state elites a menu of repertoires for implementing violence, some emphasizing direct state action, others emphasizing cooperation and alliance between state and armed, non-state actors. Rather than struggling in vain to build strong states to eliminate armed non-state actors and establish a monopoly over the use of force, averting genocide might necessitate recruiting and strengthening the power of indigenous, armed non-state actors. Keywords: conflict resolutiongenocidemass violencemilitiasparamilitaries Acknowledgements The author wishes to thank the participants and organizers of the 2011 "Resisting the Path to Genocide" workshop at the University of Southern California, for which this article was originally prepared. The author also thanks Clark McCauley, Christian Gerlach, Charles King, Marni Lefkowitz Ahram, and the editors of Terrorism and Political Violence for their careful reading and response to earlier drafts of this article. Notes United Nations, Report of the Secretary General to the Security Council on the Protection of Civilians, 9/1999/957 (New York: Author, September 8, 1999); see also Michael Ignatieff, "Intervention and State Failure," in Nicolaus Mills and Kira Brunner, eds., The New Killing Fields: Massacre and the Politics of Intervention (New York: Basic Books, 2002), 236. For purposes of this article, the term "mass" is used to qualify killing and violence only in relation to the number of targets of violence, not the numbers of individuals who perpetrated it. As such, mass killing should be seen as a synonym for genocide or politicide. Irving Louis Horowitz, Genocide: State Power and Mass Murder (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Press, 1976), 18. Omer Bartov, Murder in Our Midst: The Holocaust, Industrial Killing, and Representation (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996), 3–4. Anton Weiss-Wendt, "The State and Genocide," in Donald Bloxham and A. Dirk Moses, eds., Oxford Handbook of Genocide Studies (New York: Oxford University Press, 2010), 100. Daniel Chirot and Clark McCauley, Why Not Kill Them All? The Logic and Prevention of Mass Political Murder (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2006), 19. Max Weber, "Politics as Vocation," in H. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills, eds., From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology (New York: Oxford University Press, 1958), 78 (italics in original). This emphasis on legal force remains central to many contemporary discussions of the state. See Margaret Levi, "The State of the Study of the State," in Ira Katznelson and Helen V. Milner, eds., Political Science: The State of the Discipline (New York: W.W. Norton, 2002), 40; Joel Migdal, State in Society: Studying How States and Societies Transform One Another (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 14–15. R. J. Rummel, Death by Government (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Press, 1997). Michael Mann, The Sources of Social Power, Volume 1: A History of Power from the Beginning to A.D. 1760 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 11. Ariel Ahram, Proxy Warriors: The Rise and Fall of State Sponsored Militias (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2011), 8–11. For a statistical overview, see Sabine C. Carey, Neil J. Mitchell, and Will Lowe, A New Database on Pro-Government Militias, http://www.sowi.uni-mannheim.de/militias/wp-content/uploads/2011/05/Data-Paper.pdf. Mark Mazower, "Violence and the State in the Twentieth Century," American Historical Review 107, no. 4 (2002): 1160. Tim Snyder, Bloodlands: Europe Between Hitler and Stalin (New York: Basic Book, 2010). See also Jan Gross, Neighbors: The Destruction of the Jewish Community in Jedwabne, Poland (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001); Jeffrey Kopstein and Jason Wittenberg, "Deadly Communities: Local Political Milieus and the Persecution of Jews in Occupied Poland," Comparative Political Studies 44, no. 3 (2011): 259–283. Of the 617 cases of attacks on unarmed civilians that claim more than twenty-five lives between 1989 and 2008 recorded in the Uppsala Conflict Data Sets' One-Sided Violence dataset, 403 (65%) were carried out by non-state actors. See Kristine Eck and Lisa Hultman, "Violence Against Civilians in War," Journal of Peace Research, 44, no. 2 (2007): 233–246. Chirot and McCauley, Why Not Kill Them All? (see note 6 