The Continental Origins of Wealden Ironworkers, 1451–1544
1981; Wiley; Volume: 34; Issue: 4 Linguagem: Inglês
10.1111/j.1468-0289.1981.tb02017.x
ISSN1468-0289
Autores ResumoThe Economic History ReviewVolume 34, Issue 4 p. 524-539 The Continental Origins of Wealden Ironworkers, 1451–1544 BRIAN G. AWTY, BRIAN G. AWTY British Libray of Political and Economic ScienceSearch for more papers by this author BRIAN G. AWTY, BRIAN G. AWTY British Libray of Political and Economic ScienceSearch for more papers by this author First published: November 1981 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0289.1981.tb02017.xAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onEmailFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat References 1 D. W. Crossley, ‘ The English Iron Industry 1500–1650: The Problem of New Techniques’, In H. Kellenbenz, ed. Schwerpunkte der Eisengewinnung und Eisenverarbeitung in Europa, 15007650 ( Köln , 1974), p. 24. Google Scholar 2 M. A. Lower, ‘Historical and Archaeological Notices of the Iron Works of the County of Sussex’, Sussex Archaeological Collections (hereafter SAC), II (1849) p. 186. But evidence of German participation is almost entirely lacking before 1566. Google Scholar 3 Publications of the Huguenot Society of London, viii (1893). Google Scholar 4 R. Jenkins, ‘ The Rise and Fall of the Sussex Iron Industry’, Transactions of the Newcomen Society , 1 (1920–1), p. 19. Rhys Jenkins's words represent the closest definition of place of origin so far offered. Schubert regressed from this and implied that a very wide area, extending from Brittany to Belgium, was drawn on. His only suggestion as to place of origin—that Leonard Callis might have been a native of Calais—appears incorrect. Callis was almost certainly English born and his use of the alias Roberdes suggests that he was related to Pieter Roberdes (Grama Pierre), the ironfounder of Newbridge. See H. R. Schubert, History of the British Iron and Steel Industry from c. 450 B.C. to A.D. 1775 (1957), pp. 158, 168. Google Scholar 5 E. Straker, Wealden Iron (1931), p. 363. Google Scholar 6 The lay subsidy rolls mentioned will be given individual citations. The P.R.O. reference to the series is E[xchequer] 179. Google Scholar 7 This document is among the archives of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster (W.A.M. 12262) and I am indebted to the Librarian, Mr Howard Nixon, for making me welcome on a large number of visits. The roll is dated I July 1544 and is particularly rich in the personal details it records. The two rolls among the Chancery records are very much less useful: the roll of 14 April 1541 (P.R.O. C 67. 72) gives nationality of the alien, length of residence in England and states whether wife was English or alien, but records very few ages and no other details at all; the roll of 11 July 1544 (P.R.O. C 67. 73) duplicates most of the names in the Westminster roll, but is merely a list of names and amounts paid. Google Scholar 8 For relevant extracts see Wealden Iron: Bulletin of the Wealden Iron Research Group, No. 16 (1979), pp. 3–11. Google Scholar 9 East Sussex Record Office (hereafter E.S.R.O.), Accession 1745 (unlisted)—Westalls Booke of Robertisbrydge pro anno 38° R. H. VIII.. Google Scholar 10 P.R.O. E 179. 190/191. Google Scholar 11 Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, 1544, pt. I, no. 936 and pt. II, no. 332. Google Scholar 12 P.R.O. E 179. 190/233. Google Scholar 13 As 10 above. Google Scholar 14 P.R.O. E. 179. 190/233, 239, 244, and 247. Google Scholar 15 The Sidney ironworks accounts show that charcoal production was an operation carried on almost exclusively by immigrant personnel in the 1540s and 50s. This is only one indication that, as was the case with the migration of Walloon ironworkers to Sweden in the following century (K.-G. Hildebrand, ‘Das schwedische Eisen, 1500–1650’, In Kellenbenz, ed. Schwerpunkte, p. 8), the new method of iron smelting brought with it charcoal specifications that could not be met by native charcoal burners. Google Scholar 16 Since there are no returns which cover all the ironworking areas of Kent between 1543 and 1572, the lower figures of the period 1549 to 1552 are an estimate, based on the fact that a works of Thomas May in West Barnfield hundred cannot be proved to have continued after 1543 and that the furnace at Cowden cannot be proved to have started as early as 1552. The table is based as follows: P.R.O. E 179. 