Passion Miracles and Indigenous Historical Memory in New Spain
2008; Duke University Press; Volume: 88; Issue: 4 Linguagem: Inglês
10.1215/00182168-2008-002
ISSN1527-1900
Autores Tópico(s)Latin American and Latino Studies
ResumoA Catholic chapel stands above the town of Amecameca, built into the top of a tree-covered hill called the Sacromonte. A doorway in the back of the chapel leads to a cave of volcanic rock, where an effigy is located that depicts the deceased, reclining Christ. This Christ in the cave is an image of Santo Entierro, the Holy Sepulcher of Christ, and it is believed to be miraculous. Native leaders in Amecameca helped to establish the site in the 1580s and benefited from their founding of the place throughout the colonial period. Spanish friars and Nahuas had different ideas of what was actually miraculous about the location and the image, and each understanding involved different senses of history. For the original residents, the hill, the cave, the territory around the shrine, and the beneficent human beings who directed the construction of the chapel all played roles in an astonishing moment in the history of the town when the polity miraculously did not perish but, instead, found a place in the new Christian order. In this article, I place the European Catholic tradition of miracle narra tives within the ethnohistorical cultural context of indigenous political, literary, and territorial experiences and show how such marvels acquired uniquely Mexican meanings.When the Franciscan Order arrived in New Spain just three years after the fall of Tenochtitlán to Hernán Cortés, its members brought their devotion to the Passion, believing that miracles of the cross represented the triumph of Christ in the New World. Indigenous leaders and communities soon began to accept Christological symbols and reports of the apparitions of saints in Chalco in their own locally triumphal way. I argue that one cannot understand the whole meaning of colonial Mexican miracles unless they are interpreted in terms of their importance to indigenous territorial and leadership concepts and historical thinking. Where the wondrous events happened and who they happened to were of equal, if not greater, importance as the theological message of apparitions or particular Christian symbolism of objects, which the Franciscans emphasized. The gravitational cultural force that held land, power, and holiness in the orbit of the shrine was cyclical history. I show how this Mesoamerican way of making sense of the past is also displayed in colonial indigenous written traditions such as the títulos primordiales, the maps of the Relaciones geográfícas of 1580, oral histories taken in the Relaciones geográficas del Arzobispado de México, 1743; and the Séptima relación, an early seventeenth-century Nahuatl history by Don Domingo de San Antón Muñón Chimalpahin Quauhtlehuanitzin. The títulos primordiales are written and painted documents that established the preconquest foundations of indigenous towns and their legitimacy as loyally Christian in the postconquest era; they usually included maps of native territories, which were often presented to Spanish authorities as proof of land ownership. Like the ink and painting on these written pages, the physical presence of the hill and its cave in the landscape of Amecameca recorded intergenerational memories of the primordial foundations of the indigenous community in response to contact with Spaniards from the sixteenth though the eighteenth centuries. Miracle narratives were primarily expressions of history, which, like these other genres of communication, highlighted the roles of territory and leadership. This article concludes with the assertion that Franciscan and indigenous historical traditions, rather than being in opposition in the new multiethnic Mexican context, were in fact symbolically unified in the figures of Christ the King and the King of Spain. Methodologically, I arrived at these conclusions through a comparative analysis of Nahuatl sources, Spanish ecclesiastical texts, and a secondary literature on contemporaneous local saint cults in Europe.Unlike many other essays on indigenous religion in colonial Mexico, this article is not directly concerned with Marian devotion or the Virgin of Guadalupe. As this essay shows, images of Christ and indigenous elite protagonists of miracle narratives were very important to colonial society. Native and nonnative Catholics in the regions of Chalco and Mexico City believed that conversion tales which recounted how members of the native nobility first received prodigious images were portentous signs of the universality of the faith, but these “aristocratic” conversion miracles are not well known today. Since independence, the Virgin of Guadalupe story — in which Saint Juan Diego, the humble Indian everyman, received the imprint of the Virgin on his tilma — has become the dominant narrative of Latin American Catholic miracles. Scholars interested in indigenous religion in Mexico have