above), 92. Francis Fukuyama, State-Building: Governance and World Order in the 21st Century (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2004). Benjamin A. Valentino, Final Solutions: Mass Killing and Genocide in the Twentieth Century (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2004), 3. Stathis Kalyvas, The Logic of Violence in Civil War (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006); See also Alex Alvarez, "Militias and Genocide," War Crimes, Genocide, and Crimes Against Humanity 2 (2006): 1–33. Michael Mann, The Dark Side of Democracy: Explaining Ethnic Cleansing (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005). Christian Gerlach, Extremely Violent Societies (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 3. Ibid., 20. Gerlach recognizes the potential for different causal pathways to mass violence in industrialized vs. non-industrialized societies, as well as between imperialist and internal spheres of killing. Still, in his conclusion (see note 19 above, Chapter 8), Gerlach retreats to the same kinds of structuralist theories he criticizes, concluding that elite-mass conflict and the process of integrating underdeveloped regions into the capitalist world economy were key dynamics contributing to the escalation of violence. Such generality is the only way to account for the Nazi Holocaust on one hand and the destruction of the Australian aboriginals on the other. On nuclear war as genocide, see Martin Shaw, War & Genocide (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2003). Gerlach, Extremely Violent Societies, Chapter 5 (see note 19 above); See also, Anthony James Joes, Resisting Rebellion: The History and Politics of Counterinsurgency (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 2004); and Ian F. W. Beckett, Modern Insurgencies and Counter-Insurgencies: Guerrillas and Their Opponents Since 1750 (New York: Routledge, 2001). Christian Davenport, State Repression and the Domestic Democratic Peace (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007). Neil DeVotta, "The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam and the Lost Quest for Separatism in Sri Lanka," Asian Survey 49, no. 6 (2009): 1021–1051; Robert Rotberg, Creating Peace in Sri Lanka: Civil War and Reconciliation (Washington DC: Brookings Institute Press, 1999), 22–23, 60–61. Charles Tilly, The Politics of Collective Violence (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 45–61; Elisabeth Jean Wood, "The Social Processes of Civil War: The Wartime Transformation of Social Networks," Annual Review of Political Science 11 (2008): 532–561. For an application of repertoire theory to genocide, see Lee Ann Fujii, Killing Neighbors: Webs of Violence in Rwanda (Cornell University Press, 2009). Bertrand M. 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Joost Hiltermann, A Poisonous Affair: America, Iraq, and the Gassing of Halabja (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007); Joost Hiltermann, The Bureaucracy of Repression: The Iraqi Government in Its Own Words (Washington DC: Human Rights Watch, 1994); and Human Rights Watch, Genocide in Iraq: The Anfal Campaign Against the Kurds (Washington DC: Author, 1993). Joel Migdal, Strong Societies and Weak States: State-Society Relations and Capabilities in the Third World (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988), 214–222. Geoffrey Robinson, Dark Side of Paradise (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1995); Robert Cribb, ed., The Indonesian Killings of 1965–1966: Studies from Java and Bali (Clayton: Centre of Southeast Asian Studies, Monash University, 1990). Joel Migdal, Strong Societies and Weak States: State-Society Relations and Capabilities in the Third World (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988), 214–222. Cited in Robison, Dark Side of Paradise (see note 32 above), 296. Ahram, Proxy Warriors (see note 10 above), 16–22, 47–52. Scott Straus, The Order of Genocide: Race, Power, and War in Rwanda (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2006); Gérard Prunier, The Rwanda Crisis: History of a Genocide (New York: Columbia University, 1997). Ibid., 218. Ibid., 219. Straus (see note 36 above) himself concedes that the Rwandan state was "not powerful in the conventional sense," 202. See also Hillel Soifer, "State Infrastructural Power: Approaches to Conceptualization and Measurement," Studies in Comparative