190/239 and 247 (County of Sussex, 1550 and 1552); 190/191, 237, 242, and 265 (Pevensey rape 1543, 1549, 1551 and 1560); 190/233, 244 and 266 (Hastings rape 1549, 1551 and 1560—there is no return for 1543); 190/235, 246, and 274 (Lewes rape 1549, 1551, and 1560); 190/268 (Bramber rape 1560); E 179. 124/259, 262 and 268 (Kent for 1543); 126/334 and 336 (Kent for 1550—no return for Sutton at Hone lathe at this period); 126/391 and 393 for 1560 and 1563 (no returns for Aylesford and Scray lathes); E 179. 185/262 (1551), 265 (1552), 281, and 285 (1559) for Surrey. Google Scholar 17 Perhaps 30 might be a reasonable assessment of the numbers before 1500, who together with dependants might have numbered around 50 persons all told. In the figure the early migrants are supplemented by two entries indicated by broken lines: 1492. Peter Cutting. Born Bewsawe (Beaussault). Aged 66. In England 52 years. Married and has 6 children, English born. 1494. Lambert Symar. Born in Normandy. In England 50 years. Married to an English wife and has 9 children. Iron worker. With my lady of Rutland. Cutting is listed alongside identified ironworkers in the roll and his statement that he was born at Beaussault (see later for this French ironworks) is almost certain confirmation of his occupation. Symar is included though by 1544 he was no longer employed in Sussex (Schubert, History, App. vii). Google Scholar 18 Since new immigrants are less likely to have applied for denization than those established longer, there is a possibility that the immigration of the last few years before 1544 is understated. But this can hardly apply to the early 1530s. Google Scholar 19 Calendar of the Patent Rolls, Edward VI, 111, pp. 248–52; W. D. Cooper, ‘Protestant Refugees in Sussex’, SAC xiii (1861), 180–208. Google Scholar 20 Simon Tyler (aged 20) and Robert Tyler (age unknown) arrived in 1524, Robert's son Nicholas (aged 12—for relationship see E.S.R.O. Lewes Archdeaconry Probate Register A3, fo. 225) in 1526, Quintin (17) in 1531 and Anthony Tyler (age unknown) in 1534. Thomas and Vincent Deprowne (age unknown) arrived in 1524, followed by Valentine Deprowne (1) in 1529. Google Scholar 21 P.R.O. E 179. 190/283 (1572); the other rolls are cited above in Note 16 as for county of Sussex and Hastings rape. Google Scholar 22 J. Cornwall, ed. The Lay Subsidy Rolls, 1524–5 (Lewes, 1956). Since this subsidy embraced wage earners as well as owners of goods and lands, it is much more comprehensive than any of the later subsidy rolls of the period, and has almost the characteristics of a poll tax. Consequently it is a very complete record of male aliens in Sussex. The defective parts include Rushmonden hundred where alien ironworkers settled in large numbers. Google Scholar 23 Calendar of Assize Records: Sussex Indictments: Elizabeth I [and James I] (1975). Google Scholar 24 E. N. Hartley, Ironworks on the Saugus (Norman, 1957). See the index for the names Leonard, Pray, Pinion, Russell, Tyler, and Vinton among the workforce, a clear indication of the French ancestry of many of the specialist ironworkers in the first ironworks in the American colonies. B. G. Awty, ‘French Immigrants and the Iron Industry in Sheffield’, Yorkshire Archaeological Journal, LIII (1981), forthcoming. Google Scholar 25 Hartley, Ironworks, pp. 202–14. Google Scholar 26 A. Raistrick, Dynasty of Ironfounders: the Darbys and Coalbrookdale (1953), pp. 32–3. Salop Record Office, Madeley Parish, Register of births (sic) I Oct. 1696—report of birth of a female child to John and Anne Tyler by Elizabeth Gotier, the grandmother. Google Scholar 27 H. R. Schubert, ‘Early Refining of Pig Iron in England’, Transactions of the Newcomen Society, xxviii (195153), p. 60. The reference is to an affineur de fer at Jouet-sur-l'Aubois, in Berry, 1402, and is from Archives Nationales, JJ 157, no. 254. Google Scholar 28 B. Gille, Les origines de la grande industrie métallurgique en France (Paris, 1947), pp. 8, 16. Google Scholar 29 R. Sprandel, Das Eisengewerbe im Mittelalter ( Stuttgart , 1968), p. 127 and note. However, cartographic evidence suggests that the Folleville in question was near