tended to devote much of their attention to the Virgin Mary, especially Guadalupe, and have studied the meaning of Christ symbols surprisingly less.1From the long-term perspective of the Nahuas of Amecameca, whose history spanned the periods before and after conquest, the hill known as the Sacromonte and the land around it were central protagonists in the religious narratives and origin stories of the community. The town of Amecameca is situated southeast of present-day Mexico City in the cool and wet mountains that surround the Valley of Mexico. Towering over the east side of the town of Amecameca are the legendary snow-capped volcanoes Popocatepetl and Iztaccihuatl. In AD 1261 one particular group of wandering Nahuatl-speaking people founded the altepetl (dynastic city-state) of Amecameca at the Sacromonte, populating the fertile agricultural lands between Lake Chalco and the volcanoes. Dynastic rulers called tlahtoqueh (sing. tlahtoani) held power autonomously until the Mexica’s military alliance conquered Chalco in the mid-fifteenth century.2The eastern part of the Valley of Mexico was particularly important in the religion of the pre-Hispanic Nahuas, especially those of the imperial capital of Tenochtitlán. The entire valley was a ceremonial landscape in which people traveled to the hills and mountains to perform a yearly cycle of mobile religious festivals. In the thinking of the pre-Christian people, the valley represented the four-sided cosmos. The eastern quadrant, the direction of rising sun, was the most important side. Mountains, hills, and volcanoes were the raised points on the landscape where human beings could access higher powers on the cosmic map.3 The Nahuas imagined hills to be hollow and full of water. Caves were access points to the underworld and were both dangerous and necessary for human survival. Life-giving water issued from the caves, but the creatures below who let it flow were dangerous and fickle. Waters, hills, and caves also had political connotations. The pre-Hispanic logograph for the dynastic city-state was a hill with a hollowed-out section at the bottom, which is in some instances portrayed as filled with water.4 Volcanoes and mountains in the east were the home of Tlaloc, the goggle-eyed rain god, and his moisture-making minions. As late as the 1970s, in the traditionally Nahua region of Puebla, east of Amecameca, locals reported that a spirit of the mountain called middle-aged men to a huge cavern inside an extinct volcano, where they were given the power to control rain and to stop drought and hail.5There is no written evidence that the Sacromonte was the center of non-Christian religious practices during the colonial period. One source from eighteenth-century Amecameca documents a rainmaking curandero (healer) but does not place the man at the Sacromonte. On February 8, 1769, the cura (priest) of Amecameca reported to the Provisorato de Indios that Manuel Trinidad, known locally as Manuel Mixpan, born in the barrio of Los Reyes in Amecameca but living nearby in San Andrés Mixquic, had repeatedly committed the crime of superstition. At the time of the denunciation, he and the indigenous governor of Mixquic were said to have been living together like brothers. Ma nuel Mixpan was famous throughout the Chalco region as a conjurador de granizo (conjurer of hail), and the local indigenous people described him as a quiauhtlastli (hurler of rain). He had been observed making circles around a rock wall near the chinampas (agricultural plots raised from lakes) when initiating this ritual. Manuel Mixpan was reported to have made various scandalous displays toward the clouds while saying certain words in Nahuatl which witnesses did not understand. The ritual culminated in Mixpan stripping in a theatrical manner and “shaking his flesh” toward the clouds.6 The Sacromonte was a place where indigenous leaders gained spiritual authority; however, as I will discuss here, it was not a location of resistance to Christianity but, instead, an icon of the elite’s political strategy of protective assimilation into the colonial order.For indigenous residents first, and then for the multiracial pilgrims who visited, the holy hill of Amecameca came to represent the hill of Calvary and its cave the tomb of Christ. Starting in the 1530s, the Sacromonte of Amecameca became the origin of the regional complex of devotional sites memorializing the Passion throughout the province of Chalco, including Tlayacapan, where the stone cross miraculously moved in the eighteenth century. From the late sixteenth through the eighteenth centuries, the hill was an important pilgrimage site for indigenous people as well as people of other ethnic groups. In 1743, the site was located within the civil jurisdiction of the town of Nuestra Señora de la Asunción Amecameca, which was legally a subject town of San Luis Obispo Tlalmanalco. The Nahua community in the cabecera (provincial administrative center) most likely made claims over the pilgrimage site, as did