International Development 43, nos. 3/4 (2008): 231–251. Straus (see note 36 above), 93. Luke Fletcher, "Turning Interahamwe: Individual and Community Choices in the Rwandan Genocide," Journal of Genocide Research 9, no. 1 (2007): 26. This point is buttressed by Filip Reyntjens' observation (five years before the genocide occurred), that bureaucratic norms in Rwanda remained "poor" and that the "official norms of the central authority—efficiency, integration, unity, and nation-building—meet with resistances that are hard to fight." Filip Reyntjens, "Chiefs and Burgomasters in Rwanda: The Unfinished Quest for a Bureaucracy," Journal of Legal Pluralism 25/26 (1987): 95. Alan Kuperman, "Provoking Genocide: A Revised History of the Rwandan Patriotic Front," Journal of Genocide Research 6, no. 1 (2004): 61–84. Scott quotes a Rwandan military official who notes that one of the reasons for civilian mobilization was that "there was not sufficient military means to cover the country" in the midst of the civil war. James C. Scott, Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998), 218: 711–810. George Moose cited in Samantha Powers, "A Problem from Hell": America and the Age of Genocide (New York: Basic Books, 2002), 348. Cited in Kamil Madhan Ahmad, Kurdistan During the First World War, trans. Ali Maher Ibrahim (London: Saqi Books, 1994), 166. Stanley Cohen, States of Denial: Knowing About Atrocities and Suffering (Malden, MA: Polity Press, 2001), 108–109. Report of the International Commission of Inquiry on Darfur to the United Nations Secretary-General, January 25, 2005, http://www.un.org/News/dh/sudan/com_inq_darfur.pdf. For a comprehensive survey of the treatment of armed non-state actors in international law, see M. Cherif Bassiouni, "The New Wars and the Crisis of Compliances with the Law of Armed Conflict by Non-State Actors," Journal of Criminal Law & Criminology 98, no. 3 (2008): 711–810. Ken Menkhaus, "Governance without Government in Somalia: Spoilers, State Building, and the Politics of Coping," International Security 31, no. 3 (2006/7): 74–106; Mark Bradbury, Becoming Somaliland (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2008). S. Heald, "Controlling Crime and Corruption from Below: Sungusungu in Kenya," International Relations 21 (2007): 183–199. Markus Geisser, "'The Janjaweed' in Darfur: Stakeholders of Conflict and Peace," M.Sc. thesis, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, submitted September 14, 2009. Kimberly Marten, "Warlordism in Comparative Perspective," International Security 31, no. 3 (2006/7): 41–73. Charles King, "Can There Be a Political Science of the Holocaust," Perspectives on Politics 10, no. 2 (2012): 334–335. David Killcullen, The Accidental Guerrilla: Fighting Small Wars in the Midst of a Big One (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009); Katherine Blue Carroll, "Tribal Law and Reconciliation in the New Iraq," Middle East Journal 65, no. 1 (2011): 11–29. "Fixing a Broken World," The Economist, January 29, 2009. Kenneth Menkhaus, "State Fragility as a Wicked Problem," Prism 1, no. 2 (2009): 85–100. James D. Fearon and David Laitin, "Neotrusteeship and the Problem of Weak States," International Security 28, no. 4 (2004): 5–43; Stephen Krasner, "Sharing Sovereignty: New Institutions for Collapsed and Failing States," International Security 29, no. 2 (2006): 85–120. Ramesh Thakur, The United Nations, Peace, and Security: From Collective Responsibility to the Responsibility to Protect (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006). Scott, Seeing Like a State (see note 43 above), 340. Sven Chojnacki and Zeljko Branovic, "New Modes of Security: The Violent Making and Unmaking of Governance in War-Torn Areas of Limited Statehood," in Thomas Risse, ed., Governance Without a State: Policies and Politics in Areas of Limited Statehood (New York: Columbia University Press, 2011), 91. For a minimalist definition of human security, see S. Neil MacFarlane and Yuen Foong Khong, Human Security and the U.N.: A Critical History (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2006). Additional informationNotes on contributorsAriel I. Ahram Ariel I. Ahram is an Assistant Professor in the School of Public & International Affairs at Virginia Tech. He is the author of Proxy Warriors: The Rise and Fall of State Sponsored Militias (Stanford, 2011).

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