Thiberville, north of the pays d Ouche. The mines lay between Folleville and Basmlle, but Carte de France 1/50 000 Sheet XXI-11 (Gournay) indicates no such place as Basmlle in the vicinity of Folleville near Gournay. On Carte de France 1/50 000 Sheet XVIII-12 (Brionne) will be found Barville, lying 2 km. west of Folleville. The place names Les Forgettes and La Martellerie between I and 2 km. south-west of Barville seem to confirm this identification. Google Scholar 30 M. Nortier, ed. Inventaire des rôles de fouage el d'aide. 4 série. Roles de fouage paroissiaux de 1461 à 1497 (Nogent-sur-Marne, 1976), passim. I wish to thank M. Nortier for his help on my visit to the Bibliothèque Nationale, and in particular for supplying unpublished references. I am very grateful to the Historical Metallurgy Society for financial assistance towards my visit to record repositories in Paris, Beauvais, and Rouen. Google Scholar 31 J. Vidalenc, La petite métallurgie rurale en haute Normandie sous l'ancien régime (Paris, 1946), p. 34. Google Scholar 32 J. Sion, Les paysans de la Normandie orientate ( Paris , 1909), p. 105. For a more detailed geological study see A. de Lapparent, Le pays de Bray ( Paris , 1879). Google Scholar 33 G. Bois, Crise du féodalisme (Paris, 1976), pp. 135–6, 150, 152, 281. Google Scholar 34 Archives Départementales (hereafter A.D.) Oise, H 7541 (14). Google Scholar 35 G. H. Quignon, Fondeurs et ferroniers liégeois en Beauvaisie xve, xvie siècles, Société Académique d'Archéologie, Science et Arts du Département de l'Oise. Compte rendu des seances (1901), p. 15—Les ouviers se disent dans les actes fondeurs, marteleurs, affineurs, férons. Henry Laffineur had the Le Becquet works at the end of the fifteenth century, ibid, p. 12. The Précis statistique sur le canton d'Anneuil (1831), p. 108 mentions Simon Dufour foundeur en fer of Le Becquet (1568). A track leading to Sorcy in the iron mining area is still called chemin des Fondeurs.. Google Scholar 36 Précis statistique , pp. 107–8. Quignon, ‘Fondeurs et ferroniers’, p. 13. See also F. Braudel, Civilisation matérielle, économie et capitalisme, XV e—XVIIIesiècle (Paris, 1979), t. I p. 333.That the Le Becquet mill was a forge is an inference based on the fact that Pierre le Fondeur was engaged at both works, whilst Henry le Marteleur was mentioned only at Le Becquet. From its omission of reference to Henry le Marteleur and from its reference to the construction of a saut d'eau it can be inferred that Braudel's source refers to the furnace, whilst the date vers 1450 shows that construction was much before 1465, in fact contemporary with the forge. Google Scholar 37 V. Leblond and J. Tremblot, eds. Documents notaries, relarifs à l'histoire économique du Beauvaisis et du Vexin français; extraits des minutes de Chaumont-en-Vexin, 1459–1505, etc. (Paris, 1927), nos. 9, 119, 120, 126, 129, 133, 311, 357; the moulin de la Forge is downstream and La Fonderie upstream from Le Vaumain. For Rainvillers see A. D. Oise, G 810 (BM 231). Google Scholar 38 M. Coffin, Promenade géographique, historique, touristique du pays de Bray (Forges-les-Eaux, 1977), p. 75. M. Coffin's information is based on manuscript notes by Cyprien Riden (1858–1952) now in the Archives Départementales at Rouen. Google Scholar 39 J. B. D. Cochet, Repertoire archéologique du Département de la Seine Inférieure (Paris, 1871), col. 262. Google Scholar 40 A similar form, le Beauvoisin, is found in French usage of the period. Google Scholar 41 Pesuys might also possibly be identified as Puisenval, to the north of Bray, or Puiseux-en-Bray, to the south-east of Gournay, though the latter is not in Normandy, but in the Beauvaisis. Google Scholar 42 J. Bunel, Géographie du Départment de la Seine Inféneure Rouen, 1875, pt. I (Neufchätel), p. 115; Quignon, ‘ Fondeurs et ferroniers’, p. 15. Google Scholar 43 Quignon, ‘Fondeurs et ferroniers’, p. 12. Google Scholar 44 G. Procacci, Classi sociali e monarchia assoluta nella Francia della prime metà del secolo XVI ( Torino , 1955). p. 77.Bois, Crise , p. 147. Google Scholar 45 H. Kellenbenz, ‘ Europaisches Eisen; Produktion, Verarbeitung, Handel’, In Kellenbenz, ed. Schwer-punkte, p. 426. Google Scholar 46 For instance, a Beauvais merchant, Thomas de Canonne, allowed his name to be used for the purchase and rebuilding