its municipal subordinate, Amecameca.The locations of the two towns made them important provincial centers that were economically integrated with Mexico City. Chalco was a major grain supplier to Mexico City. Amecameca and Tlalmanalco were centrally located on the two Royal Roads from Mexico City to the port of Veracruz by way of Puebla. Easy access encouraged visits by commercial travelers from all over central Mexico. The most popular time of year to visit the site was the season of Lent, with events reaching their climax on Good Friday, the Christian solemn remembrance of the crucifixion of Jesus.7 With the eighteenth-century boom in the silver economy, improvements were made in the infrastructure of the Royal Roads so that they were used more often than in the past.8 This created financial opportunities for alms collections coordinated by the community. In 1783, the Archdiocese of Mexico reported that the Indian Confraternity of the Most Holy Sacrament and Holy Sepulcher was collecting more than one thousand pesos per year from visitors.9The province of Chalco was well integrated economically with the urban populations of Mexico City and Tlatelolco. Although Mexico City and Tlatelolco each had separate Indian city councils, which governed the indigenous residents of these conjoining urban areas, politically prominent people from these councils shared devotion to Mary and acted as patrons of two marvelous images of her assumption into heaven. Similar to the leaders of Amecameca, eighteenth-century urban native leaders benefited from devotional tales. In 1580, within the jurisdiction of Tlatelolco, a painting on cloth (lienzo) of Mary rising among angels literally floated into the hands of a noble ancestor who was standing on high ground in a place called Itzayoque during a major flood.10 The painting’s colors remained perpetually fresh and renovated themselves whenever water threatened to damage them. In the legend about Mexico City’s image of the Assumption of Mary called Santa María de la Redonda, an indigenous noblewoman directed some unnamed native male artisans who constructed the effigy, and when the men completed their task they mysteriously disappeared.11 Elite patrons of miraculous images reinforced bonds of extended family and political alliances among regional municipal councils by sharing devotion and patronage of these images. Although the pattern of creating networks was similar in Chalco and in Mexico City and Tlatelolco, the objects of individual leaders’ spiritual affections were regionally distinct.In the eighteenth century, there were 13 major miraculous image sites in the Valley of Mexico and the Toluca Valley that attracted pilgrims who brought prayers, petitions, and alms from Mexico City, Puebla, and other surrounding areas. There were 7 representations of the Passion, Calvary, or Holy Sepulcher of Christ: 4 in Chalco, 1 in Mexicalcinco, and 2 in the Malinalco region of the Toluca Valley.12 The Virgin Mary had a total of 6 miraculous images: 2 in San Juan Mexico City, 1 in Santiago Tlatelolco, 1 in Tacuba, 1 in Texcoco, and 1 in the Villa de Guadalupe.13In a regional pattern of devotion, Mexico City and its environs were distinguished predominantly by devotion to the Virgin Mary. In contrast, communities in the surrounding provinces of Chalco, Mexicalcinco, and the Toluca Valley displayed a clear preference for images that represented various stages of Christ’s Passion, death, and burial.14 One of the earliest colonial miracle sites outside of Mexico City, the Sacromonte of Amecameca, was devoted to the last, painful days of Christ, and the Franciscan Order and its leader in the New World, Fray Martín de Valencia, were instrumental in establishing it in the 1530s.From the perspective of Spanish ecclesiastical authors, the cave located on the Sacromonte was an important symbol of the first evangelization of the indigenous people of New Spain. Historically, Mexico City was the primary source of a triumphal Spanish Catholic interpretation of miracles involving indigenous people that the Franciscan and Dominican orders, based in the capital, brought to nearby provinces such as Chalco.When the first organized evangelizers of postconquest New Spain, known as the Twelve, arrived in Mexico City from Spain in 1524, they brought to the indigenous population their devotion to the Passion of Christ, the final, torturous days of Jesus on earth, which they had helped to popularize in their homeland. Fray Martín de Valencia and another leading member of the order, Pedro de Gante, dedicated their lives to the imitation of Christ (imitatio cristi). This greatly affected the Nahuas’ reception of Christian culture in the sixteenth century and continued to influence styles of belief into the eighteenth century. Fray Toribio Motolinía reported that Martín de Valencia spent much of his time in Mexico on “the meditation and continuous memory of the life and Passion of Our Teacher and Redeemer Jesus Christ.”15 Fray Jerónimo de Mendieta wrote that as a