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‘Redneck Customs’: race and class at the demolition derby

2012; Routledge; Volume: 32; Issue: 4 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1080/02614367.2012.674153

1466-4496

Susan Falls,

Fashion and Cultural Textiles

Abstract Using data collected from ethnographic research at demolition derbies in New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania, this article focuses on the language used by drivers for car-naming practices in response to epithets routinely associated with rural, working-class whites. Briefly cast into mass consciousness by media coverage of the racialised 2008 US Presidential contest through a focus on the 'Appalachian Belt', the day-to-day experiences of rural working-class whites tend to stay below the news radar. This population, often publicly referred to by terms like 'white trash' or 'rednecks', has also received relatively little scholarly attention. That such language is used unproblematically in the public arena underscores the construction of the working-class white as embodying a complex mixture of racial privilege and class disadvantage. And while emerging studies of whiteness do address 'redneck' as a racialised class category, and research on poor rural Americans is attracting more researchers, studies on leisure activity associated with rural whites is very scarce. But over a million fans attend more than 2000 demolition derby events every year, and as a site where values centred on nationalism, citizenship and class are practiced and critiqued; I use the metaphor of creative destruction to explore the derby as a remarkable model of expressive culture and site of active resistance. Utilizando dados coletados de pesquisa etnográfica em corridas de demolição em Nova York, Nova Jersey e Pennsylvania, este artigo foca no linguajar utilizado por pilotos em práticas de nomeação de carros, em resposta a epítetos costumeiramente associados a brancos trabalhadores rurais. Brevemente lançados na consciência de massa pela cobertura da mídia nas eleições presidenciais racializadas dos Estados Unidos de 2008 através da atenção ao "Cinturão dos Apalaches", as experiências cotidianas de brancos da classe trabalhadora tendem a ficar abaixo do radar da mídia. Essa população, geralmente referida em público por termos como "lixo branco" ou "caipiras", também recebem relativamente pequena atenção escolar. Que tal linguajar seja utilizado de forma não problematizada na arena pública sublinha a construção do trabalhador branco como detentor de uma mistura complexa de privilégio racial e desvantagem de classe. E enquanto estudos emergentes de brancura abordam o "caipira" como uma categoria de classe racializada, e a pesquisa sobre estadunidenses pobres rurais está atraindo mais pesquisadores, os estudos sobre lazer ativamente associados com brancos rurais é muito escasso. No entanto, mais de um milhão de fãs frequentam mais de 2000 eventos de corridas de demolição todo ano, e como um local onde valores centrados em nacionalismo, cidadania e classe são praticados e criticados. Utilizo a metáfora de destruição criativa para explorar a corrida como um modelo notável de cultura expressiva e como um local de resistência ativa. 本文主要侧重于司机, 特别是来自农村地区的蓝领白人, 对于汽车命名的习惯, 文中数据来自于通过对纽约, 新泽西, 宾夕法尼亚地区举办车赛时进行的人种学调查。简要影射了2008年美国总统竞选中的媒体民意调查中的'阿帕拉契造山带', 乡下上班族白领的日常生活逐渐淡出了媒体的视野。这部分人口, 经常被叫做"红脖子"或者"白垃圾", 也受到了学术方面的关注。在公众场合使用这种语言来强调蓝领白人这个阶层时, 糅合了种族优越主义和对其从事职业的蔑视。而且, 当近来兴起的研究将"红脖子"这个词列为种族歧视时, 当关于贫穷的农村地区的美国人吸引了越来越多的关注时, 关于农村白人的研究依旧乏人问津。但是, 每年有超过一百万人参加超过两千场各种车赛, 这是一个爱国主义、公民关系和社会阶层进行实践和辩论的平台; 本文使用了创造型毁灭的暗喻方法来探究车赛是一个显著的表现性文化模型, 也是一种主动抵抗平台。 Keywords: racecountrysidecultureleisurepopular culturerecreation Notes 1. Indeed, photographers like Michael Carlebach have shown that places like the derby are excellent 'sideways' windows into American Culture. See Carlebach (Citation2011). 2. Analysis of FEC data by Center for Responsive Politics/USA Today retrieved from http://www.usatoday.com/news/politics/2007-06-14-carmaker-contributions_N.htm. 3. There are 2.4 million jobs in the private sector attributable to the auto industry and its suppliers, and 4.7 million when all indirect spin-off effects are included. These jobs exist because the industry depends upon steel, aluminium, technology, fabric, rubber, transport and so forth upstream, and repair, parking, highway transport, sales, advertising and salvage and other industry downstream, radiating outwards in multiple directions with varying degrees of intensity (McAlinden et al., Citation2003). 4. Sombart (1863–1941) was a leading economist of the Younger German Historical School of Economics. 5. There are many excellent studies on whiteness – I have listed only a few significant studies. 6. See Halle (Citation1993). 7. Derbies are mostly for men, and women who do it are considered 'tough,' reflected in Jason's remark that, 'Most of these guys out here are in it for the glory, for the rush, although there are some girls out here. There's probably about fifteen girls and sometimes they do a special 'powderpuff' derby, but usually there aren't enough. And when there is a girl out here, we don't take it easy on her. Last time I did that, she about flipped my car over, so they don't get any special treatment.' For more on gender, see Haller (Citation2003).