of the furnace at Sougland, near Hirson, in 1545, but he was careful to stipulate that all the charges involved were at the expense of Antoine Varlet of Buire, the forgemaster (E. Coyecque, ed. Recueil d'actes notariés relatifs à l'histoire de Paris el de ses environs au xviesiècle (Paris, 1905–24), t. 2, nos. 5315–6). Google Scholar 47 Procacci, Classi sociali, pp. 125–33. Google Scholar 48 Ibid. pp. 73–91.Bois, Crise , pp. 339–42, Sion, Les paysans, pp. 200–2, 210, 220–3. Google Scholar 49 Sion, Les paysans, pp. 246–8. Sion's account relates to a later period but V. Leblond, ed. Documents relatifs à l'histoire éconamique de Beauvais el du Beauvaisis au xviesiècle extraits des minutes notorieties (Paris, 1925), no. 281 shows that Beauvais butchers were already acquiring pasture near Gournay in 1549. Google Scholar 50 Bois, Crise, p. 332. Google Scholar 51 Ibid. pp. 335–6. Google Scholar 52 Ibid. p. 77. Google Scholar 53 Procacci, Classi sociali, pp. 22–3, 36. Google Scholar 54 The map prepared by Bertrand Gille for the International Colloquium ‘Le fer à travers les âges’, Nancy, 1955, showed eight blast furnaces at the end of the fifteenth century, 13 in the sixteenth century, 19 in the seventeenth century (A. Gillard, L'industrie du fer dans les localités du comté de Namur et de l'entre-Sambre-et-Meuse de 1345 à 1600 ( Bruxelles , 1971), p. 55). Pierre Léon comments on the weakness of the French iron industry in this period in ‘Reflexions sur la sidérurgie française à l’époque ante-Colbertienne’, In Kellenbenz, ed. Schwerpunkte, p. 112. Google Scholar 55 Quignon, ‘Fondeurs et ferroniers’, p. 13. Google Scholar 56 Ibid. p. 13. In 1545 Thomas de Canonne (see note 46) was resident at Hirson and may have been connected in some way with this move. Further evidence is alluded to, but not cited, in the Precis statistique (p. 108). Google Scholar 57 For Bellencombre see Cochet, Répertoire archéologique, col. 9. For Beaussault see Vidalenc, La petite métallurgie, p. 34n. A cast iron fire-back in the museum at Neufchâtel is dated 1669. More than 100 fire-backs were retrieved from the rubble of the town after its destruction in 1940. However, no mention of an iron industry in Bray is made in the reports of the Intendants of Rouen at the end of the seventeenth century (Sion, Les paysans, pp. 166). Google Scholar 58 M. Mollat, Le commerce maritime normand à la fin du moyen âge (Paris, 1952), pp. 136, 139, 142. Google Scholar 59 Sir Charles Oman, A History of the Art of War in the Sixteenth Century (1937), p. 286. Google Scholar 60 J. A. Williamson, Maritime Enterprise, 1485–1558 (Oxford, 1913), pp. 375–88. The less complete interruption of trade in 1523 is remarked on by Mollat, but note that the interval between 1514 and the compilation of the Westminster roll is 30 years, so that lack of immigrants in 1513 could be caused by a rounding down of xxxi to xxx years of residence. Similar rounding in the 1520s could be suggested—three of the four immigrants recorded for 1523 come from the roll of 1541 and only one from that of 1544. Google Scholar 61 Figures based on G. Hansotte, La métallurgie wallonne au XVIe et dans la premiere moitié du XVIIe siècle, In Kellenbenz, ed. Schwerpunkte, pp. 126–46, and on Gillard, L'industrie du fer, pp. 54–5. Google Scholar 62 J. Pettitt, ‘Aliens in Wealden Iron Districts, 1524–5’, Wealden Iron: Bulletin of the Wealden Iron Research Group , No. 4 (1972), pp. 11–14; J. Cornwall, ‘Sussex Wealth and Society in the Reign of Henry VIII’, SAC, 114 (1976), p. 22. Google Scholar 63 B. G. Awty and C. B. Phillips, ‘The Cumbrian Bloomery Forge in the Seventeenth Century and Forge Equipment in the Charcoal Iron Industry’, Transactions of the Newcomen Society—forthcoming. Hartley, Ironworks, pp. 272–305. Google Scholar 64 D. W. Crossley, Sidney Ironworks Accounts, 1541–1573 (1975), p. 24. Help with hearth laying continued even when the regular founder (Warnett Geratt) was an immigrant (ibid, p. 109n.). Google Scholar 65 Crossley, ‘The English Iron Industry’, p. 18. Google Scholar 66 Cf. J. Thirsk, Economic Policy and Projects (Oxford, 1978), pp. 25–6. Google Scholar 67 Straker, Wealden Iron, p. 150. Google Scholar Volume34, Issue4November 1981Pages 524-539 ReferencesRelatedInformation
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