young man living in Spain, Valencia was particularly diligent in fasting, penance, and mortifications of the flesh during Holy Week. When Valencia led the first Franciscan evangelization of Mexico at the age of 50, his enthusiasm for the Passion became the primary way he demonstrated the faith to indigenous people. The friar could not speak Nahuatl and so he showed the Nahuas Christian piety through his austere lifestyle and penitential ways.16In Mexico City at the Franciscan schools for the Nahua elite, the friars hoped to teach the neophytes the basic tenets of the universal church and the rituals which celebrated them, namely Christ’s good works, the Eucharist, suffering, death, and redemption. Devotion to the bloody suffering of Jesus was one of the first ways of conveying these new religious concepts to the indigenous people of New Spain just after their military defeat in central Mexico. In addition to outward rituals of atonement, the Nahuas’ earliest engagement with the symbols of the Passion came through the creative process of artistic production at the first Franciscan school for young indigenous men in New Spain, San José de los Naturales in Mexico City. Some outstanding art came from the workshop of Pedro de Gante’s Escuela de Artes y Oficios at San José de los Naturales. An indigenous artisan (amanteca) or several artisans created the Misa de San Gregorio in the workshop in 1539 and then sent it to Pope Paul III (1534 – 49) as a gift. This finely woven piece of arte plumario is fabricated from feathers of hummingbirds and other birds and portrays three tonsured brothers kneeling before an altar on which Christ stands naked in his tomb. Behind him are the cross and various motifs of the Passion, with each symbol isolated in a style that is evocative of the pictographic writing of early colonial Mexican codices. Although the Misa de San Gregorio is attributed to an anonymous artist, the writing around its border attributes its production to “el gobernador don Diego” in Mexico City, who had been serving under the tutelage of Pedro de Gante.17 The artisans of the school also produced beautiful miters made of colorful feathers, which they exported to Europe in the last half of the sixteenth century. To Pope Pius IV (1559 – 66) they sent one in which Christ hangs on a stylized crucifix with its arms bent like the branches of a tree, surrounded by the symbols and instruments of his suffering.18By the 1580s and 1590s the cult of the Passion had become very popular among the indigenous people of Mexico City and had spread to the rural province of Chalco through the work of the Franciscan and Dominican orders. Contemporary Franciscans wrote of the great penitential processions, theater, and the establishment of cofradías (confraternities or lay religious brotherhoods) in Mexico City, Tlatelolco, and neighboring Coyoacán during this period.19 In Chalco during the 1580s, two images of Christ received recognition as miraculous images: the Santo Cristo de Totolapan in Tlayacapan, and the Santo Entierro effigy at Martín de Valencia’s hermitage in Amecameca.The Sacromonte had gained recognition as a Christian religious site throughout the sixteenth century through stories of visions that Fray Martín de Valencia received there from 1533 until 1534.20 The stories of Fray Martín’s miracles at the Sacromonte, which are contained in Franciscan historical accounts by Jerónimo de Mendieta, Juan de Torquemada, and Augustín de Vetancurt, clearly mimicked European traditions, especially stories about Saint Francis’s meditations on the cross in his cave above Assisi. From the Franciscan monastery in Tlalmanalco, Fray Martín traveled to Amecameca, where saints Francis and Anthony appeared to him as he spent days at a time in penance in the cave on the Sacromonte. Echoing the story of Saint Francis and his sermon to the birds, Valencia meditated on the Passion of Christ as birds flocked into a large tree on the hill and sang in harmony. Fray Martín even raised from the dead a Nahua boy from Tlalmanalco. Finally, after Fray Martín died while traveling from Chalco to Mexico City, many witnesses saw that his body, entombed in the monastery of Tlalmanalco, was uncorrupted.21 Franciscan authors made a series of parallels between their order’s namesake and founder and the deeds of their famous leader in New Spain.22In 1554 the Dominican order established a doctrina (a parish for neophyte Christians) in Amecameca near the Sacromonte, while the Franciscans continued to be a presence in their sanctuary on the hill.23 By 1567 a controversy raged in Amecameca regarding the location of Fray Martín’s robes and his body, prompting the arrival of a delegation from Mexico City that questioned the indios principales and the friars. The investigators were amazed to discover the body in a state of perfection. Although Franciscans, Dominicans, and high ecclesiastical officials in Mexico City believed in the veracity of these signs of sanctity, a papal bull of 1580 censured the rumors of Valencia’s uncorrupted body.24 The suppression of the Franciscan order’s campaign to sanctify Fray Martín corresponded to the decline of the order’s influence in New Spain. However, both Torquemada and Vetancurt lauded the work of Dominican friar Juan Páez in continuing the religious movement that Fray Martín had led. Despite the papal censure of 1580, Páez continued to advance the notoriety of the Sacromonte and Fray Martín. Torquemada reports that when he first arrived in Amecameca with others from the Dominican convent in Mexico City in 1584, the men set out to locate and collect Valencia’s robe and discovered that the Nahuas had kept it as a holy relic because they believed it to ward off pestilence. Páez confiscated the robe from an unnamed Indian who had kept it hidden in his home. The Dominicans also discovered Fray Martín’s tunic and silicio (penitential belt). Fray Juan Páez and his brothers created the famous chapel within the Sacromonte cave in 1584, placing the Christ effigy inside and locking Fray Martín’s relics up in an iron case at his feet.25In Torquemada’s and Vetancurt’s histories, the Nahuas play only a secondary role in advancing the cult, however. They are referred to only as “indios” or “indios principales,” with no mention of their names, and, indeed, they are perceived to be untrustworthy keepers of Valencia’s relics and his exemplary imitatio christi.26 The Franciscan authors as well as the Dominican seekers of relics were clearly suspicious of the indigenous people who shared their commitment to the idea of Fray Martín’s sanctity. Torquemada does not mention the presence of the indigenous elite at the Dominicans’ construction of the chapel in 1584, as does Chimalpahin, the early seventeenth-century Nahua annalist from Amecameca.27During the sixteenth through eighteenth centuries, Nahuas generally did not write devotional narratives in Nahuatl about miraculous events that allegedly occurred on the soil of New Spain.28 There are, however, abundant Spanish-language sources from the eighteenth century on the indigenous elite’s claims of proprietorship of the Sacromonte. Eighteenth-century archival records, interpreted in conjunction with the annals of Chimalpahin, show that the cave was a powerful political symbol of indigenous local rule throughout the colonial period. In Séptima relación, Chimalpahin, a Nahua man who was not a member of any official religious order, describes in Nahuatl the miracle of the making of the Sacromonte site. The climactic moment in Chimalpahin’s treatment of the Sacromonte is the creation of the chapel in 1584, which he describes as a miraculous event. An analysis of his Nahuatl text explains how an indigenous historical assimilation process was at work in which the people of Amecameca transformed the site into more than just a copy of European Calvary shrines.Whereas the Franciscan historians had ignored the actions of the indigenous elite, in the Séptima relación Chimalpahin downplays the role of the friars in creating the chapel. Rather than attempting to prove that Valencia was a New World Saint Francis, as some of his compatriots did, Chimalpahin focuses on the political and social importance of the indigenous and Spanish personalities in attendance at the marvelous tomb in 1584. The miracles are found in the collective human transformations that took place inside the cave. Members of the Chalco elite are cast as central protagonists in the astonishing event in which they transformed Fray Martín’s penitential cavern into a chapel and became active patrons of local religious culture in Amecameca. While the native leaders certainly revere the friars as great teachers, they do not simply surrender to a triumphal Catholic faith. Indigenous rulers from Amecameca extended their patronage to the friars in order to attract them to the locale in the interests of demonstrating autonomous political authority.Chimalpahin memorializes the arrival of Martín de Valencia in Amecameca, as do the Franciscan histories, but unlike the friars’ stories, the posthumous creation of the cave chapel in 1584 makes the friar’s arrival in the 1530s significant. When the Nahua historian first mentions Martín de Valencia’s penitence at the cave it is in the context of later events that involve the leaders of Amecameca. We are informed that Juan Páez would later adorn Valencia’s cave, and that, in Chimalpahin’s time, “this is where today the Holy Sepulcher of Our Lord Jesus God is, where every Good Friday they have interred him and he has been resurrected every Easter Sunday.”29 In addition to varying temporal orientations, there are also noticeable differences in the accounts regarding what exactly was miraculous about the place. In comparison to the Franciscan histories, Chimalpahin does not report the appearance of saints Francis and Anthony. He does mention the birds, but instead of roosting in a tree, as Torquemada wrote, they land on Martín de Valencia’s hands and shoulders. In this respect Chimalpahin copied the pious tradition of Saint Francis of Assisi, with one important difference: this Francis in Mesoamerica preached to hummingbirds.30In his brief mention of Fray Martín de Valencia’s ascetic life in the hills overlooking Amecameca, Chimalpahin conveys that the first miracle in the cave was the teacher’s choice of Amecameca as the rightful place to lead an exemplary life. Chimalpahin does not obscure the fact that it was a mortal, Valencia’s successor Juan Páez, who brought the sacred image to the shrine above Amecameca. But regardless of the human origins of the image’s arrival, the author still attributed to the object a special kind of power. In the following passage, Chimalpahin recounts the events surrounding the arrival in 1584 of the Dominican friar Juan Páez, who gathered Valencia’s relics and searched for signs of his sanctity in the area. Páez and three officials placed the Santo Entierro image in the cave, thus encouraging people to come to the chapel:Nahuatl terms for saint images and miracles indicate that Chimalpahin did not view the extraordinary events as strictly otherworldly. The miraculous occurrences were political and educational. For example, – (i)xiptlatl (this usage with reverential – tzin), which is usually translated as “image” (Spanish imagen), has the connotation of “substitute.” In the passage it is in the possessive form so that it signifies “his substitute” or “his image.” “His” refers to Christ. The verb is related to the Nahuatl verb that Fray Alonso de Molina translated as “to attend in the place of another [asistir en lugar de otro].”32 The Real Academia Española’s dictionary of 1728 ascribed various ceremonial connotations to the verb asistir (to attend), so that it could mean to be in attendance at a solemn public function, to attend to someone’s needs, or to serve someone.33 This suggests that Chimalpahin was making the ontological distinction between the image and the person, Christ, for which the image is a substitute. Apparently Chimalpahin did not conflate the worship of the thing with that which they were worshipping. At least from his point of view, such veneration of an image was not idolatry. Religious images were useful things that served public functions of celebrating the presence of a higher power.Another vital Nahuatl word in the passage is tlamahuiçoltlachihualiztica, which I have translated as “by means of miraculous deeds.”34 The root word of Chimalpahin’s phrase is tlachihualli and it means “something made or created.” Tlamahuiçolli, which literally means “awe” or “wonder” (Spanish milagro), modifies the core word. The most famous use of tlamahuiçolli can be found in the title of Luis Laso de la Vega’s classic of Marian devotion, Huei Tlamahuiçoltica. The work has become known by the title of the main narrative, Nican Mopohua, which tells of Juan Diego’s reception of the cloak with the famous image of the Virgin Mary on it. The literal translation of huei tlamahuiçoltica is “by a great miracle,” referring to the transference of Mary’s image onto Juan Diego’s cloak.35 There were many other Nahuatl words based on the root tlamahuiçolli that pertained to the marvelous quality of an object, or simply something that adorned an object.36 Hence, tlamahuiçolli did not necessarily mean the kind of “magical” occurrences outside of the order of nature that one associates with Christian miracles. It can simply describe some object that inspires wonder because of its beauty and adornment. The essential meaning of the entire phrase in the context of the passage is that human beings had a hand in giving the place the mystique of something at which one wondered.Was Chimalpahin stepping outside of the European Catholic tradition in his conception of the miraculous? His chosen word – (i)xiptlatl can be found in Fray Alonso de Molina’s Nahuatl-Castilian dictionary of 1571; and we can assume that the church approved of this usage.37 The Spanish word invención, found in ecclesiastical texts, was employed when the publicized existence of a miraculous image provided a large number of people with a powerful moral example.38Tlamahuiçoltlachihualiztica has a similar meaning to invención, but the Spanish term is not found in the Franciscan histories of the Sacromonte. While the two terms are analogous, the Nahuatl word that Chimalpahin employs places more emphasis on the role that human beings played in making the image known, as though they were moved in miraculous ways to act.The wondrous event inspired one of the indigenous attendees to assume a new name, which was a politically significant act that had a lasting effect throughout the colonial period. One of the nobles (pipiltin) of Amecameca who was serving as dynastic ruler (tlahtoani) in 1584 took the patronym “Páez,” the surname of Martín Valencia’s successor. The newly named Don Felipe Páez de Mendoza was the highest indigenous official in Panohuayan, which was an altepetl tlayacatl (component altepetl) of the larger altepetl o
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